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00:00 Um,

00:01 well,

00:01 welcome everybody.

00:02 Uh,

00:02 good morning,

00:03 good afternoon,

00:03 good evening.

00:04 Uh,

00:04 my name is Dion Filmer.

00:05 I'm the director of the World Bank's Development Research Group.

00:08 Um,

00:09 uh,

00:09 it's my pleasure to welcome you to this

00:11 June edition of our policy research talk series.

00:13 Um,

00:14 these talks provide us an opportunity to present work

00:16 coming out of the World Bank's research department,

00:19 uh,

00:19 with the goal of sharing the findings with colleagues inside and

00:22 outside the department along with others outside the World Bank.

00:25 That I'd like to welcome our online audience,

00:27 both on Webex as well as YouTube.

00:30 Um,

00:31 today,

00:31 my colleague,

00:32 Tristan Reid,

00:33 who's an economist in the macroeconomics and growth team.

00:37 We'll discuss the responses of multilateral organizations,

00:40 uh,

00:40 in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic.

00:44 The talk will draw on 5 research papers

00:46 that Tristan completed with co-authors during the pandemic,

00:49 although we're still ongoing.

00:51 Uh,

00:51 including a synthesis article that is forthcoming

00:53 in the Oxford Review of Economic Policy.

00:56 Um,

00:56 he'll be highlighting successes,

00:58 misunderstandings,

00:59 and lessons learned,

01:00 and then Tristan will reflect on

01:02 how multilateral institutions can more effectively respond to

01:05 future public health emergencies of international concern.

01:09 Uh,

01:09 Tristan's research is generally focused on topics

01:11 in industrial organization relevant to public policy.

01:15 Alongside his research activities,

01:16 he's served World Bank clients in Africa and Asia in particular,

01:20 with a focus on developing strategies to

01:22 achieve structural transformation through export diversification.

01:26 As you can tell,

01:27 he has a diverse set of interests,

01:28 although there's a common thread to everything.

01:31 Um,

01:31 we're extremely grateful to have Michael Kent Ranson as our discussion today.

01:35 Uh,

01:35 Michael is a senior economist in the Health GP,

01:38 a global practice,

01:39 based in the World Bank office in Geneva.

01:42 He is the World Bank's focal point for engagement with GAI and COAs,

01:46 who've been big players in the COVID-19 pandemic,

01:49 uh,

01:49 era,

01:50 of course,

01:51 and has served as Gavi Bo alternate and on

01:53 the GAVI Program and Policy Committee since 2018.

01:58 He's part of the team that developed a new

01:59 mechanism that allows countries to use World Bank financing

02:02 to purchase COVID-19 vaccines beyond the fully donors

02:06 subsidized doses they are already receiving through COVAC.

02:10 Um,

02:10 I'll ask Tristan to talk for approximately 40 minutes,

02:13 after which we'll hear from Kent for up to 1015 minutes.

02:17 Uh,

02:18 we'll conclude the sessions with,

02:19 uh,

02:20 questions and answers from the audience.

02:21 If you have a question,

02:23 please use the raised hand option in Webex or signal

02:27 to me in the chat that you have a question,

02:28 and I will try to call on you and ask you to,

02:30 to

02:31 uh pose your question out loud.

02:33 Uh,

02:34 if you're following on YouTube,

02:35 please submit your question in the chat and it will be relayed to me.

02:39 Uh,

02:39 just a reminder,

02:40 we're recording the session,

02:42 um,

02:43 and please mute if you're not speaking.

02:46 Uh,

02:46 with that,

02:47 over to you,

02:47 Tristan.

02:49 OK,

02:49 thanks very much,

02:49 Dion.

02:50 Um,

02:51 let me just share my screen.

02:58 There we go,

02:59 you should have

03:00 the,

03:00 the presentation.

03:01 Um,

03:02 all right,

03:02 so let me get started.

03:03 Um,

03:04 so,

03:04 so just as a roadmap,

03:05 um,

03:06 I want to talk about three things today.

03:08 Uh,

03:08 so the first will be just to describe,

03:10 um,

03:11 international inequality and both the,

03:13 the human and economic effects of COVID.

03:15 Um,

03:15 you know,

03:15 it's,

03:16 we're 2 years into the pandemic,

03:17 it's not over.

03:18 Um,

03:18 and I just want to start by,

03:19 by showing how that's affected countries,

03:22 um,

03:22 very differently.

03:23 Um,

03:24 I then want to talk about how countries cooperated,

03:28 uh,

03:29 to respond to the pandemic.

03:30 So,

03:30 this is the,

03:31 the word multilateralism,

03:33 that's,

03:33 you know,

03:34 3 or more countries

03:35 working together.

03:37 Um,

03:37 and,

03:37 you know,

03:38 I think it,

03:38 it's been made very clear that,

03:40 you know,

03:41 the part of the recovery of

03:43 COVID-19 and to any pandemic,

03:45 uh,

03:46 requires cooperation with countries because,

03:48 um,

03:49 Uh,

03:49 for,

03:49 for 22 key reasons.

03:51 One is that,

03:52 uh,

03:52 the,

03:53 um,

03:53 you know,

03:54 that there won't be a recovery in,

03:56 in economic,

03:57 uh,

03:57 sort of growth globally unless all countries are,

04:00 are sort of relatively secure from the,

04:02 from the virus.

04:03 Um,

04:04 but also that,

04:05 you know,

04:05 as we've seen,

04:05 you know,

04:06 new variants,

04:07 uh,

04:07 can emerge,

04:08 uh,

04:08 in other countries and,

04:09 and,

04:09 and harm,

04:10 uh,

04:11 other,

04:11 other countries.

04:12 And so for these reasons,

04:13 you know,

04:13 countries have a strong incentive to work together.

04:16 Um,

04:17 to,

04:17 to stop a pandemic and we want to assess,

04:19 you know,

04:19 how,

04:19 how well they did,

04:20 uh,

04:21 this time.

04:22 And then,

04:22 uh,

04:22 the last,

04:23 and,

04:23 you know,

04:24 this is based off the,

04:25 the most recent paper on,

04:26 uh,

04:26 in the Oxford Review of Economic Policy.

04:29 Um,

04:29 I,

04:29 I claim,

04:30 and,

04:31 and you can,

04:31 you know,

04:31 tell me if you believe this at the end,

04:33 uh,

04:34 that a faster and more equitable,

04:36 uh,

04:36 response is possible

04:37 to the next pandemic,

04:38 but,

04:38 but also with about the same resources that we had,

04:41 uh,

04:42 in COVID-19.

04:43 So,

04:43 I want to sort of

04:44 take us,

04:44 you know,

04:45 hindsight is always 20/20,

04:46 but,

04:46 you know,

04:46 I want to learn from the experience of COVID-19.

04:49 to see how we could do better,

04:51 uh,

04:51 next time.

04:52 Um,

04:52 and I'll just say,

04:53 you know,

04:53 as a,

04:54 as a caveat,

04:55 um,

04:55 you know,

04:56 uh,

04:56 I,

04:56 I'm an economist,

04:57 I'm not a,

04:57 a clinician or uh epidemiologist.

05:00 Um,

05:00 but I'm gonna try my best,

05:02 um,

05:02 you know,

05:02 in this talk to,

05:03 to give you,

05:04 you know,

05:04 both the health perspective,

05:05 uh,

05:05 a little bit and also just be very clear about the,

05:07 the economics.

05:08 OK?

05:08 So,

05:09 thanks.

05:09 So,

05:10 to,

05:10 to start,

05:10 I wanna,

05:11 um,

05:12 share this,

05:12 this picture from the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,

05:16 um,

05:16 which gives very good context.

05:18 It just shows the probability over time,

05:21 uh,

05:21 of a disease outbreak that's worse than the 1918,

05:25 uh,

05:25 influenza or the,

05:26 the Spanish flu as it was,

05:27 was called.

05:28 Um,

05:29 you know,

05:29 in,

05:29 in 1600,

05:30 1700,

05:31 um,

05:31 you see that probability is about,

05:33 uh,

05:33 you know,

05:34 0.5%. So,

05:34 it's a basically a 1 in 2.

05:36 100 year

05:37 event.

05:38 By 1918,

05:39 it's about a 1 in 100 year event,

05:41 and by 1959,

05:43 it's almost a 1 in 50 year event.

05:45 And so,

05:45 so there's a lot of,

05:47 of literature on this,

05:48 but I think the basic takeaway is that this is largely due

05:51 Uh,

05:52 to increasing population density,

05:54 uh,

05:55 and economic growth,

05:56 um,

05:56 interactions between humans and animals,

05:59 uh,

05:59 interactions between humans and other humans.

06:01 Um,

06:01 you know,

06:02 we've learned a lot from the,

06:03 the pandemic about how that can increase,

06:05 uh,

06:05 you know,

06:05 how,

06:06 how diseases are transmitted,

06:07 uh,

06:08 and we've really seen that,

06:09 that over time.

06:10 Um,

06:11 another thing though that's interesting is that you see this massive drop off,

06:14 uh,

06:14 in the probability after 1950.

06:17 And so what happened then?

06:18 Well,

06:18 it was a,

06:18 a new technology,

06:19 the,

06:20 the polio vaccine.

06:21 was developed in the 50s and,

06:23 and became widespread and,

06:24 and vaccine technology broadly has,

06:27 has been,

06:28 um,

06:28 you know,

06:28 distributed and,

06:29 and,

06:29 you know,

06:30 made sort of almost,

06:31 you know,

06:31 compulsory for,

06:32 for young people uh across,

06:34 uh,

06:34 you know,

06:34 a number of diseases.

06:36 And so,

06:37 you know,

06:37 we see that actually because of vaccines and other,

06:40 you know,

06:41 public health responses.

06:42 Um,

06:43 actually,

06:44 disease outbreaks,

06:45 even though

06:46 they're happening more frequently,

06:47 we,

06:47 we control them earlier.

06:49 And,

06:49 you know,

06:50 there's,

06:50 I think that COVID is a,

06:51 a great example of this.

06:53 You know,

06:53 now,

06:54 two years into the pandemic,

06:55 there are over,

06:56 um,

06:57 666 million people,

06:59 uh,

06:59 have died.

07:00 Um,

07:01 an upper bound of,

07:02 you know,

07:02 accounting for,

07:03 for measurement,

07:04 you know,

07:04 could say 8,

07:05 up to 18 million.

07:06 But that's still less than died during the influenza pandemic where the range is,

07:11 uh,

07:12 you know,

07:12 20 to 25 to 50.

07:14 Um,

07:14 and,

07:14 you know,

07:14 this is every,

07:15 every death matters,

07:16 but

07:17 because of vaccines,

07:18 um,

07:18 you know,

07:19 we've been able to,

07:20 uh,

07:21 avoid,

07:21 you know,

07:21 sort of the,

07:22 a pandemic as bad as the 1918 flu.

07:25 So,

07:26 you know,

07:26 the,

07:27 the policy context for this whole talk is say,

07:29 well,

07:30 you know,

07:30 because

07:31 Everyone is living closer together and these diseases,

07:34 you know,

07:35 do,

07:36 uh,

07:36 emerge more frequently.

07:37 How can we best

07:39 prevent them,

07:39 to prevent these,

07:40 uh,

07:41 disease outbreaks from,

07:42 from growing very large.

07:44 And then also,

07:45 when they do grow large,

07:46 how can we make sure we respond

07:48 Quickly.

07:48 So,

07:48 in,

07:48 in the case of

07:50 uh the coronavirus pandemic,

07:51 could we have had vaccines

07:53 earlier

07:54 in larger quantities and,

07:56 and to have more access across countries,

07:58 um,

07:59 uh,

07:59 is gonna be an important question.

08:01 OK.

08:01 So,

08:01 so that's just um high level context.

08:04 Um,

08:05 just to say,

08:05 you know,

08:05 where we are with the coronavirus pandemic.

08:08 So it,

08:08 it was devastating,

08:09 as I said,

08:10 um,

08:10 you know,

08:10 66 to 18 million people lost.

08:14 Um,

08:14 but,

08:14 but it's also abating.

08:16 Um,

08:16 so,

08:16 so for some time now,

08:18 diseases,

08:18 uh,

08:19 sort of new daily deaths have been lower than they ever have been before.

08:23 Um,

08:23 you know,

08:23 I wrote a paper in,

08:25 uh,

08:26 early,

08:26 uh,

08:27 2021,

08:28 which said,

08:28 you know,

08:29 how to end the pandemic by March 2022.

08:33 Uh,

08:33 you know,

08:33 the goal there was to say,

08:35 well,

08:35 if there's no mutation,

08:37 uh,

08:37 and you,

08:38 uh,

08:38 immunize or,

08:39 or about 60% of every population,

08:42 you could get herd immunity.

08:43 Now,

08:44 as we,

08:44 you know,

08:44 caveated the disease could mutate it,

08:46 it did mutate,

08:47 which means that,

08:48 you know,

08:49 there's even some more,

08:50 uh,

08:51 immunity from,

08:51 from prior infections,

08:52 and more fatalities,

08:53 but also immunity from prior infection.

08:56 And,

08:56 you know,

08:56 so still,

08:57 even with mutation,

08:58 we have the Africa WHO,

09:00 the European Union,

09:02 other regional agencies saying,

09:04 you know,

09:04 the emergency phase of this is over.

09:06 The disease will,

09:07 you know,

09:07 continue,

09:07 we'll have,

09:08 we'll have outbreaks,

09:09 but it's,

09:09 it's no longer the,

09:11 the crisis it was,

09:12 um,

09:13 in,

09:13 you know,

09:14 the,

09:14 the last two years,

09:15 uh,

09:15 and that's largely due,

09:17 uh,

09:17 to vaccines.

09:19 Um,

09:19 vaccine,

09:20 as I said,

09:21 it's,

09:21 it's driven the recovery.

09:22 It's,

09:22 it's driven the response to lots of outbreaks since the 1950s.

09:26 Um,

09:26 but coverage has still been highly unequal.

09:28 So this is something that is continuously highlighted,

09:31 um,

09:32 you know,

09:33 in,

09:33 in Africa,

09:34 especially,

09:34 so I'll,

09:34 I'll say,

09:35 you know,

09:35 there are many countries that now have,

09:37 uh,

09:38 two doses,

09:39 uh,

09:39 administered for every,

09:40 uh,

09:41 person in the country.

09:42 That's the sort of middle

09:43 green color.

09:44 You see Canada,

09:45 parts of South America,

09:46 China,

09:47 Australia,

09:47 Europe.

09:48 Um,

09:49 US also,

09:50 you know,

09:50 relatively has,

09:51 has pretty good

09:52 coverage,

09:53 um,

09:54 India and Russia a little bit less so.

09:56 Uh,

09:56 but then

09:56 largely in Africa and in other,

09:58 um,

09:59 other

09:59 regions,

09:59 you see Afghanistan,

10:00 um,

10:01 we,

10:01 we still have very low coverage.

10:02 So that's sort of less than 50 doses per 100,

10:05 uh,

10:05 people.

10:06 And in Africa in particular,

10:08 there,

10:08 there,

10:09 there in total there are about 18 countries that

10:10 have yet to vaccinate even 10% of the population.

10:13 So,

10:14 you know,

10:14 one question is,

10:15 you know,

10:15 how,

10:16 how could we have accelerated this.

10:18 Um,

10:19 you know,

10:19 I think at the moment,

10:20 uh,

10:20 vaccine supply is not a constraint.

10:23 So low income countries have covered,

10:26 they've immunized about 12% of their population on average,

10:29 uh,

10:29 but vaccines have actually been delivered for 24% of the population.

10:33 So it's that,

10:34 you know,

10:34 the challenge of last mile delivery that,

10:36 that's really binding.

10:37 Um,

10:38 but you know,

10:38 earlier,

10:39 uh,

10:39 supply was,

10:40 was a constraint.

10:41 Um,

10:41 and so one question is,

10:42 you know,

10:42 could we have got that supply

10:44 delivered sooner,

10:45 uh,

10:45 so that the health systems that existed could,

10:47 could,

10:48 um,

10:48 take it on.

10:50 Um,

10:50 so,

10:51 uh,

10:51 you know,

10:52 I just wanna,

10:53 you know,

10:54 talk a little bit about the,

10:55 the inequality of health effects across countries.

10:58 Um,

10:58 so very early in the pandemic,

11:00 uh,

11:00 many believe that both the economic and

11:02 health effects would hit low-income countries,

11:04 uh,

11:04 the hardest.

11:05 Um,

11:06 and,

11:06 and this really hasn't been the case.

11:07 So this is a chart that Penny Goldberg and I made for the Brookings panel in summer

11:12 2020,

11:12 but I've,

11:12 I've added the new data.

11:14 And it shows,

11:15 you know,

11:15 deaths per million,

11:16 so we're normalizing by,

11:18 by population,

11:19 uh,

11:19 for different income groups,

11:21 uh,

11:21 of countries,

11:21 high income,

11:22 lower middle income,

11:23 upper middle income,

11:24 and low income.

11:25 And then I've also separated out both China and India because,

11:28 you know,

11:28 together they're about a third of the world's population,

11:30 they're both middle income countries,

11:32 um,

11:33 you know,

11:33 just as,

11:33 just to give you some flavor of the,

11:35 the country's specific experiences.

11:38 Um,

11:38 and,

11:38 you know,

11:39 what you find in this picture is,

11:40 is quite clear is that this has been a pandemic that where

11:44 on a per capita basis,

11:45 it's high income countries and upper middle income countries,

11:48 excluding China,

11:50 uh,

11:50 that have,

11:50 have borne the brunt,

11:52 uh,

11:52 of mortality.

11:53 Um,

11:54 You know,

11:54 in regression analysis,

11:55 uh,

11:56 Penny Goldberg and I found that this was due,

11:58 you could attribute this entirely to demographic risk factors.

12:01 So,

12:02 um,

12:02 an older population in,

12:04 uh,

12:04 high-income countries,

12:06 uh,

12:06 or,

12:06 and also greater obesity,

12:07 which is quite high,

12:09 especially in,

12:09 in upper middle income countries.

12:11 Um,

12:12 and,

12:12 you know,

12:12 in low-income countries,

12:13 you have half the population under age 20,

12:15 um,

12:15 about a third of the obesity.

12:17 Um,

12:17 and so that,

12:18 you know,

12:18 I think can explain a lot of this.

12:20 Um,

12:21 you know,

12:21 we found this as,

12:23 so,

12:23 so,

12:23 you know,

12:23 they're still vulnerable people in every country,

12:26 and so they need care.

12:28 But

12:28 still,

12:29 I think this was early on a,

12:30 a cause for optimism because it meant

12:32 the countries with the weakest health systems,

12:34 the poorest ones,

12:35 would not have,

12:36 you know,

12:36 as much pressure,

12:38 uh,

12:38 on them,

12:38 at least relative to high income countries.

12:41 Um,

12:41 and it also meant that,

12:42 you know,

12:42 lockdowns,

12:43 which could be costly,

12:44 especially for poor households with no buffer savings.

12:47 Um,

12:47 you know,

12:48 that,

12:48 that could be released earlier.

12:49 And others made this argument too,

12:50 like Moshevik Mubarak at Yale said,

12:52 you know,

12:52 you,

12:53 you,

12:53 especially in low-income environments,

12:55 people need to be able to go out and work.

12:56 So the,

12:57 the policy of closing down the economy was not as,

13:00 uh,

13:01 you know,

13:01 it

13:02 has to be treated differently than,

13:03 than in a high-income country.

13:05 Um,

13:05 so,

13:06 so we found this as a case for optimism,

13:07 but at the same time,

13:08 it raised,

13:08 uh,

13:08 an issue.

13:09 So,

13:10 if pandemic response is a,

13:11 a public good,

13:12 and we say,

13:13 you know,

13:14 every country's not safe until everyone is safe.

13:16 Then,

13:17 you know,

13:17 if the,

13:18 the disease burden is higher

13:20 in,

13:20 or lower in certain places for demographic reason,

13:22 those countries might,

13:23 you know,

13:24 underinvest,

13:25 uh,

13:25 for instance,

13:25 in vaccination.

13:26 And so,

13:27 uh,

13:28 you know,

13:28 the,

13:28 the international community took it on itself to,

13:31 to,

13:32 uh,

13:32 deliver,

13:33 um,

13:33 you know,

13:34 um,

13:34 uh,

13:35 vaccines and other,

13:36 um,

13:36 uh,

13:36 health,

13:37 health products.

13:38 Uh,

13:38 uh,

13:39 to low income countries to,

13:40 to keep the,

13:41 the burden,

13:42 uh,

13:42 lower in those,

13:43 those places.

13:44 Um,

13:44 and that's what I'll talk about in the paper.

13:46 Um,

13:47 I wanna just,

13:48 you know,

13:48 in the next,

13:49 um,

13:50 uh,

13:50 slide,

13:50 I wanna talk about,

13:52 or just,

13:52 you know,

13:52 obviously confirmed deaths are not,

13:54 uh,

13:55 all the deaths that happened,

13:56 uh,

13:56 in New York's,

13:57 you know,

13:58 remember there was underreporting of deaths in retirement homes.

14:00 Um,

14:01 the WHO has actually estimated,

14:03 um,

14:03 you know,

14:04 how much

14:05 deaths was,

14:05 was missed by the confirmed statistics.

14:08 Um,

14:08 and I'm showing you these now on the same scale.

14:11 And then here,

14:12 you know,

14:12 you see especially in upper middle income countries,

14:14 excluding China,

14:15 uh,

14:15 and in India,

14:17 you know,

14:17 there were,

14:17 you know,

14:18 much more,

14:19 uh,

14:19 mortality than,

14:20 than was recorded.

14:22 Um,

14:22 but at the same time,

14:23 you do see the same pattern that the low income countries,

14:25 the,

14:26 the blue and the,

14:27 uh,

14:27 the purple,

14:28 uh,

14:29 and the lower middle income countries had the lowest,

14:31 uh,

14:31 excluding China,

14:32 um,

14:32 the sort of,

14:33 oh,

14:33 excuse me.

14:34 Um,

14:34 lowest deaths.

14:35 So that's just giving you a flavor of the pattern.

14:37 Um,

14:37 I also want to highlight

14:39 one thing that,

14:40 you know,

14:40 so if you look at India and China,

14:42 you see how,

14:43 you know,

14:43 very different choices of governments can lead to,

14:46 to different

14:47 outcomes.

14:47 Um,

14:48 so here in,

14:49 in both India and China,

14:50 you see that early in the pandemic,

14:52 actually they had fewer deaths than were expected,

14:54 so from other causes.

14:56 Um,

14:56 that could be attributed to the,

14:58 the,

14:58 the lockdowns,

14:59 um,

15:00 you know,

15:00 which,

15:00 which,

15:01 you know,

15:01 on net,

15:01 uh,

15:02 maybe,

15:02 maybe,

15:03 uh,

15:03 saved some lives.

15:04 Um,

15:05 you know,

15:05 there was a lot of debate about that actually.

15:06 Um.

15:07 But,

15:07 but then,

15:08 you know,

15:08 you see later,

15:09 uh,

15:09 you know,

15:10 India took a very different path,

15:11 right?

15:12 So,

15:12 and that,

15:12 that could be a combination of,

15:14 you know,

15:14 releasing lockdowns,

15:15 but also,

15:16 uh,

15:16 limited access to vaccines.

15:17 China,

15:18 um,

15:18 you know,

15:19 invested much earlier

15:20 and had supply,

15:21 uh,

15:22 much earlier.

15:22 So,

15:23 so one question we're gonna answer here is,

15:25 you know,

15:25 for all these groups,

15:26 regardless of the inequality,

15:28 how could we have

15:29 brought the medical countermeasures,

15:31 especially vaccines earlier,

15:33 uh,

15:34 and,

15:34 and,

15:34 and reduce this,

15:35 this excess death.

15:36 OK.

15:37 Um,

15:37 I want to say a bit about the economic effects.

15:40 We've talked about the human effects.

15:42 Um,

15:43 again,

15:43 there was a lot of,

15:44 uh,

15:44 inequality.

15:45 So,

15:45 you know,

15:46 before the pandemic

15:47 in,

15:48 uh,

15:48 2019,

15:49 um,

15:50 there was what's called income convergence.

15:52 So,

15:52 mid,

15:53 middle income and low-income countries,

15:55 uh,

15:55 where you can see this in the blue box,

15:57 uh,

15:57 were growing faster on a per capita basis than high-income countries.

16:01 So that meant that,

16:01 you know,

16:02 it'll take a very long time,

16:03 but income,

16:04 you know,

16:04 everyone will eventually have the same.

16:06 Income.

16:07 Uh,

16:08 during the pandemic,

16:09 uh,

16:10 you know,

16:10 the,

16:10 the costs,

16:11 you know,

16:12 consistent with the,

16:13 the mortality effects being higher in,

16:15 in high-income countries,

16:17 um,

16:17 the economic costs were also much greater there.

16:19 Uh,

16:19 so,

16:19 on a per capita,

16:20 so there's still a global recession,

16:22 income per capita goes down in every country,

16:25 uh,

16:25 most in,

16:26 in all,

16:26 in all,

16:27 in the global economy,

16:28 um,

16:29 including these three groups.

16:30 Um,

16:31 Uh,

16:32 uh,

16:32 but the,

16:33 the decline was,

16:34 you know,

16:34 worse in,

16:35 in high income countries.

16:36 Then in 2021,

16:37 you had also this unequal recovery.

16:39 So,

16:40 high income countries spent a lot of money,

16:42 you know,

16:42 accelerating their,

16:43 their growth,

16:43 and,

16:44 and so they recovered a lot of the losses.

16:46 Um,

16:46 low income countries also grew,

16:48 you know,

16:48 faster,

16:48 but,

16:49 but not as much.

16:50 Um,

16:51 and then,

16:51 you know,

16:52 how,

16:52 how is it looking forward?

16:53 So in,

16:53 in 2022,

16:55 so these,

16:55 these are all,

16:56 by the way,

16:56 the recent numbers from the World Bank's,

16:58 uh,

16:59 Global Economic prospects,

17:00 which were just released,

17:01 uh,

17:01 last week.

17:02 Um,

17:02 so the forecasts are,

17:03 are current.

17:04 Um,

17:06 before the,

17:06 uh,

17:07 Ukraine war,

17:08 uh,

17:09 actually the forecast for 2022 was that every region,

17:13 uh,

17:13 so every,

17:14 every income group

17:15 would grow faster than in 2019.

17:17 So that,

17:18 that in my view is a pretty positive,

17:20 uh,

17:20 recovery.

17:21 You know,

17:21 we've seen now that the

17:23 Ukraine war has had some effects,

17:24 uh,

17:25 so,

17:25 uh,

17:25 low and middle income countries will be growing.

17:28 Uh,

17:28 slower,

17:29 uh,

17:29 than 2019 and also slower than 2020,

17:32 uh,

17:33 than high-income countries.

17:34 But that recovers in,

17:35 in 2023 and 2024.

17:37 So,

17:37 you know,

17:38 looking,

17:38 uh,

17:39 in a little bit of a long term at 2023,

17:41 2020204,

17:41 we,

17:42 we can still expect growth that's faster than 2019,

17:46 uh,

17:46 and,

17:46 and also income convergence.

17:48 So,

17:48 I think this is a pretty good,

17:49 pretty positive story overall,

17:51 uh,

17:51 if you,

17:52 you know,

17:52 take a,

17:52 a slightly,

17:53 uh,

17:54 longer term view.

17:55 OK.

17:56 So now I want to talk about the,

17:57 how countries responded together to,

18:00 to COVID,

18:01 uh,

18:01 and what the lessons are for,

18:03 for future pandemics.

18:04 Um,

18:05 this is a,

18:06 a chart,

18:06 and I think this was the main economic,

18:09 immediate economic effect,

18:10 uh,

18:11 of,

18:11 of the crisis is that in March 2020,

18:14 uh,

18:15 global investors just sold,

18:17 uh,

18:17 all of their,

18:18 uh,

18:18 EMs,

18:19 not all,

18:19 but

18:20 more than,

18:20 than ever before at one time.

18:22 Uh,

18:22 the EM stocks and bonds.

18:24 So it's called a sudden stop.

18:25 Everybody's selling,

18:26 uh,

18:26 bonds and securities.

18:28 The consequence of this,

18:30 uh,

18:30 is that,

18:31 um,

18:31 the financing costs for governments in emerging markets balloon.

18:35 So you,

18:35 you sell

18:36 bonds,

18:37 the,

18:37 the price of those falls,

18:39 and then the interest rate goes up because the interest rate and the price move,

18:42 you know,

18:42 in different directions.

18:43 And so this is just,

18:44 you know,

18:44 for a lot of,

18:45 uh,

18:46 group of countries,

18:46 500 years,

18:47 5 5% points,

18:48 these are in basis points.

18:50 It's just showing,

18:51 you know,

18:51 this incredible jump,

18:53 uh,

18:53 in borrowing costs for some countries.

18:55 So this is

18:55 at a time of global emergency,

18:57 the private market is saying,

18:59 you know,

18:59 we don't want,

19:00 uh,

19:00 to help,

19:01 uh,

19:02 you know,

19:02 governments in,

19:03 in low and emerging countries,

19:04 or,

19:04 or at least we need to be compensated a lot.

19:06 Uh,

19:06 to do it.

19:07 Um,

19:07 so this was a,

19:08 an early focus of the multilateral response.

19:10 So the G20 economies,

19:12 um,

19:12 the finance ministers had a call,

19:14 uh,

19:14 and they announced,

19:15 uh,

19:15 in,

19:16 in March that they were going to support countries.

19:18 Um,

19:18 immediately this provided some relief,

19:20 uh,

19:21 to,

19:21 uh,

19:22 develop.

19:22 country to these emerging markets,

19:24 you can see the,

19:24 the prices,

19:25 uh,

19:26 fell,

19:26 uh,

19:27 in,

19:27 in a lot of them.

19:28 Uh,

19:28 so,

19:29 so that,

19:29 just,

19:30 just announcing support,

19:31 uh,

19:31 was helpful.

19:32 Um,

19:33 but then,

19:33 this is,

19:34 this is interesting and I think it shows a bit of the limits of the,

19:37 the multilateral response.

19:39 So in,

19:39 uh,

19:40 later in,

19:41 in April,

19:41 they announced,

19:42 uh,

19:42 what would,

19:43 what is called debt forbearance.

19:44 So they said,

19:45 you know,

19:46 you can,

19:47 you're gonna owe us interest,

19:48 but,

19:49 uh,

19:50 you know,

19:50 you,

19:50 you can delay paying that interest.

19:52 It's still gonna accrue,

19:53 so you're gonna owe it in the future.

19:55 But,

19:55 but you don't have to pay,

19:57 you know,

19:57 this,

19:57 this year.

19:58 Um,

19:59 and,

19:59 you know,

20:00 that was,

20:00 you know,

20:00 I,

20:01 I think a useful thing.

20:01 It helped give countries some room to,

20:03 to think about how to respond to the pandemic.

20:06 Um,

20:07 but what's interesting is that there's actually

20:09 Immediately after you see in a lot of the countries,

20:11 uh,

20:11 so,

20:12 in Nigeria,

20:12 for example,

20:13 actually,

20:13 the interest rate goes back up.

20:15 So,

20:15 one way to interpret that is that the,

20:17 the market actually evaluated,

20:19 you know,

20:19 it,

20:20 it didn't think Nigeria was going to default.

20:22 It thought it was going to pay on time.

20:23 So,

20:23 now,

20:24 when Nigeria,

20:25 you know,

20:25 if it delays payments,

20:26 uh,

20:27 to the,

20:27 on the private bonds,

20:28 you know,

20:28 that,

20:28 that's an increased risk for the,

20:31 um,

20:31 for the bondholders.

20:32 So,

20:33 so,

20:33 you know,

20:33 this is,

20:34 I think,

20:35 you know,

20:35 shows that just by changing,

20:38 you know,

20:38 the,

20:38 um,

20:39 The interest schedules,

20:40 let's say,

20:41 um,

20:41 there,

20:42 there's probably a limited ability to,

20:44 to,

20:44 um,

20:45 you know,

20:45 affect,

20:45 uh,

20:46 sort of the borrowing costs for countries and still,

20:48 you know,

20:49 today this only goes to 22,

20:50 sorry,

20:50 July,

20:51 uh,

20:51 2020.

20:52 Um,

20:53 but even today,

20:54 these,

20:54 these costs are still higher for countries.

20:56 So countries are having to pay more to,

20:58 to respond.

20:59 Um.

21:00 Where

21:01 the,

21:01 uh,

21:02 I think the multilateral institutions were very successful was providing,

21:05 uh,

21:06 a huge amount of finance on their scale,

21:08 uh,

21:09 much cheaper than the market.

21:10 So,

21:10 you know,

21:10 the World Bank,

21:11 uh,

21:12 delivered $204 billion to governments in the calendar years 2020 to 2021.

21:18 Um,

21:19 over half of this was to governments.

21:21 And,

21:21 you know,

21:21 the key thing to highlight here is that the

21:23 interest rates on these loans were much lower,

21:25 so 65% to around 1%.

21:28 Um,

21:29 65 basis points to 115.

21:32 Um,

21:32 and which is much lower than those earlier rates I've showed you.

21:35 So,

21:35 you know,

21:36 it,

21:36 it was said in public,

21:37 uh,

21:37 recently that,

21:38 you know,

21:38 the World Bank has a,

21:39 a,

21:39 a fetish for,

21:40 uh,

21:41 its high,

21:41 it's AAA credit rating,

21:42 and it should maybe,

21:44 you know,

21:44 be riskier.

21:45 You know,

21:45 in an emergency,

21:46 the attractiveness of,

21:48 uh,

21:49 a,

21:49 uh,

21:50 low interest rate is exactly that.

21:51 So,

21:51 the bank was able to,

21:53 you know,

21:53 provide very cheap.

21:54 Credit,

21:54 um,

21:55 in this time,

21:55 if it,

21:56 you know,

21:56 didn't have a AAA credit rating,

21:57 it would have to,

21:58 you know,

21:58 offer more expensive

22:00 credit.

22:00 Um,

22:01 and I think it's,

22:01 it's also important to highlight that this,

22:03 you know,

22:04 didn't just support health,

22:05 it,

22:05 it helped countries,

22:06 um,

22:07 you know,

22:07 maintain all their other programs.

22:09 And,

22:09 and one thing people might say is say,

22:11 well,

22:12 you know,

22:12 you're coming in with cheap finance,

22:13 you know,

22:14 maybe you're just allowing them to pay off the Uh,

22:16 you know,

22:17 the private bondholders that are getting higher interest rates,

22:19 you know,

22:20 that's still good,

22:20 right?

22:21 If you lower the cost of financing for a government that,

22:24 that frees up money to do

22:26 all sorts of things.

22:27 So,

22:27 I think,

22:27 you know,

22:27 this is where,

22:29 um,

22:29 you know,

22:29 I think the,

22:30 the multilateral system,

22:31 you know,

22:31 really worked as it's supposed to.

22:33 It,

22:33 it provides cheap capital in an emergency,

22:36 that's,

22:36 that's especially useful.

22:38 Um,

22:39 so now I want to get into the,

22:40 the public health crisis,

22:41 uh,

22:41 and response.

22:42 Um,

22:43 So the main thing here,

22:44 you know,

22:45 on a global scale,

22:47 uh,

22:47 was this initiative,

22:49 uh,

22:50 of the,

22:50 the Act A or the Access to COVID tools,

22:53 uh,

22:54 Accelerator.

22:55 I,

22:55 I,

22:55 I'm pretty sure the name was invented by management consultants.

22:58 So,

22:58 um,

23:00 tools,

23:00 tools are,

23:01 are vaccines,

23:02 therapeutics,

23:02 and diagnostics,

23:03 and also personal protective equipment.

23:05 Um,

23:06 and,

23:06 and the idea behind this was to say,

23:09 let's pool money together.

23:11 And,

23:12 you know,

23:12 part of it was intended to develop new vaccines,

23:15 you know,

23:15 because,

23:16 you know,

23:16 that,

23:16 very early on,

23:17 you know,

23:17 we didn't even have vaccines.

23:19 But then,

23:20 uh,

23:20 it was also intended to,

23:23 uh,

23:23 purchase those vaccines and other,

23:24 other health products,

23:26 um,

23:26 and then deliver them for free,

23:28 uh,

23:28 to,

23:28 to low and lower middle income countries.

23:31 Um,

23:32 so here,

23:32 you know,

23:32 you just see how that evolved,

23:34 you know,

23:34 they pitched,

23:35 uh,

23:35 38 billion.

23:36 Um,

23:37 there were some cost adjustments,

23:38 which I think highlights how,

23:39 how difficult,

23:40 you know,

23:41 Figuring out a real number for these things is.

23:43 Uh,

23:43 and then,

23:44 you know,

23:44 in the end,

23:44 they,

23:45 they raised,

23:45 uh,

23:46 about 18 billion,

23:47 um,

23:47 most of which was for,

23:49 uh,

23:50 purchases of vaccines.

23:51 And I should say 2/3 of,

23:53 oops,

23:53 excuse me,

23:54 um,

23:54 2/3 of these commitments came from the G7,

23:56 uh,

23:57 economies of the US.

23:59 Uh,

23:59 Germany,

24:00 uh,

24:00 Japan,

24:01 and others.

24:02 Um,

24:02 and it's interesting to compare the numbers

24:04 relative to what those countries spent,

24:07 you know,

24:07 on their own,

24:08 um,

24:08 own supplies.

24:09 So the US actually spent,

24:11 uh,

24:11 $55 billion

24:12 you know,

24:12 in total on vaccines.

24:14 It's an estimate from the economic report of the president.

24:16 Um,

24:17 but,

24:17 actually it only spent

24:18 12 billion actually purchasing vaccines.

24:21 A lot of the other money went to either,

24:23 you know,

24:23 just rolling out the vaccines,

24:25 uh,

24:25 or subsidies for,

24:27 um,

24:27 uh,

24:28 development and research early on.

24:30 Um,

24:30 and so,

24:31 you know,

24:31 one interesting point is that,

24:33 uh,

24:33 you know,

24:34 the

24:35 Because the US and other countries,

24:37 you know,

24:37 spent so much on development,

24:39 uh,

24:39 this,

24:40 you know,

24:40 uh,

24:41 uh,

24:42 for these purchases for,

24:43 for other countries,

24:44 you know,

24:44 could restrict their purchases to a certain extent,

24:47 uh,

24:47 to just,

24:48 uh,

24:48 advanced procurement because they had been,

24:50 you know,

24:50 developed,

24:51 um,

24:52 Uh,

24:52 already.

24:53 Um,

24:53 and so,

24:54 you know,

24:54 just to summarize,

24:54 you know,

24:55 this,

24:55 this,

24:56 uh,

24:56 amount of money,

24:57 I think,

24:57 you know,

24:57 I showed in a paper early on with Ruchir Agarwal that this,

25:00 you know,

25:01 this amount of money about would be enough to vaccinate,

25:03 um,

25:03 60% of the population of low and lower middle income countries.

25:06 So,

25:07 those,

25:07 those groups I showed you,

25:09 uh,

25:09 before.

25:10 Um,

25:11 I,

25:11 I want to have a slight interlude on sort of testing.

25:14 So,

25:14 you know,

25:14 testing as,

25:15 as you saw back here,

25:16 you know,

25:16 it only received

25:17 a diagnostic 1.4 billion,

25:19 um,

25:20 relative to diagnostics.

25:21 Um,

25:21 so why is that?

25:23 Um,

25:23 so,

25:24 so I think,

25:24 so I did a,

25:25 a cost benefit analysis here with a,

25:27 a big research team.

25:29 Uh,

25:29 early on.

25:30 And,

25:30 and what we did is we highlighted,

25:31 um,

25:32 you know,

25:32 5,

25:33 use cases,

25:34 uh,

25:34 for,

25:35 uh,

25:35 vaccinations.

25:36 So this is clinical triage,

25:37 that's someone coming in and saying,

25:39 you know,

25:39 do,

25:39 do you have COVID?

25:40 If so,

25:41 I'll put you in a,

25:42 a room with other COVID people so you don't infect other patients.

25:45 Um,

25:45 at-risk worker screening,

25:46 that's for healthcare workers or transportation.

25:50 Um,

25:50 one is just measuring,

25:52 uh,

25:52 the rate of,

25:53 of infection in the population to trigger or avoid.

25:56 Uh,

25:56 a lockdown,

25:58 uh,

25:58 test,

25:58 trace and isolate,

25:59 um,

25:59 and also border screening,

26:01 which could,

26:01 you know,

26:02 um,

26:02 uh,

26:02 protect,

26:03 protect people at the border,

26:04 but also protect,

26:05 uh,

26:05 a country from,

26:06 from a large outbreak.

26:08 Um,

26:08 and so,

26:09 you know,

26:09 what we found to,

26:10 to Peter Sands at,

26:11 at the Global Fund,

26:12 you know,

26:12 asked us,

26:12 uh,

26:13 to,

26:13 to convert this into

26:15 Uh,

26:15 a return on investment.

26:16 Well,

26:16 let me say first,

26:17 so,

26:17 we calculate for each of these scenarios that,

26:19 you know,

26:20 the number of tests you need to save one life

26:23 is relatively small.

26:24 So even for border screening,

26:26 you know,

26:26 8000 tests,

26:27 let's say they're 10,000,

26:28 or sorry,

26:28 they're 1010 bucks a test,

26:30 you know,

26:30 that's 80,000,

26:32 uh,

26:32 90,000 to save a life,

26:34 which is,

26:35 you know,

26:35 I think a pretty good value.

26:36 Um,

26:37 Peter Sands asked us to turn that into a return on investment.

26:39 So if you value life in some way,

26:41 you can say this is,

26:42 uh,

26:42 You know,

26:43 33 to 41%,

26:45 uh,

26:46 sorry,

26:47 3 to 41 times,

26:49 um,

26:49 uh,

26:50 rate of return,

26:51 um,

26:51 you know,

26:51 which is really high.

26:52 So these are all

26:54 really good investments.

26:55 So,

26:55 so the question is,

26:56 you know,

26:56 why,

26:57 why didn't we do this as much?

26:58 And,

26:58 and I think the answer,

27:00 I mean,

27:00 11 answer is that countries,

27:02 you know,

27:02 have budget constraints and they have to allocate them across things.

27:05 Um,

27:06 but

27:06 consistent with that is this thing which we show in the,

27:08 in the lower corner here,

27:09 which is that

27:10 The returns really vary a lot with prevalence.

27:13 So,

27:14 if you have very low prevalence of a disease,

27:17 um,

27:17 you know,

27:17 it's the,

27:19 you know,

27:19 the tests you need to save one life are many,

27:21 many,

27:21 many.

27:21 And so,

27:22 you can imagine how countries that felt,

27:24 you know,

27:24 OK,

27:25 we have something under control,

27:27 you know,

27:27 might not make advance purchases,

27:29 uh,

27:29 for diagnostic.

27:31 that they need,

27:31 you know,

27:32 6 months into the future that,

27:33 uh,

27:33 you know,

27:34 requires,

27:34 um,

27:35 you know,

27:35 I think some,

27:36 some foresight and some ability to,

27:37 to,

27:38 to stomach the uncertainty.

27:39 So,

27:40 you know,

27:40 that's just some ideas there.

27:42 Um,

27:42 but I think,

27:42 you know,

27:43 overall,

27:44 there should be more investment,

27:45 uh,

27:45 in diagnostics,

27:46 but we can understand,

27:47 I think,

27:47 about why countries may not have,

27:49 uh,

27:49 because of the sensitivity.

27:51 Um,

27:52 So,

27:52 you know,

27:53 back to vaccines,

27:54 um,

27:55 you know,

27:55 I showed you earlier coverage today.

27:56 This was in August.

27:57 Um,

27:58 and this was where,

27:59 you know,

27:59 this hashtag came out called vaccine equity with one E.

28:03 Uh,

28:03 and,

28:04 and,

28:04 you know,

28:04 it really was true at the time that,

28:06 you know,

28:07 only a few countries had access,

28:09 uh,

28:10 to vaccines.

28:11 China had a lot,

28:12 um,

28:12 the United States and,

28:13 and Europe and,

28:14 and,

28:14 uh,

28:15 Chile,

28:15 um,

28:16 and a few others,

28:18 Arab Emirates.

28:19 Um,

28:19 you know,

28:20 had,

28:20 but,

28:20 but many of the countries,

28:21 uh,

28:21 couldn't get access.

28:22 Um,

28:23 so,

28:24 you know,

28:24 uh,

28:24 in a paper,

28:25 uh,

28:26 at that time,

28:27 uh,

28:27 Momta Murthy,

28:28 uh,

28:28 the World Bank,

28:29 uh,

28:29 and I,

28:30 you know,

28:30 tried to describe

28:31 sort of why,

28:33 you know,

28:33 why could this be?

28:34 Uh,

28:34 and,

28:35 and one hypothesis was that,

28:36 well,

28:37 uh,

28:37 only a small number of countries

28:40 have,

28:40 uh,

28:41 vaccine production capabilities.

28:43 We call these the G10.

28:44 So it's the G7,

28:45 the US and Japan and some European countries,

28:48 Canada.

28:49 Um,

28:50 and then China,

28:50 the EU and India,

28:52 uh,

28:52 have most of the production capacity.

28:54 And we said,

28:55 well,

28:55 maybe they're prioritizing their own,

28:58 uh,

28:58 populations.

28:59 This is,

28:59 uh,

29:00 the,

29:00 the export restriction hypothesis.

29:02 And we said simply,

29:03 you know,

29:03 at the current production rate,

29:05 if they said,

29:06 you know,

29:07 we're gonna reserve as much as we need for 80% of our populations,

29:11 how long will it take?

29:13 Uh,

29:13 for supply to be available to other countries.

29:16 And,

29:16 and we,

29:16 we forecast that actually by the end of 2021,

29:21 uh,

29:21 there'd only be about 270

29:24 million doses if they choose not to export

29:27 anything to other countries.

29:28 Um,

29:29 And then,

29:29 so,

29:29 so,

29:30 you know,

29:30 that,

29:31 that,

29:31 I think,

29:32 highlights that,

29:33 you know,

29:33 it,

29:33 it is important

29:35 where,

29:35 you know,

29:35 that countries can secure their,

29:37 their supply.

29:37 And if you're relying on only a few countries,

29:39 that can be a problem.

29:41 At the time,

29:42 you know,

29:42 there were really limited ways to,

29:45 to expand supply to other countries.

29:46 And so,

29:47 we,

29:47 we charted out these six scenarios.

29:49 So,

29:49 one would be just to

29:50 approve effective vaccines.

29:52 So,

29:52 that was at the time,

29:53 you know,

29:53 Novavax had

29:55 these phase 3 trials,

29:56 um,

29:57 That were successful,

29:58 uh,

29:58 as well as some,

29:59 some vaccines in China,

30:00 but they hadn't yet been given regulatory approval.

30:03 So,

30:03 you know,

30:03 that,

30:04 that was one thing.

30:05 Um,

30:05 another,

30:05 the second highest impact would have been,

30:07 um,

30:08 you know,

30:08 for,

30:09 uh,

30:09 a,

30:09 a Curvac vaccine,

30:11 which was sort of found to be ineffective.

30:13 Um,

30:14 you know,

30:14 we said,

30:14 well,

30:14 you could take the

30:15 manufacturing capacity from that and,

30:17 and give it to

30:18 either,

30:19 um,

30:19 Pfizer or,

30:20 or Moderna,

30:20 you know,

30:21 that,

30:21 that could be effective,

30:22 but that didn't happen,

30:23 uh,

30:23 in the end,

30:23 I think,

30:24 you know,

30:24 for respective property rights.

30:26 Um,

30:27 And then the other ones was,

30:28 was to,

30:28 you know,

30:29 delay boosters,

30:30 uh,

30:30 delay second doses,

30:32 you know,

30:32 for those with prior infection,

30:34 um,

30:34 as this was done in France,

30:36 um,

30:37 delaying,

30:37 uh,

30:38 you know,

30:38 the,

30:39 uh,

30:39 the youth who have a lower,

30:40 lower,

30:41 um,

30:41 lower mortality rate,

30:43 um,

30:43 and then authorizing.

30:44 Half doses,

30:45 you know,

30:45 which,

30:45 which some research showed that basically you could get the same effect of,

30:48 of Moderna,

30:49 for example,

30:49 by cutting the dose in half.

30:51 And they've actually done that one now.

30:53 Um,

30:54 but,

30:54 but the point from this is that,

30:55 you know,

30:55 there were sort of,

30:57 uh,

30:57 very few things that could be done

31:00 in 2021,

31:01 uh,

31:01 to expand supply,

31:03 uh,

31:03 for low,

31:04 low-income countries.

31:05 Um,

31:06 and so,

31:06 so,

31:07 I wanna ask in the,

31:08 in the next slide,

31:08 sort of,

31:09 what,

31:09 what could we have done about that?

31:10 So,

31:11 um,

31:12 you know,

31:13 uh,

31:14 I think it was clear,

31:15 uh,

31:15 at the time that,

31:16 and this is from the,

31:17 the paper in,

31:18 um,

31:19 uh,

31:19 Oxford Review of Economic Policy,

31:20 also just released as a World Bank,

31:22 uh,

31:22 working paper.

31:23 It's called Financing Vaccine Equity.

31:25 Um,

31:27 Uh

31:28 You know,

31:29 and,

31:29 and what we do there is we say,

31:31 uh,

31:31 OK,

31:31 so the data don't,

31:33 uh,

31:33 there,

31:33 there's two hypotheses.

31:34 So,

31:34 one is that,

31:35 uh,

31:36 the countries that were producing were hoarding the vaccines and they were,

31:40 you know,

31:40 restricting exports and,

31:41 and

31:42 it was impossible for lower middle income countries,

31:45 LMICs to get

31:46 vaccines at all.

31:47 But another hypothesis is that,

31:49 well,

31:50 the market was open.

31:52 But supply was scarce and it was rationed through queuing.

31:55 So,

31:56 you know,

31:56 if you,

31:56 uh,

31:57 if you place,

31:58 you,

31:58 you,

31:59 the people who placed orders earlier got orders.

32:01 Uh,

32:01 and this is actually what,

32:03 you know,

32:03 CEOs of,

32:04 of,

32:05 uh,

32:05 vaccine companies said.

32:06 So,

32:06 uh,

32:07 Doctor Borla at Pfizer said,

32:08 you know,

32:08 I had asked heads of state

32:10 by letter,

32:11 uh,

32:11 to place order,

32:12 um,

32:13 uh,

32:13 uh,

32:13 but,

32:14 but,

32:14 you know,

32:14 when they,

32:15 when they finally did order,

32:16 the doses had already been allocated.

32:18 So,

32:18 um,

32:19 You know,

32:20 this is,

32:20 uh,

32:20 this is one,

32:22 another hypothesis.

32:22 It's just that countries didn't order,

32:24 uh,

32:25 early enough.

32:25 And

32:26 so,

32:26 uh,

32:26 in this paper with Ruchir Agarwal,

32:28 we,

32:28 we collected data on over 460,

32:31 um,

32:32 uh,

32:32 vaccine,

32:33 uh,

32:33 contracts,

32:34 sorry,

32:35 almost uh 460.

32:37 Uh,

32:37 advanced purchase agreements,

32:38 and we do find actually that low and lower middle income countries ordered

32:42 later.

32:43 So,

32:43 you see on average,

32:44 low-income countries,

32:45 you know,

32:45 some of them did order for themselves,

32:47 um,

32:48 uh,

32:49 rather than relying on,

32:50 uh,

32:50 multilateral agencies,

32:51 but they ordered in May 2021.

32:53 Um,

32:54 uh,

32:54 upper middle income countries as well order in,

32:57 in February.

32:57 So,

32:57 there's this,

32:58 there's this gap in that

32:59 high-income countries were moving

33:02 ahead.

33:03 Um,

33:03 we,

33:04 we use a regression analysis actually to decompose

33:07 the delay

33:08 into,

33:09 uh,

33:10 you know,

33:10 the,

33:10 these effects.

33:11 So,

33:11 there's,

33:11 there's two effects here.

33:12 One is that,

33:13 well,

33:14 if you're a low-income country,

33:15 you,

33:16 you get delays later,

33:17 you know,

33:18 it takes longer to deliver regardless of the time you order.

33:21 The other is the part that's attributed

33:22 to this fact that low-income countries ordered,

33:25 you know,

33:25 5 months later on average,

33:27 uh,

33:27 than high-income countries.

33:29 Um,

33:29 and,

33:29 you know,

33:30 we find actually in our regression analysis that only 25% of the delay

33:35 happens regardless of the time you ordered and 75% of the delay

33:39 is attributed to the month,

33:40 uh,

33:41 the contracts,

33:42 uh,

33:42 were signed.

33:43 So,

33:43 so this says,

33:44 you know,

33:44 I think pretty conclusively that the market was actually relatively free.

33:48 You could get vaccines,

33:50 uh,

33:50 but,

33:50 but it depended on when you ordered them.

33:52 And high income countries had

33:54 You know,

33:54 some advantage,

33:55 which was that they had production and they could control exports and so forth.

33:58 But most of the advantage came from just putting money,

34:01 uh,

34:01 into the companies,

34:02 uh,

34:03 earlier.

34:03 And they often did this,

34:04 you know,

34:04 before the vaccines were even licensed.

34:06 So,

34:06 in December 2020,

34:08 um,

34:08 you know,

34:08 there are very few,

34:09 um,

34:10 authorizations,

34:11 um,

34:11 you know,

34:11 low-income countries waited until after vaccines were,

34:14 um,

34:16 Approved.

34:16 So,

34:17 you know,

34:17 I,

34:18 I,

34:18 I wrote a blog in,

34:19 in 2021 saying,

34:20 uh,

34:20 you know,

34:21 the problem is not supply but demand.

34:22 And that,

34:23 that was intended to be a bit provocative,

34:25 but I,

34:25 it was to illustrate this point.

34:26 So,

34:27 you get what you pay for when you pay for it.

34:29 If,

34:29 if supply is

34:31 constrained a bit,

34:32 the,

34:32 the people who

34:33 who order first,

34:34 uh,

34:34 are going to get it.

34:35 And,

34:35 and you see,

34:36 and,

34:36 and even as well,

34:38 you know,

34:38 if you have capacity or you waive patents or something like that,

34:42 um,

34:42 that doesn't mean you'll get supply unless there are purchase orders.

34:45 You see this now in South Africa where,

34:47 um,

34:48 Aspen Pharma has,

34:49 has the COVID vaccine plant,

34:51 and they have,

34:51 you know,

34:52 no,

34:52 no orders to buy vaccines.

34:53 So,

34:53 so there's a

34:56 capacity will only get you so far.

34:57 Um,

34:58 and so,

34:59 so,

34:59 I want to claim,

35:00 here's my claim.

35:01 Is that if low and middle income countries had ordered earlier,

35:05 you know,

35:05 they might have secured a better place in

35:07 line and you could have had vaccine uh equity

35:10 earlier.

35:11 Now,

35:11 there's a big caveat to that.

35:12 So what if,

35:14 you know,

35:14 they all ordered earlier and then high income countries just,

35:17 you know,

35:17 bid higher and ordered.

35:19 Uh,

35:20 you know,

35:21 and then the prices would go higher.

35:22 So that means there'd be a,

35:23 a transfer to the pharma companies,

35:25 but,

35:25 uh,

35:26 vaccines might not arrive any,

35:27 any slower,

35:28 any faster.

35:29 Um,

35:30 you know,

35:30 I think there may be something to that.

35:32 We,

35:32 we did see that in

35:34 2021 when

35:36 Uh,

35:37 prices when,

35:37 when orders actually scaled up,

35:39 so you had more demand at that time.

35:41 Prices stayed,

35:42 stayed the same or,

35:43 or even fell.

35:44 Uh,

35:44 so it's,

35:45 it's not clear that that,

35:46 you know,

35:46 extra demand was increasing prices,

35:48 um,

35:49 though it,

35:49 it did increase deliveries.

35:51 Um,

35:52 uh,

35:53 uh,

35:53 but,

35:53 you know,

35:54 even more than that,

35:55 there's,

35:55 there's some work by Susan Athee and,

35:57 and Michael Kramer and others,

35:58 um,

35:59 Chris Snyder at,

36:00 at,

36:00 at Dartmouth,

36:01 you know,

36:01 that shows that you can actually write contracts that say,

36:03 OK,

36:04 you know,

36:04 if I

36:05 Uh,

36:05 if I pay for this,

36:06 you,

36:07 you have to,

36:07 you know,

36:08 invest in manufacturing capacity to,

36:10 to scale it and that,

36:11 that could benefit other people.

36:12 So I,

36:12 I really do think

36:14 that if we had,

36:15 you know,

36:16 demand earlier,

36:17 that would,

36:17 that would both

36:18 give low and lower middle income countries a place in line,

36:21 but also could,

36:23 you know,

36:23 expand aggregate supply because it gave the companies certainty,

36:27 uh,

36:27 to invest,

36:28 um,

36:28 and scale,

36:29 uh,

36:29 and scale supply for everybody.

36:31 OK?

36:32 Um,

36:33 so,

36:33 now I want to go with some hypothesis.

36:35 So,

36:35 so why didn't the low and middle income countries order earlier?

36:38 So,

36:38 you know,

36:38 one first is a sort of limited perceived benefit.

36:41 As I,

36:41 as I showed and spoke about before,

36:44 you know,

36:44 there are these big differences in the age distribution.

36:46 Uh,

36:47 so low income countries have,

36:48 you know,

36:48 many,

36:48 you know,

36:49 half the population is under.

36:51 Uh,

36:51 20.

36:52 Um,

36:52 and they had lower,

36:53 uh,

36:53 fatality rates.

36:54 Um,

36:54 you know,

36:55 this is just a chart from The Lancet of the,

36:57 showing you that,

36:58 how fatality,

36:59 uh,

36:59 increases by age.

37:01 And,

37:01 you know,

37:01 just as a benchmark,

37:02 um,

37:03 you know,

37:03 mortal malaria,

37:05 you know,

37:05 can have a fatality rate of 110,000,

37:08 uh,

37:08 for infants.

37:09 But for COVID,

37:10 that,

37:10 that fatality rate is 1 in 10,000.

37:12 So it's,

37:13 it's,

37:13 it,

37:14 it wouldn't make sense for a country to reallocate budget from,

37:18 you know,

37:18 it's infant

37:19 uh malaria program

37:21 to COVID.

37:22 You could see why they,

37:23 they might want to create some budget for healthcare workers or,

37:26 or the Elderly,

37:27 but,

37:28 you know,

37:28 this age distribution can explain why,

37:31 you know,

37:31 some,

37:31 uh,

37:32 you know,

37:32 resources weren't,

37:33 weren't reallocated towards COVID.

37:35 Now,

37:35 of course,

37:35 if you could,

37:36 you could borrow and,

37:37 and you had access to finance,

37:38 then,

37:38 you know,

37:39 you,

37:39 you'd still want to do this to save lives.

37:41 Um,

37:41 but under a constrained budget,

37:43 uh,

37:43 you might not want to.

37:44 Um,

37:45 another hypothesis is that countries had,

37:47 you know,

37:48 limited bargaining power or capacity.

37:50 So,

37:51 Um,

37:51 you know,

37:51 if you're a small economy with a few,

37:53 uh,

37:54 20 million people,

37:55 you know,

37:55 it's gonna be harder to get the attention of,

37:57 of vaccine developers who are selling to the US,

38:00 uh,

38:00 you know,

38:01 with,

38:01 uh,

38:01 330 million,

38:03 um,

38:04 uh,

38:04 or the EU.

38:05 Um,

38:06 I,

38:06 it's also the case that low,

38:07 low-income countries often,

38:09 um,

38:09 rely on,

38:10 on,

38:11 uh,

38:11 donor agencies to deliver free vaccines,

38:13 so they may not have the institutional experience.

38:16 Um,

38:17 uh,

38:17 of,

38:18 of purchasing vaccines.

38:19 So that's one hypothesis.

38:21 Um,

38:22 but,

38:22 uh,

38:23 at the same time,

38:24 um,

38:24 a,

38:24 an agency was set up as part of this accelerator called COVAX,

38:28 um,

38:29 the AMC Advanced Market Commitment.

38:31 A lot of,

38:31 a lot of language here.

38:32 But that was set up specifically to overcome this problem.

38:35 So,

38:35 they,

38:35 they were gonna supply vaccines for low and lower middle-income countries.

38:39 And that was,

38:40 you know,

38:40 potentially demand as large as,

38:42 uh,

38:42 you know,

38:42 the G7 or the,

38:44 the EU.

38:45 Um,

38:45 and importantly,

38:46 this facility could also buy vaccines,

38:49 you know,

38:49 early on.

38:50 It,

38:50 it actually

38:51 made a purchase for the AstraZeneca vaccine

38:54 in June 2020 before it was licensed,

38:57 um,

38:57 and,

38:57 and secured,

38:58 you know,

38:58 a place in line for,

39:00 for that vaccine.

39:01 Um,

39:02 but what we see though,

39:03 and,

39:03 and this points to a third hypothesis,

39:05 is that COVAX actually didn't have access to the same resources

39:10 that rich countries,

39:11 uh,

39:11 did,

39:12 at least early on in the pandemic.

39:14 So while rich countries,

39:16 you know,

39:16 were putting,

39:17 you know,

39:17 they could borrow at very low interest rates,

39:19 COVAX actually,

39:20 you know,

39:20 only raised $300 million

39:23 you know,

39:23 in its first fundraising.

39:24 And so here in this chart,

39:25 you can see.

39:27 The blue line shows,

39:28 and,

39:28 and the left axis show,

39:29 you know,

39:29 how much money it had access to.

39:32 And you can see that the,

39:33 the purchases of,

39:34 of vaccines actually track that,

39:35 you know,

39:35 fairly

39:36 quickly.

39:37 So,

39:37 so,

39:37 you know,

39:37 one hypothesis is to say,

39:39 well,

39:39 if,

39:40 what if they had,

39:40 you know,

39:41 11 or 12

39:43 billion in June 20,

39:44 you know,

39:44 they could have gotten uh an earlier place in line.

39:48 Um,

39:48 and so this,

39:48 you know,

39:49 points to the third,

39:50 um,

39:50 hypothesis.

39:51 So I,

39:51 so I already mentioned this,

39:52 so COAXx didn't have

39:54 You know,

39:54 finance,

39:55 um,

39:55 you know,

39:56 they,

39:56 there was even a specific problem,

39:57 which is that,

39:58 you know,

39:59 donors would say,

39:59 OK,

40:00 we'll give you this money,

40:00 but then they wouldn't give them cash.

40:02 And so,

40:03 actually,

40:03 you know,

40:03 the European Investment Bank actually set up this thing where it,

40:06 it would lend them cash

40:08 against these commitments of donors.

40:10 Um,

40:11 And,

40:11 uh,

40:12 uh,

40:12 but,

40:13 you know,

40:13 the many multilateral

40:15 development banks other than the,

40:16 the European Union didn't,

40:17 uh,

40:17 sort of take this on.

40:18 They've led more on a country by country basis,

40:20 and they didn't loan to,

40:21 to COVAs.

40:22 Um,

40:23 you know,

40:23 there is an example,

40:24 so in Africa,

40:25 they,

40:25 they set up a regional agency,

40:27 this Africa Vaccine Acquisition Trust,

40:29 uh,

40:30 to,

40:30 to borrow.

40:31 Um,

40:32 uh,

40:33 and,

40:33 uh,

40:34 and,

40:34 and it,

40:35 it borrowed to buy vaccines.

40:37 Um,

40:37 you know,

40:37 the World Bank,

40:38 um,

40:38 you know,

40:39 did have this policy where it said,

40:41 you know,

40:41 while COVAX and the high-income countries were purchasing,

40:44 you know,

40:44 in advance of regulatory approval,

40:46 the World Bank actually said early on

40:48 that,

40:48 you know,

40:49 we need approval of,

40:51 uh,

40:51 you know,

40:51 from 3 regulatory,

40:53 multiple regulatory agencies before we'll finance a purchase.

40:55 So,

40:55 there was actually a point when

40:57 Uh,

40:57 AstraZeneca was being administered in the UK but

40:59 had not been authorized by multiple authorities,

41:01 so the World Bank wouldn't finance it.

41:04 Um,

41:04 and the Asian Development Bank and World Bank broadly also,

41:07 um,

41:07 you know,

41:08 didn't,

41:08 even when they said,

41:09 OK,

41:09 we'll,

41:10 we'll finance,

41:11 uh,

41:12 if the WHO approves it,

41:13 um,

41:14 we won't finance prepayments,

41:15 you know,

41:16 that could maybe secure you a place in line.

41:18 Um,

41:18 and I'll get back to that.

41:19 So,

41:19 so what are the lessons for the future?

41:20 I realized I'm,

41:21 I'm going a bit,

41:22 uh,

41:23 uh,

41:23 slow,

41:24 so I'll,

41:24 I'll,

41:24 I'll try to speed this up.

41:25 Um,

41:26 So,

41:27 you know,

41:28 now,

41:28 with the pandemic,

41:29 there's extraordinary interest,

41:30 uh,

41:31 in pandemic preparedness.

41:32 Um,

41:33 so,

41:33 it,

41:33 it,

41:34 it's good to kind of think back a little bit to,

41:36 to 2017.

41:37 So,

41:37 Jim Kim,

41:38 the president of the World Bank at the time,

41:40 you know,

41:40 raised this fund for pandemic emergency financing,

41:43 and he raised only $181 million

41:46 which is so small compared to this $18 billion

41:49 that I showed you was raised during the pandemic.

41:51 Um,

41:52 and you know,

41:52 that,

41:52 that project was actually pretty successful.

41:54 It actually,

41:54 it bought insurance,

41:56 uh,

41:57 uh,

41:57 against,

41:58 uh,

41:58 pandemics,

41:58 which paid out during COVID.

42:00 So it actually paid out,

42:01 uh,

42:01 258 million,

42:03 so more than it,

42:03 it took in.

42:04 Um,

42:05 but,

42:05 but obviously,

42:06 this was still a very small amount of money,

42:07 you know,

42:08 you,

42:08 you need to buy more insurance to,

42:10 to,

42:10 to have a big response.

42:11 Um,

42:12 and so,

42:12 kind of channeling this idea,

42:14 there was this independent panel,

42:16 uh,

42:16 of the G20 which said,

42:18 OK,

42:18 we should have a new fund.

42:19 Uh,

42:20 they want to put $10 billion a year into it,

42:22 uh,

42:23 uh,

42:24 and,

42:24 you know,

42:24 to,

42:24 to fund,

42:25 um,

42:25 pandemic preparedness.

42:27 And a lot of the things we've talked about here are sort of pathogen surveillance,

42:31 uh,

42:31 interruption of wild animal trade and,

42:33 and maintenance of,

42:34 of

42:34 manufacturing capacity.

42:36 And so far,

42:37 about a billion dollars has been committed.

42:39 So far less than,

42:40 than the $10 billion per year asked,

42:42 uh,

42:42 but still more than people were investing in,

42:44 in 2017.

42:46 And,

42:46 you know,

42:46 the point I want to make in this talk is that,

42:48 you know,

42:49 if you want to avoid

42:50 the vaccine access,

42:52 uh,

42:52 inequity,

42:53 you know,

42:53 we need to invest in strong health systems and so forth.

42:56 But we,

42:56 we also need kind of surge funding to,

42:58 to purchase,

42:59 uh,

42:59 vaccines and,

43:00 and secure a place in line

43:02 during,

43:02 you know,

43:03 wartime.

43:03 So,

43:03 you can say,

43:04 you have this dichotomy of,

43:06 of prevention is,

43:06 is peacetime activities,

43:07 but then,

43:08 you know,

43:08 when,

43:09 when you do get that

43:10 1 in 50 year,

43:12 uh,

43:12 flood,

43:13 uh,

43:13 you know,

43:13 you need resources to,

43:15 to deal with it.

43:16 Um,

43:16 so,

43:17 here's how that could work.

43:17 So,

43:17 this is again in this new paper.

43:19 Um,

43:20 we say countries could establish a,

43:22 uh,

43:22 an advanced commitment fund.

43:24 Um,

43:24 it would have minimal operations.

43:26 But then,

43:27 as soon as a pandemic is declared,

43:28 so either when the

43:29 WHO declares it or there's some,

43:32 you know,

43:32 deaths,

43:33 uh,

43:33 above a number,

43:34 a certain number,

43:35 um,

43:36 uh,

43:36 you know,

43:36 you might want to do the deaths threshold because,

43:39 you know,

43:39 once you create a fund and then if the WHO

43:42 You know,

43:42 then they have an incentive to release the money by declaring a pandemic.

43:45 So you could guard against that by,

43:46 by,

43:47 uh,

43:47 by having a number of,

43:48 uh,

43:49 death threshold.

43:50 Um,

43:51 uh,

43:51 so that's,

43:52 that's what the fund does.

43:53 Uh,

43:53 step two is that a financer,

43:55 financier establishes a credit line to the fund.

43:57 So,

43:58 a loan that says,

43:58 you know,

43:59 this becomes active and you can borrow.

44:01 Uh,

44:01 when,

44:02 uh,

44:02 the pandemic starts,

44:03 and,

44:04 and a notional value for that is 18

44:06 billion.

44:06 So the exact amount of money that Act A raised,

44:09 uh,

44:10 by 2021,

44:11 we've,

44:11 all we're saying is just say,

44:12 you know,

44:13 donors will give that again,

44:14 let's lend against that,

44:15 so it's available on day zero of the pandemic.

44:18 Um,

44:19 and so,

44:19 you know,

44:19 with that credit line,

44:20 step 3,

44:21 the fund is able to invest,

44:22 uh,

44:22 to secure a place in line,

44:24 so it can invest in R&D,

44:25 uh,

44:26 support manufacturing,

44:27 and also purchase vaccines.

44:28 The,

44:28 the key point with all of these is that all the contracts should have

44:32 an option to purchase with a guaranteed

44:34 place in line.

44:35 So,

44:35 it secures,

44:36 you know,

44:36 the,

44:36 the position of low and middle-income countries to buy

44:39 vaccines.

44:41 Um,

44:41 you know,

44:41 so just to talk a bit about the financier,

44:43 so this is just general,

44:44 right?

44:45 This is,

44:45 any financier could do this,

44:46 you know,

44:47 the World Bank is a financier,

44:48 could also be a commercial bank,

44:50 private,

44:50 uh,

44:51 foundation.

44:52 Um,

44:52 and so,

44:53 we highlight in the paper

44:54 four options,

44:55 uh,

44:55 for them to do this,

44:56 which can be used separately or in combination.

44:58 So,

44:58 one,

44:58 which I mentioned is to say just donors say,

45:01 in advance,

45:01 you know,

45:02 we're gonna do the same thing,

45:03 uh,

45:03 as we did during COVID-19.

45:05 Um,

45:06 that's enough for the financier to lend against that.

45:08 Another would be for low-income countries to,

45:10 to actually guarantee a credit line.

45:12 So they say,

45:12 OK,

45:13 our agencies maybe,

45:15 uh,

45:15 like the Africa Vaccine Trust,

45:17 um,

45:17 are gonna do these purchases,

45:18 you can lend against that.

45:20 A third would be insurance.

45:21 So,

45:21 this was the,

45:22 you know,

45:22 experiment,

45:23 um,

45:24 of this emergency financing facility.

45:26 It can be a bit expensive,

45:27 but in this case,

45:27 it paid off.

45:29 Um,

45:29 and then D would be just that the shareholders

45:31 of the financier permit them to bear the risks.

45:33 So,

45:33 just say,

45:34 you know,

45:34 we're gonna take the,

45:35 no one promises anything.

45:37 But will,

45:37 will lend the money.

45:38 And,

45:39 you know,

45:39 what's interesting is that,

45:40 so in the,

45:41 um,

45:42 you know,

45:42 just from the World Bank,

45:43 in the uh pandemic of COVID-19,

45:46 uh sort of B and C were the main options.

45:49 So we,

45:49 we have these insurance payouts and then also lending to,

45:53 uh,

45:53 you know,

45:54 middle-income countries and low-income countries directly.

45:56 Um,

45:57 but previously,

45:57 we've actually used other,

45:58 uh,

45:59 options.

45:59 So,

46:00 there was this,

46:00 um,

46:01 advanced commitment fund for,

46:03 uh,

46:03 pneumococcal,

46:04 uh,

46:05 uh,

46:05 vaccines,

46:06 um,

46:06 which was proposed by Michael Kramer and,

46:08 and,

46:08 and executed in the last decade.

46:10 Uh,

46:11 that was actually a combination of A and D.

46:12 So their,

46:13 uh,

46:14 government,

46:14 governments committed some money to pay for this,

46:16 but they actually didn't pay it.

46:18 You know,

46:18 fully in advance,

46:19 so the World Bank,

46:20 you know,

46:20 put some risk on its own balance sheet,

46:22 uh,

46:22 to pay for that.

46:23 Eventually,

46:23 the donors did,

46:24 you know,

46:24 pay,

46:24 pay the World Bank back,

46:25 but the bank charged a small fee

46:27 to take that risk.

46:29 Um,

46:29 and then the final thing I want to say on this is that,

46:31 you know,

46:32 uh,

46:33 a financier might not want to

46:35 deliver unsafe or ineffective vaccines.

46:37 So one thing they can do is say,

46:39 well,

46:39 I'll finance prepayment to get you a place in line.

46:43 But I will commit to procure the vaccine.

46:45 So pay the full cost

46:47 only after emergency use authorization.

46:49 So,

46:49 I'm not gonna actually,

46:51 uh,

46:52 purchase the vaccines until they succeed.

46:54 So,

46:54 that,

46:54 that gives,

46:55 you know,

46:56 puts some risk on the,

46:57 um,

46:58 on the developer,

46:59 uh,

46:59 and also means that all of your money is not actually,

47:02 uh,

47:02 at risk,

47:03 um,

47:04 you know,

47:04 if,

47:05 if the vaccines don't come through.

47:06 Um,

47:07 just to A few points,

47:07 I'll,

47:08 I'll try to wrap up really quickly.

47:09 Um,

47:09 you know,

47:10 ACTA provides some,

47:12 some examples.

47:12 So,

47:13 so,

47:13 a lot of the orders were,

47:15 um,

47:15 of COVAs,

47:16 uh,

47:16 were concentrated in India,

47:18 which restricted exports,

47:19 um,

47:20 you know,

47:20 as,

47:20 as it has a prerogative to do,

47:22 uh,

47:22 to protect its own people.

47:23 But,

47:23 you know,

47:24 in the next time,

47:25 one approach would be to,

47:26 uh,

47:26 actually invest in,

47:28 uh,

47:28 contracts from smaller countries that can satisfy

47:30 their domes domestic demand more quickly.

47:33 Um,

47:34 uh,

47:34 you know,

47:34 and that,

47:35 uh,

47:36 I think it's part of a broader discussion of,

47:37 say,

47:38 you know,

47:38 if we have vaccine capacity,

47:39 manufacturing capacity in small countries,

47:41 there's a double benefit because that allows countries to meet their needs faster,

47:45 uh,

47:46 factor,

47:46 uh,

47:47 and,

47:47 uh,

47:47 and expand the number of exporters.

47:49 Um,

47:49 and also,

47:49 you know,

47:50 subsidies could be targeted in a more progressive way.

47:52 So,

47:52 let me summarize,

47:53 uh,

47:54 we get to the discussion,

47:55 um,

47:56 So,

47:56 uh,

47:56 you know,

47:57 the international,

47:58 there was a lot of inequality,

47:59 uh,

47:59 internationally,

48:00 um,

48:01 excluding India,

48:02 uh,

48:02 low and lower middle income countries did have lower deaths

48:05 per capita,

48:05 yet vaccine access was also

48:08 unequal.

48:08 So we think that,

48:09 uh,

48:09 actually mortality of older people was higher,

48:12 uh,

48:13 in,

48:13 in low-income countries.

48:14 So though there was an

48:16 overall,

48:16 you know,

48:17 effect that was,

48:18 was lower,

48:18 uh,

48:19 you know,

48:19 there were still people going without healthcare.

48:22 Um,

48:22 and,

48:22 and also,

48:23 you know,

48:23 income convergence is,

48:24 is forecast to return.

48:25 So there's sort of,

48:26 uh,

48:26 inequality will decline over time,

48:29 uh,

48:29 in the long run,

48:30 uh,

48:30 in aggregate.

48:32 Between countries.

48:33 Um,

48:34 and then,

48:34 you know,

48:34 looking at the cooperation,

48:36 um,

48:36 so there was this forbearance,

48:38 I told you that,

48:38 that doesn't seem to have been particularly effective in lowering costs,

48:41 but the development banks did,

48:43 uh,

48:44 you know,

48:44 provide this cheap finance,

48:45 um,

48:46 but importantly not for at-risk purchases

48:49 of vaccines.

48:50 Um,

48:50 donors committed 18 billion to ACTA,

48:53 um,

48:54 which is a huge amount,

48:54 more than,

48:55 more than

48:56 Uh,

48:56 previously,

48:57 uh,

48:58 uh,

48:58 to prepare for pandemics.

49:00 Uh,

49:00 but this came slowly,

49:01 only after 18 months.

49:02 And so,

49:03 but still,

49:03 you know,

49:04 despite all of this,

49:05 uh,

49:05 you know,

49:05 24 months into the pandemic,

49:07 vaccine supply is not a constraint.

49:09 So there was a,

49:09 a brief window in 2021 where that was an issue,

49:12 but now,

49:12 you know,

49:12 it's,

49:13 it's about,

49:13 uh,

49:14 you know,

49:14 the sort of,

49:15 uh,

49:17 final,

49:17 final delivery,

49:18 um,

49:19 last mile delivery,

49:20 excuse me.

49:21 And then,

49:21 and then see,

49:22 you know,

49:22 this is my claim,

49:23 uh,

49:23 is that the,

49:24 the response could have been even faster and more equitable,

49:27 um,

49:27 had funds been available for ACTA and for countries,

49:30 um,

49:31 earlier,

49:31 uh,

49:31 we could have incentivized,

49:33 uh,

49:33 an earlier expansion of supply,

49:35 uh,

49:35 and also secured countries,

49:37 uh,

49:37 a place in line.

49:38 Um,

49:39 so,

49:39 with that,

49:40 uh,

49:40 I'll stop.

49:40 Thanks,

49:41 thanks so much.

49:45 Thanks,

49:45 Tristan,

49:46 um,

49:46 for that,

49:47 that retrospective and,

49:48 and perspective view.

49:50 Um,

49:51 uh,

49:51 as I mentioned at the beginning,

49:53 we were really pleased to have,

49:54 um,

49:55 Kent uh Ransom here,

49:57 uh,

49:57 as a discussant.

49:58 So Kent,

49:58 over to you for some,

50:00 some reflections.

50:02 Great,

50:02 thanks,

50:02 Dion,

50:03 and thanks Tristan,

50:04 for providing me the opportunity to comment

50:06 on this interesting and highly topical presentation.

50:09 I was asked to comment based on my involvement in

50:11 the World Bank's collaboration with Gabi and the COA facility.

50:15 I'm not an unbiased discussant.

50:17 As an alternate to the World Bank's global director,

50:20 Health,

50:20 Nutrition and Population,

50:22 Juan Pablo Uribe,

50:23 I represent the bank on the board of GABI.

50:26 Uh,

50:26 the board of GABI oversees the GABI Secretariat

50:29 and has the ultimate responsibility for decisions,

50:32 uh,

50:32 uh,

50:33 and effective implementation of the COA facility.

50:37 As Tristan mentioned,

50:38 COVAX is the vaccines pillar of the Act accelerator,

50:41 GAVI,

50:42 SEPI,

50:43 the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations,

50:47 and WHO

50:48 co-lead COVAX.

50:51 AV coordinates the COVAX facility,

50:53 which is the mechanism for securing COVID vaccines,

50:57 either by procuring them or through receipt of donated doses

51:01 and equitably allocating these vaccines.

51:05 COVAX has now delivered over 1.5 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses to 145 economies,

51:12 including over 1.3 billion doses

51:15 to AMC countries,

51:16 advanced market commitment countries.

51:18 These are 92 low and middle income economies.

51:22 Contributing significantly to coverage rates achieved in the AMC countries.

51:27 Uh,

51:28 and they currently have

51:29 coverage rates of 50 average coverage rates of 54%

51:34 with at least one dose and 46%

51:37 fully vaccinated,

51:39 uh,

51:39 uh,

51:40 as of 24th of May.

51:42 Although overall coverage between and within countries remains uneven,

51:47 as does the coverage of high-risk populations.

51:51 Um,

51:52 I certainly agree with the primary finding of your,

51:54 your analysis,

51:55 that is,

51:56 that the multilateral vaccines response could have

51:58 been even faster and the results more equitable

52:01 had funds been available in early 2020.

52:04 But earlier orders would also have secured low and middle income countries a

52:09 more equitable place in line benefiting high risk populations in those countries.

52:15 But I'm also glad that your analysis highlights

52:18 that 25 to 40% of the delay in vaccine

52:21 deliveries to low and middle income countries occurred independently

52:25 of the time they were ordered.

52:27 Delays were certainly also

52:29 about policy

52:30 and process

52:32 and power.

52:33 In terms of power you've mentioned the whole market effect,

52:36 which is no doubt significant.

52:38 Delays certainly also had to do with

52:41 setting up regulatory and legal frameworks,

52:44 deployment capacities,

52:46 so long-term investments in routine immunization,

52:48 and vaccine acceptance,

52:50 among other things.

52:52 Your analysis,

52:53 um,

52:53 uh,

52:54 didn't consider,

52:54 uh,

52:55 as,

52:55 as one of your hypotheses,

52:56 whether countries would have been ready to receive and deploy vaccines

53:00 if they had access,

53:02 uh,

53:02 to them six months earlier.

53:05 While countries awaited vaccines,

53:07 they invested in deployment capacity,

53:09 communications to build receptivity,

53:11 training healthcare workers,

53:12 regulatory requirements,

53:14 etc.

53:15 Some of the delay in with which low and middle income countries placed orders

53:21 may have reflected their own readiness to deploy the vaccines,

53:25 having firstly observed the impact of vaccine deployment elsewhere

53:28 while assessing their own perception of need.

53:33 Clearly,

53:33 uh,

53:33 a multilateral pandemic vaccine's response

53:36 should ensure financing not only for vaccine procurement,

53:40 uh,

53:40 which is the focus of your presentation.

53:43 Um,

53:45 I thought it uh uh instructive to

53:47 look at some of what Gay is planning for pandemic

53:51 preparedness as part of ongoing discussions about the global architecture

53:55 and financing for pandemic preparedness and response.

53:59 Gabi's begun to articulate its potential role.

54:03 And this will,

54:03 of course,

54:04 be informed by reviews and independent evaluations

54:07 that are planned for COVAX.

54:10 What Gay proposes is,

54:11 firstly,

54:13 that it has a vital role to play in building countries'

54:16 capacity to respond in emergencies

54:18 by strengthening routine immunization programs,

54:21 increasing their efficiency,

54:23 focusing on equity,

54:24 uh,

54:24 and reaching missed communities.

54:27 Secondly,

54:27 Gabi has a core role

54:29 in addressing inadequate manufacturing diversity in the face of COVID-19

54:35 and calls for support to African vaccine manufacturing.

54:39 Gabi's experience in market shaping for vaccines

54:42 can be leveraged to inform the intentional design

54:45 of a vaccine ecosystem that supports the sustainable sustainability

54:51 of African African vaccine manufacturing facilities

54:54 and the health of the global market more broadly.

54:58 Thirdly,

54:59 Gabi's financial instruments and capacity to innovate at pace

55:03 can play a role in future pandemic response.

55:06 Um,

55:08 I thought it worth mentioning some of Gabi's innovative financing mechanisms

55:12 given their potential role to provide financing for future pandemic response.

55:17 Gabi has a long track record of financial innovation,

55:20 most notably

55:21 forming the International Finance Facility for Immunization,

55:25 IFIM in 2006

55:27 with the World Bank as its treasury manager.

55:30 IFIM's pioneering work to create vaccine bonds through raising

55:34 finance on capital markets backed by long-term donor pledges.

55:38 Meant that a billion dollars front loading tool was

55:41 available to provide additional resources to the Covax AMC.

55:47 Recently,

55:47 Gabi announced a new COA rapid financing facility.

55:51 This is financed by the US Development Finance Corporation.

55:55 This is the first front loading arrangement that Gabby has designed

55:58 that provides access to liquidity from the moment a donor pledge

56:02 is publicly announced

56:04 rather than only when grant agreements are signed.

56:07 This will allow Covas to front load up to $1 billion in donor pledges for up to 2 years

56:12 in

56:12 increments of $350 million at any one time.

56:17 Uh,

56:17 Tristan,

56:18 you also mentioned the EIB facility.

56:20 This is a facility that allows Gay to front load pledge pledges

56:26 and draw down cash,

56:28 but to do so

56:30 on the basis of signed grant agreements.

56:33 The capacity of the EIB facility has recently been expanded from €440 million

56:38 by a further €1 billion.

56:42 And there are conversations about having both a front

56:45 loading and a quasi-contingent capacity to that EIB facility.

56:52 We also established the cost sharing mechanism

56:56 through which countries could procure extra COVID-19

56:58 vaccine doses using their own funding,

57:01 including World Bank financing.

57:03 This mechanism could also potentially be kept

57:06 warm

57:06 for use in a future future pandemic.

57:10 So in fact,

57:10 many of the aspects of the advance commitment fund

57:14 that you proposed

57:15 are already in place at

57:18 at GAI.

57:20 You've not mentioned,

57:21 uh,

57:22 the World Bank White Paper,

57:23 uh,

57:23 on the proposed financial intermediary fund for pandemic prevention,

57:28 preparedness and response.

57:30 So I did wonder to what extent the proposed mechanism,

57:33 uh,

57:33 addresses recommendations that you've made in your presentation.

57:37 Um,

57:37 uh,

57:38 uh,

57:38 my reading of the white paper is that it's,

57:40 uh,

57:40 uh,

57:40 more about the,

57:41 how,

57:42 how the fifth will be governed

57:43 rather than,

57:44 uh,

57:44 uh,

57:45 what it will do or the details of what it will do.

57:48 I do note that they recommend procurement of pandemic countermeasures,

57:52 presumably presumably including vaccines.

57:55 And it's clear,

57:56 uh,

57:57 that in the first instance,

57:58 they are planning for grants in,

58:01 grants out,

58:02 uh,

58:03 with no contingency financing.

58:05 But I'd be interested to hear your reflections

58:07 on that,

58:08 uh,

58:08 on that,

58:09 uh,

58:09 white paper.

58:11 Finally,

58:12 I hope that uh uh your team at DEC and

58:14 others will be involved in drawing lessons on what worked

58:17 and what didn't work in terms of financing.

58:21 At country level in low and middle income countries.

58:25 Faced with little or changing information about disease epidemiology,

58:30 vaccine supplies,

58:31 demand for vaccines,

58:33 how were decisions made about allocating to vaccine procurement and deployment?

58:38 And what impact did this have on financing of health and other sectors?

58:43 What sorts of technical assistance at country level

58:46 might have helped to better prepare

58:48 and respond?

58:50 I think that one of the key lessons learned

58:52 from the COVID pandemic is that when a government,

58:54 uh,

58:54 uh,

58:55 has a say

58:56 in how COVID tools are financed and procured and allocated,

59:00 this ownership and agency is then reflected in

59:03 in-country deployment of these tools.

59:06 So I'd also encourage,

59:08 uh,

59:08 uh,

59:08 the,

59:08 the authors to think about how countries can be involved in consultation

59:12 around your analysis and,

59:14 and papers.

59:16 Thank you very much.

59:21 Thanks so much,

59:22 Ken,

59:23 for those,

59:24 those insightful comments,

59:25 both reflecting and then um

59:27 it's very interesting to learn about all the,

59:29 the,

59:29 the different mechanisms that you,

59:30 that you described

59:32 and interesting to think about them in relation to,

59:34 to what,

59:35 what,

59:35 what Tristan was putting forth.

59:36 Um,

59:38 I'm gonna turn it back to Tristan if you want to pick up on a couple of,

59:41 of,

59:41 of Kent's points,

59:42 but I do want to encourage people,

59:43 if you do have a question,

59:44 please raise your hand using the raise hand function or

59:48 signal in the chat that you'd like to come in

59:49 if you have a question for either Tristan or,

59:51 or Kent.

59:52 I,

59:52 I hope,

59:53 Kent,

59:53 you don't mind if people direct some questions to you.

59:56 Um,

59:57 But with that,

59:58 let me turn it to Tristan for some,

1:00:00 some reactions and then we'll open it up.

1:00:01 Um,

1:00:02 please let me know.

1:00:04 Yeah,

1:00:04 thanks.

1:00:04 Let me,

1:00:04 let me respond quickly and to those three points.

1:00:07 I think I have,

1:00:08 um,

1:00:08 and then we can,

1:00:09 yeah,

1:00:09 I'm,

1:00:09 I'm eager to hear the audience.

1:00:11 Um,

1:00:11 so yeah,

1:00:11 I think on,

1:00:12 on

1:00:13 absorption capacity and the ability of countries to absorb,

1:00:16 you know,

1:00:17 vaccines,

1:00:17 that,

1:00:17 that's certainly an issue.

1:00:19 Um,

1:00:19 and I,

1:00:20 you know,

1:00:20 I should have highlighted it directly.

1:00:21 Um,

1:00:22 but I think,

1:00:22 you know,

1:00:22 one thing that's interesting to point out is that actually,

1:00:25 even low-income countries actually do have a lot of experience with vac,

1:00:29 uh,

1:00:29 mass vaccination campaigns.

1:00:31 So,

1:00:31 you know,

1:00:31 there's an example in 2013 that,

1:00:34 uh,

1:00:34 Burkina Faso immunized,

1:00:36 you know,

1:00:36 the whole population under 20,

1:00:38 uh,

1:00:38 against meningitis in,

1:00:39 in less than a month.

1:00:41 Um,

1:00:41 and now,

1:00:42 that,

1:00:42 that took a lot of planning,

1:00:44 uh,

1:00:44 and additional resources,

1:00:45 but,

1:00:45 but it,

1:00:46 it can be done.

1:00:47 And so,

1:00:48 You know,

1:00:48 part of,

1:00:49 you know,

1:00:49 I,

1:00:49 I worked actually

1:00:51 before the bank on,

1:00:51 on the,

1:00:52 uh,

1:00:53 the polio campaigns in Nigeria.

1:00:55 Um,

1:00:55 you know,

1:00:56 you,

1:00:56 you can do them if you,

1:00:58 if you have planning and,

1:00:59 and resources.

1:00:59 And so,

1:01:00 as long as we,

1:01:01 you know,

1:01:02 make sure that this kind of

1:01:04 surge,

1:01:05 uh,

1:01:06 efforts,

1:01:06 uh,

1:01:06 are,

1:01:06 are part of countries' planning,

1:01:08 I think it's sort of very feasible that,

1:01:10 that in the next pandemic,

1:01:11 everyone will be,

1:01:12 you know,

1:01:12 ready,

1:01:12 can be ready to go.

1:01:14 Um,

1:01:15 you,

1:01:15 you mentioned the,

1:01:15 the World Bank Financial Intermediary fund.

1:01:17 So I,

1:01:18 you know,

1:01:18 these are,

1:01:18 these are sort of my views as a researcher,

1:01:20 and I don't,

1:01:21 I,

1:01:21 I want to make very clear,

1:01:22 I'm not speaking for,

1:01:22 for World Bank policy.

1:01:24 There's been a lot of

1:01:25 public discussion,

1:01:26 which is ongoing.

1:01:27 Um,

1:01:28 you know,

1:01:28 that fund,

1:01:29 as,

1:01:29 as I said,

1:01:30 is,

1:01:30 is,

1:01:30 there's about a billion dollars that's been raised for it,

1:01:33 and there's a lot of things

1:01:35 that people have proposed and,

1:01:37 as you said,

1:01:37 the,

1:01:38 the discussion is mostly about how it will be governed,

1:01:39 but not actually what

1:01:41 the money will be spent on.

1:01:42 And

1:01:43 Um,

1:01:44 you know,

1:01:44 I,

1:01:45 uh,

1:01:45 Amanda Glassman at,

1:01:46 at CGD actually wrote a,

1:01:47 a nice comment on this,

1:01:48 which I thought was helpful,

1:01:50 which is that,

1:01:51 you know,

1:01:52 the,

1:01:52 the fund can actually be targeted at,

1:01:54 um,

1:01:55 the,

1:01:55 these prevention activities,

1:01:56 so surveillance and,

1:01:58 you know,

1:01:58 in,

1:01:58 you know,

1:01:59 safe,

1:01:59 safety in,

1:02:00 in,

1:02:00 you know,

1:02:00 markets that sell wildlife and so forth.

1:02:03 Um,

1:02:04 but actually,

1:02:04 we can address

1:02:06 the,

1:02:07 uh,

1:02:07 this kind of surge of response

1:02:10 through existing,

1:02:11 uh,

1:02:12 instruments and products as long as we make the right modifications.

1:02:15 So,

1:02:15 you know,

1:02:16 if,

1:02:17 if,

1:02:17 um,

1:02:18 you know,

1:02:18 multilateral development banks like the World Bank would,

1:02:20 would,

1:02:21 you know,

1:02:21 finance,

1:02:22 uh,

1:02:23 prepayments before

1:02:24 licensure of the vaccines,

1:02:26 that would,

1:02:27 you know,

1:02:27 allow countries to,

1:02:28 to buy,

1:02:29 you know,

1:02:29 early on in the pandemic.

1:02:31 Um,

1:02:31 you know,

1:02:32 you mentioned the IFIM and,

1:02:33 and EIB structures,

1:02:35 you know,

1:02:35 those,

1:02:35 those exist and you can lend against donors.

1:02:38 Uh,

1:02:39 commitments,

1:02:39 as,

1:02:39 as I said,

1:02:40 the World Bank has done this before for

1:02:42 the punonococcal,

1:02:43 punococcal,

1:02:44 uh,

1:02:45 um,

1:02:46 uh,

1:02:46 advanced commitments.

1:02:47 So,

1:02:47 so,

1:02:47 I think we actually can,

1:02:49 um,

1:02:50 You know,

1:02:51 respond,

1:02:51 uh,

1:02:52 without using the additional funds from the 5th.

1:02:55 Um,

1:02:55 but we,

1:02:56 we do need to make sure that,

1:02:57 you know,

1:02:57 we don't have restrictions on how money can be used,

1:03:00 uh,

1:03:00 in order,

1:03:01 in order to do that.

1:03:02 Um,

1:03:02 and then third,

1:03:03 you know,

1:03:03 just kind of tying back to what I said about,

1:03:06 um,

1:03:06 absorption capacity,

1:03:07 you know,

1:03:08 there's so much good research coming out of DEC

1:03:10 on last mile health delivery and incentives for healthcare workers.

1:03:15 And,

1:03:15 you know,

1:03:15 this is the bread and butter of,

1:03:17 of

1:03:18 both pandemic response and also,

1:03:20 you know,

1:03:20 global health generally.

1:03:22 And,

1:03:22 you know,

1:03:22 we saw that,

1:03:23 yes,

1:03:23 there was this period in 2021 where we needed

1:03:26 supply and all this financing would have been helpful,

1:03:28 but now we're just kind of back to the same problem,

1:03:30 which is that,

1:03:30 you know,

1:03:30 you need to vaccinate.

1:03:32 Everybody,

1:03:32 and that's,

1:03:33 that's a hard thing to do even in high-income countries.

1:03:35 So,

1:03:36 you know,

1:03:36 I think that the bulk of research that,

1:03:38 that DEC and others are,

1:03:39 are providing can be,

1:03:40 can be really useful there,

1:03:41 um,

1:03:42 uh,

1:03:42 and,

1:03:42 and it's,

1:03:43 it's very important

1:03:44 as long as we make sure we get this,

1:03:45 this response,

1:03:46 response financing correct.

1:03:48 So overall,

1:03:48 I'll,

1:03:49 I'll,

1:03:49 I'll open up to everybody else.

1:03:50 Thanks.

1:03:54 Yeah,

1:03:54 just to pick up on that last

1:03:56 point,

1:03:56 I mean,

1:03:57 Kent,

1:03:57 you're right,

1:03:58 I mean,

1:03:58 I,

1:03:58 I guess we are gonna be going into a phase now of,

1:04:00 of looking back at lessons learned,

1:04:03 but we do have a rich tradition within the

1:04:04 research department of looking at health services and,

1:04:07 and the improving the,

1:04:08 the quality and quality and access to,

1:04:10 uh,

1:04:11 and the,

1:04:11 the quality of service delivery,

1:04:13 um,

1:04:13 that's ongoing and,

1:04:14 and,

1:04:15 and,

1:04:15 and,

1:04:15 and we're obviously very keen to,

1:04:17 to,

1:04:18 to keep doing that.

1:04:19 And,

1:04:20 and as you say,

1:04:21 using this period to look at exactly what happened,

1:04:23 um,

1:04:24 and,

1:04:24 and lessons for the future on that front as well.

1:04:27 Um,

1:04:28 I don't see any hands raised.

1:04:30 Um,

1:04:31 I,

1:04:31 Ryan,

1:04:31 I don't know if we've received any questions through the YouTube,

1:04:34 um,

1:04:35 chat function.

1:04:37 Um,

1:04:41 I want to just give people a chance to

1:04:44 come in.

1:04:47 I see one from Samir Chandra.

1:04:50 Yeah,

1:04:50 Samir.

1:04:51 Go ahead,

1:04:52 Samir.

1:04:56 Hi,

1:04:57 uh,

1:04:57 this is Samir Chandra.

1:04:58 Can you all hear me well?

1:05:00 Yes,

1:05:00 you can.

1:05:00 Oh,

1:05:01 thanks.

1:05:01 Yeah,

1:05:01 this is

1:05:02 Samir from Global Geographic Society.

1:05:04 We are a Virginia-based nonprofit organization,

1:05:05 and I'm an independent researcher working on

1:05:08 poverty alleviation through skill development.

1:05:10 My question is,

1:05:11 what

1:05:12 changes you see in this post-pandemic scenario

1:05:16 on the global supply chain,

1:05:17 especially development of the local supply centers and

1:05:19 local manufacturing

1:05:21 and its impact

1:05:22 on poverty alleviation,

1:05:24 especially in the third world countries.

1:05:27 Um,

1:05:28 yeah,

1:05:28 thank you.

1:05:29 Uh,

1:05:29 so,

1:05:29 so I think that's a super important point.

1:05:30 As,

1:05:31 as I said,

1:05:31 um,

1:05:32 you know,

1:05:33 there,

1:05:33 there's this,

1:05:33 so in international trade,

1:05:34 there's this thing called the home market effect.

1:05:37 And that means if you have increasing returns to scale and production,

1:05:41 That means that actually the,

1:05:42 the countries that do the most exporting will also

1:05:45 be the ones that have the big domestic markets.

1:05:47 And so that's really what you see in health products,

1:05:50 um,

1:05:50 and,

1:05:50 you know,

1:05:51 in vaccines in particular that,

1:05:52 you know,

1:05:52 the US,

1:05:54 China,

1:05:55 uh,

1:05:55 EU are,

1:05:56 are the big producers and,

1:05:57 and India,

1:05:58 they have these big markets.

1:05:59 Um,

1:06:00 at the same time,

1:06:01 those are the countries that will

1:06:03 also,

1:06:04 you know,

1:06:04 they need to supply,

1:06:05 they need to serve their own populations.

1:06:07 And so in emergencies,

1:06:09 because they have big populations,

1:06:10 it will take longer for them

1:06:12 to produce enough to,

1:06:13 to,

1:06:13 to,

1:06:14 to provide for their populations.

1:06:16 And so,

1:06:17 I think from that perspective,

1:06:18 there is actually a lot of benefit.

1:06:21 In,

1:06:21 um,

1:06:22 you know,

1:06:22 subsidies and,

1:06:23 and,

1:06:23 and efforts to,

1:06:24 to,

1:06:25 uh,

1:06:25 make sure that every country has a little bit of,

1:06:28 of vaccine production capacity so they can

1:06:30 both provide for their own populations,

1:06:32 but also,

1:06:33 um,

1:06:34 uh,

1:06:34 you know,

1:06:35 uh,

1:06:35 export.

1:06:36 Um,

1:06:37 you know,

1:06:37 I think the challenge with that though,

1:06:39 is that in order for

1:06:41 Local vaccine production to be sustainable,

1:06:43 it has to have

1:06:44 continued demand.

1:06:45 So you can't just have a factory sitting around for 30 years until the next

1:06:49 coronavirus pandemic.

1:06:50 You know,

1:06:50 you need to actually use it to provide,

1:06:53 uh,

1:06:53 you know,

1:06:53 the,

1:06:54 the basic,

1:06:54 you know,

1:06:55 childhood immunizations,

1:06:56 you know,

1:06:56 measles and,

1:06:57 and yellow fever and,

1:06:59 and,

1:06:59 and these sorts of things.

1:07:00 Um,

1:07:01 and so,

1:07:02 I,

1:07:02 I think that that conversation will,

1:07:04 so there's a lot of effort to

1:07:06 Diversify production capacity,

1:07:08 but that will need to be,

1:07:10 um,

1:07:10 accompanied by,

1:07:11 you know,

1:07:12 a,

1:07:12 a concerted effort

1:07:14 to,

1:07:14 uh,

1:07:15 actually make sure that those,

1:07:16 those local producers have sustained,

1:07:18 uh,

1:07:19 demand,

1:07:19 and,

1:07:19 and they can build their capacities,

1:07:21 uh,

1:07:21 and keep them warm over time.

1:07:25 Thanks,

1:07:26 sir,

1:07:26 and I believe like,

1:07:27 one of the challenges will be of knowing the technical know-how and the

1:07:30 equipments and

1:07:32 other

1:07:33 facilities which can really facilitate or support

1:07:35 these kind of manufacturing in those countries.

1:07:39 Yeah,

1:07:39 I think Ken Ken mentioned that,

1:07:41 that,

1:07:41 uh,

1:07:41 COvax is,

1:07:42 is,

1:07:43 or,

1:07:43 or GAVI in general,

1:07:44 which,

1:07:44 which buys vaccines for,

1:07:46 for low income countries.

1:07:47 You know,

1:07:47 is thinking about how it can procure from,

1:07:50 you know,

1:07:50 a more diverse pool of,

1:07:51 of countries,

1:07:52 exactly,

1:07:52 you know,

1:07:53 in,

1:07:53 in that spirit.

1:07:55 Can I pick up on this and turn this question a little to Kent,

1:07:57 but in a very specific

1:07:59 case which is the South African situation right now

1:08:02 where they seem to be developing this capacity.

1:08:05 But there's,

1:08:05 but there seems to be no demand.

1:08:07 And how,

1:08:07 how do,

1:08:08 how do,

1:08:08 I mean,

1:08:09 do you have any thoughts on that?

1:08:10 And,

1:08:10 and how to,

1:08:12 how to,

1:08:12 um,

1:08:14 How to change that situation such that this capacity actually is sustained,

1:08:17 because if there's no demand,

1:08:18 I mean,

1:08:18 it'll definitely,

1:08:19 it'll,

1:08:20 it'll wither for sure.

1:08:26 I mean,

1:08:26 I,

1:08:26 uh,

1:08:27 the,

1:08:27 the,

1:08:27 the conversation then at,

1:08:29 uh,

1:08:29 at GAI is,

1:08:31 uh,

1:08:32 not just how,

1:08:33 uh,

1:08:33 they can buy,

1:08:34 uh,

1:08:35 uh,

1:08:35 vaccines,

1:08:36 uh,

1:08:37 in a pandemic,

1:08:38 uh,

1:08:38 from manufacturers in low and lower middle-income countries,

1:08:41 uh,

1:08:42 but how there might then be support,

1:08:44 uh,

1:08:44 uh,

1:08:45 um,

1:08:46 vaccines,

1:08:47 uh,

1:08:48 uh,

1:08:48 for routine immunization purchased from,

1:08:51 from those facilities so that the facilities are,

1:08:53 are,

1:08:54 Ever kept

1:08:55 warm.

1:08:56 Um,

1:08:58 on the,

1:08:58 on South Africa,

1:08:59 I'm not sure what the,

1:09:01 what solution there might be for the lack of demand,

1:09:04 uh,

1:09:04 for the vaccines out of,

1:09:05 out of aspen.

1:09:10 Great,

1:09:10 thanks.

1:09:10 Um,

1:09:12 Galina,

1:09:12 did you want to come in and put your question to the group?

1:09:16 I see you've put a question in the chat,

1:09:18 but

1:09:19 There's also Shahai has his

1:09:22 I just want to give Glena a chance to come in if they want to.

1:09:29 OK,

1:09:29 we'll take that as more of a comment then.

1:09:31 Um,

1:09:32 uh,

1:09:32 Shabtai,

1:09:33 do you want to come in?

1:09:35 Yeah,

1:09:35 thank you very much.

1:09:36 I,

1:09:36 I just wanted to ask Tristan if you can maybe expand a little

1:09:38 bit more on what he was talking about with regards to the,

1:09:42 um,

1:09:43 uh,

1:09:43 you,

1:09:44 you know,

1:09:44 getting,

1:09:45 uh,

1:09:45 that the financiers can make it so that

1:09:47 countries can purchase even before there's a,

1:09:49 uh,

1:09:49 uh,

1:09:49 authorization.

1:09:50 And how exactly

1:09:52 that could work with the other problem that he was

1:09:54 talking about that a KOA facility that might be needed

1:09:58 would,

1:09:58 um,

1:09:58 you know,

1:09:59 there's this lend country lending issue.

1:10:01 So how to reconcile on the one hand

1:10:03 this,

1:10:04 this,

1:10:04 um.

1:10:06 The bank has a need to lend specifically to countries,

1:10:08 but then you want to,

1:10:09 maybe you will need more money even if a fund is established.

1:10:12 So how to sort of get around all of those issues,

1:10:15 um,

1:10:16 given the bank's own constraints?

1:10:17 Will this require a policy change?

1:10:19 Will this require some sort of

1:10:22 different view within the bank over,

1:10:23 over whether it lends only to countries or not?

1:10:26 Sorry if that was a bit convoluted,

1:10:27 but,

1:10:28 uh,

1:10:28 right,

1:10:29 no,

1:10:29 that makes sense.

1:10:30 Again,

1:10:30 I,

1:10:30 I don't want to speak about World Bank policies,

1:10:32 so I'll,

1:10:32 I'll speak generally,

1:10:33 but I think there's two separate issues that you raised.

1:10:36 So one is that,

1:10:38 um,

1:10:39 you know,

1:10:39 it,

1:10:40 it

1:10:41 All of the high income countries,

1:10:43 not all,

1:10:43 but most,

1:10:45 took

1:10:46 A risk at the beginning of the pandemic by

1:10:49 paying for vaccines that might never have been successful.

1:10:52 And,

1:10:52 and this really did pan out,

1:10:53 right?

1:10:54 That you had,

1:10:55 you know,

1:10:55 the Cervac,

1:10:55 for example,

1:10:56 which didn't work and,

1:10:57 you know,

1:10:57 that was money and it,

1:10:58 it,

1:10:59 it was,

1:10:59 it was not delivered.

1:11:01 Um,

1:11:01 and somebody has to

1:11:04 pay for that.

1:11:05 Um,

1:11:05 you know,

1:11:05 in,

1:11:06 in this case,

1:11:06 it was the,

1:11:07 the high income countries.

1:11:09 Um,

1:11:10 you know,

1:11:11 the,

1:11:11 the World Bank said,

1:11:12 you know,

1:11:13 we,

1:11:13 we will not finance,

1:11:15 uh,

1:11:16 They they declined to finance purchases or any payment before.

1:11:20 Uh,

1:11:21 licensure,

1:11:21 which,

1:11:22 which,

1:11:22 you know,

1:11:23 means you,

1:11:23 you,

1:11:24 you're not subject to that risk.

1:11:25 Now,

1:11:25 as I said,

1:11:26 you could say,

1:11:27 well,

1:11:28 I'll pay,

1:11:28 you know,

1:11:28 let's say 20% of the cost now

1:11:31 and only 80% once it's authorized.

1:11:33 So you can manage your risk in that way,

1:11:35 but there's still some,

1:11:36 some money that's,

1:11:37 that's put at risk.

1:11:39 Um,

1:11:39 so that's kind of 11 policy where you just have to choose,

1:11:42 you know,

1:11:42 are you gonna let,

1:11:43 uh,

1:11:43 purchases happen?

1:11:44 And,

1:11:44 and,

1:11:45 and this,

1:11:45 this could be either purchases made by an individual country.

1:11:48 So,

1:11:49 say,

1:11:49 you know,

1:11:50 Nigeria wants to,

1:11:51 to buy more vaccines,

1:11:52 but they haven't been authorized yet,

1:11:53 so it's gonna,

1:11:54 you know,

1:11:54 give money to get a place in line.

1:11:56 You know,

1:11:56 you have to decide whether that's OK,

1:11:58 or it could be a loan to a,

1:12:00 a regional,

1:12:01 uh,

1:12:01 group.

1:12:02 Now,

1:12:03 The thing,

1:12:03 the other thing we raised was sort of whether you lend to individual countries or

1:12:08 groups.

1:12:08 Um,

1:12:09 you know,

1:12:10 as

1:12:10 Kent raised,

1:12:12 maybe a lot of countries,

1:12:13 you know,

1:12:13 because they,

1:12:14 you know,

1:12:14 they,

1:12:14 they,

1:12:15 they were seeing,

1:12:16 OK,

1:12:16 maybe I haven't had that many fatalities yet.

1:12:18 Maybe,

1:12:18 you know,

1:12:19 I'm,

1:12:19 I'm

1:12:20 waiting to see how,

1:12:22 um,

1:12:22 uh,

1:12:23 the planning,

1:12:24 you know,

1:12:24 will go.

1:12:25 And so,

1:12:25 so they wait.

1:12:26 Uh,

1:12:27 you know,

1:12:28 In that situation,

1:12:29 I think there is a benefit

1:12:31 to having a global or a regional organization

1:12:34 that takes some risk and moves,

1:12:37 you know,

1:12:37 faster than the other countries.

1:12:38 So,

1:12:38 you know,

1:12:39 COAs,

1:12:39 like,

1:12:40 it,

1:12:40 it,

1:12:40 it kind of,

1:12:41 it,

1:12:41 it did purchase in advance and it was one of the first,

1:12:44 um,

1:12:45 you know,

1:12:45 uh,

1:12:46 uh,

1:12:47 sources of supply that lots of countries had,

1:12:50 um,

1:12:50 because it had moved

1:12:51 so early.

1:12:52 Now,

1:12:52 it,

1:12:52 it had some bad luck,

1:12:53 which was that its first purchase was in a country that later,

1:12:56 you know,

1:12:57 um,

1:12:58 Uh,

1:12:58 restricted exports,

1:12:59 but,

1:12:59 but,

1:13:00 you know,

1:13:00 had it been a more diversified pool or it,

1:13:02 you know,

1:13:02 it just could have,

1:13:03 it could have turned out differently.

1:13:04 So I think,

1:13:05 I think you need both.

1:13:06 I think you need,

1:13:07 um,

1:13:08 you know,

1:13:08 a willingness of,

1:13:09 of finance to,

1:13:10 to lend before,

1:13:11 to,

1:13:12 to lend before vaccines are authorized to get a Place in line and also to incentivize

1:13:17 supply,

1:13:17 but you also need,

1:13:19 uh,

1:13:19 you know,

1:13:19 these kind of global or,

1:13:21 or regional agencies,

1:13:23 um,

1:13:23 you know,

1:13:23 that,

1:13:24 that can,

1:13:25 you know,

1:13:25 make purchases ahead of countries.

1:13:27 Another example of this is,

1:13:28 um,

1:13:29 so PAHO,

1:13:29 the Pan American Health Organization,

1:13:32 um,

1:13:33 uh,

1:13:33 bought vaccines,

1:13:34 you know,

1:13:35 in advance of countries ordering them.

1:13:36 So did,

1:13:37 so did the African Union,

1:13:38 actually.

1:13:38 So,

1:13:38 they said,

1:13:38 our,

1:13:39 our members haven't

1:13:40 You know,

1:13:40 figured out how much they need,

1:13:41 but we're gonna go into the market and secure it.

1:13:44 Um,

1:13:44 that,

1:13:44 that's an area where,

1:13:45 you know,

1:13:46 cooperation and also,

1:13:47 uh,

1:13:47 an independent management that can move faster than countries is,

1:13:50 is beneficial,

1:13:51 but,

1:13:51 but,

1:13:52 you know,

1:13:52 that,

1:13:52 that does have some risk and someone needs to,

1:13:54 to bear the risk associated with it.

1:14:04 Anyone else?

1:14:04 Yeah.

1:14:05 Anybody else have

1:14:07 a question they'd like to put to the group?

1:14:13 Doesn't look like it,

1:14:15 um.

1:14:17 If not,

1:14:18 I suggest I

1:14:19 turn it back to

1:14:21 Tristan maybe,

1:14:22 and then Kent,

1:14:23 if you don't mind,

1:14:23 just last word to our discussant.

1:14:26 Um,

1:14:28 Uh,

1:14:29 yeah,

1:14:29 thanks.

1:14:29 I,

1:14:29 I mean,

1:14:30 I just,

1:14:30 um,

1:14:30 I just want to really emphasize this point that,

1:14:33 you know,

1:14:33 I,

1:14:34 I think

1:14:36 There,

1:14:36 there was huge

1:14:37 inequity

1:14:38 and inequality in access

1:14:40 to vaccines for about a year during COVID.

1:14:43 And,

1:14:43 and that was due,

1:14:45 uh,

1:14:45 as Ken said,

1:14:46 to,

1:14:46 to policies that,

1:14:47 that high-income countries took,

1:14:49 um,

1:14:50 you know,

1:14:50 to,

1:14:51 to,

1:14:51 uh,

1:14:52 secure vaccines for themselves and,

1:14:53 but a lot of that had to do with getting money into the market

1:14:56 earlier.

1:14:57 And,

1:14:57 you know,

1:14:58 it is my hope that in the next pandemic,

1:15:00 you know,

1:15:00 with the new resources and interests that we have,

1:15:03 We'll be better able to get money,

1:15:05 uh,

1:15:05 into the market,

1:15:06 uh,

1:15:06 on behalf of,

1:15:07 of low and middle-income countries.

1:15:09 And,

1:15:09 and I,

1:15:10 I also admit that,

1:15:10 that,

1:15:11 that,

1:15:11 that is a little bit of a competition,

1:15:12 you know,

1:15:13 you need

1:15:14 high-income countries may not want,

1:15:15 uh,

1:15:15 low,

1:15:16 low-income countries bidding,

1:15:17 uh,

1:15:18 against them,

1:15:18 um,

1:15:19 at least early on.

1:15:20 Uh,

1:15:20 but,

1:15:21 you know,

1:15:21 we,

1:15:21 we do need to make sure that,

1:15:22 that resources are available to do that.

1:15:24 Um,

1:15:24 and I think,

1:15:25 you know,

1:15:25 if we do,

1:15:26 uh,

1:15:26 you know,

1:15:27 it will,

1:15:27 it,

1:15:27 it can benefit everybody by expanding supply,

1:15:30 um,

1:15:30 but also,

1:15:31 uh,

1:15:31 increasing equity.

1:15:32 So that's

1:15:33 Thanks.

1:15:35 Thanks,

1:15:35 Tristan.

1:15:36 Uh,

1:15:36 Kent,

1:15:36 any last words from you?

1:15:38 No,

1:15:38 just,

1:15:38 uh,

1:15:39 to again thank Tristan and the,

1:15:40 and the team,

1:15:41 uh,

1:15:42 for

1:15:42 the,

1:15:43 the,

1:15:43 the very timely work.

1:15:44 Uh,

1:15:45 I think this can feed into a lot of the,

1:15:47 the global discussions that are happening right now about,

1:15:49 uh,

1:15:50 financing for,

1:15:51 for,

1:15:52 um,

1:15:52 uh,

1:15:53 any future pandemic.

1:15:55 JP has one question at least.

1:15:56 I see we have a late entry here.

1:15:57 JP,

1:15:58 do you want to go ahead?

1:16:02 Oh you're on,

1:16:02 we can't hear you,

1:16:03 you're on mute.

1:16:05 Oh,

1:16:05 thanks,

1:16:06 thanks,

1:16:06 Dean,

1:16:06 and,

1:16:06 and,

1:16:07 and hello to everybody and to Tristan and Kent.

1:16:09 My,

1:16:09 my appreciation for the,

1:16:11 the very interesting discussion.

1:16:13 I did

1:16:14 want to come out of silence and,

1:16:15 and,

1:16:16 and express my appreciation to,

1:16:18 to both of you and to Deanne for sharing it.

1:16:20 Um,

1:16:21 I do believe that there's some incredible multi-causality here,

1:16:25 many variables connected.

1:16:27 It's very nice to try to dissect them,

1:16:30 but,

1:16:30 uh,

1:16:30 at the end of the day,

1:16:31 when,

1:16:32 when they appeared,

1:16:32 they all happened together.

1:16:34 So,

1:16:35 so we will need to continue thinking on this hypothesis and

1:16:38 the different assumptions and the scenarios moving forward.

1:16:42 I do want to highlight um Kent's point on,

1:16:44 on the country's strengthening capacity in the response.

1:16:47 I think it's a,

1:16:48 a core

1:16:50 element

1:16:50 as,

1:16:51 as we move forward.

1:16:52 It's gonna be very important,

1:16:53 uh,

1:16:54 Kent,

1:16:55 for,

1:16:55 for the evolution of the white paper and more especially

1:16:59 for the,

1:17:00 let's say the shared effort.

1:17:02 That we all bring around in strengthening,

1:17:04 again,

1:17:04 country capacity around PPR.

1:17:07 It's gonna be extremely important.

1:17:09 And I also believe that the overall,

1:17:11 um,

1:17:12 Tristan,

1:17:12 uh,

1:17:13 let's say,

1:17:14 trade variables.

1:17:15 Um,

1:17:16 including

1:17:17 the production and being able to control the national production

1:17:23 of supplies,

1:17:24 not only vaccines,

1:17:24 as we saw throughout

1:17:26 2020 and 2021,

1:17:28 it's a very important variable to also,

1:17:31 uh,

1:17:31 consider in detail.

1:17:33 So,

1:17:33 I wanted,

1:17:33 I wanted the end basically to bring these considerations

1:17:36 at,

1:17:36 at the end and again,

1:17:38 um thank you for,

1:17:39 for the space

1:17:40 and we for sure need to keep on thinking.

1:17:43 And all what we can learn from the past 2 years as we move forward.

1:17:46 Thank you very much.

1:17:49 Thanks,

1:17:50 JP.

1:17:50 I just,

1:17:51 for those who don't know,

1:17:51 JP is the global director for,

1:17:53 for,

1:17:53 for HA Health,

1:17:54 Nutrition and Population here at,

1:17:56 at,

1:17:56 at the World Bank.

1:17:57 So really pleased that you could join us today,

1:18:00 um,

1:18:00 and thanks for that intervention.

1:18:01 Um,

1:18:02 and I,

1:18:03 you know,

1:18:03 we,

1:18:04 I,

1:18:05 as the director of the Research department,

1:18:06 let me just say I really look forward to working

1:18:08 with all of you on thinking about these issues,

1:18:10 uh,

1:18:11 both,

1:18:11 you know,

1:18:12 retroactively,

1:18:12 retrospectively,

1:18:14 learning and,

1:18:14 and looking forward as well.

1:18:16 Um,

1:18:17 what we can do to improve the,

1:18:18 the quality of health services in developing countries,

1:18:21 and,

1:18:21 um,

1:18:22 and,

1:18:22 you know,

1:18:23 this aspect of it as well,

1:18:24 which is this sort of surge capacity that's needed in times of crisis.

1:18:28 Um,

1:18:30 so with that,

1:18:30 let me close this,

1:18:31 uh,

1:18:31 session today.

1:18:33 Uh,

1:18:33 for those of you who follow these policy research talks,

1:18:35 uh,

1:18:35 this is the last one

1:18:37 of,

1:18:37 uh,

1:18:38 of,

1:18:38 of the season.

1:18:39 We're gonna take a hiatus over the summer,

1:18:41 the,

1:18:41 the northern,

1:18:42 uh,

1:18:43 summer months,

1:18:44 and we'll be back in September,

1:18:46 with a new session that'll be announced.

1:18:49 Uh,

1:18:50 uh,

1:18:50 as,

1:18:50 as,

1:18:50 as Ryan has just put in the chat,

1:18:52 you can link to all the event materials at this website.

1:18:56 And,

1:18:56 and just thank you for your attendance and participation and this,

1:19:00 and thanks Tristan for the,

1:19:01 for the talk and,

1:19:02 and Kent really thank you so much for making the time,

1:19:05 uh,

1:19:05 to,

1:19:05 to,

1:19:06 to both come here today,

1:19:07 but also think carefully about,

1:19:08 about how to position this work more generally.

1:19:11 Thank you very much,

1:19:12 everyone,

1:19:12 and,

1:19:12 and have a good rest of your day.

1:19:14 Thank you.

1:19:14 Thank you so much.

1:19:15 Thank you.

showAllTimestamps
no
transcript
Um, well, welcome everybody. Uh, good morning, good afternoon, good evening. Uh, my name is Dion Filmer. I'm the director of the World Bank's Development Research Group. Um, uh, it's my pleasure to welcome you to this June edition of our policy research talk series. Um, these talks provide us an opportunity to present work coming out of the World Bank's research department, uh, with the goal of sharing the findings with colleagues inside and outside the department along with others outside the World Bank. That I'd like to welcome our online audience, both on Webex as well as YouTube. Um, today, my colleague, Tristan Reid, who's an economist in the macroeconomics and growth team. We'll discuss the responses of multilateral organizations, uh, in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. The talk will draw on 5 research papers that Tristan completed with co-authors during the pandemic, although we're still ongoing. Uh, including a synthesis article that is forthcoming in the Oxford Review of Economic Policy. Um, he'll be highlighting successes, misunderstandings, and lessons learned, and then Tristan will reflect on how multilateral institutions can more effectively respond to future public health emergencies of international concern. Uh, Tristan's research is generally focused on topics in industrial organization relevant to public policy. Alongside his research activities, he's served World Bank clients in Africa and Asia in particular, with a focus on developing strategies to achieve structural transformation through export diversification. As you can tell, he has a diverse set of interests, although there's a common thread to everything. Um, we're extremely grateful to have Michael Kent Ranson as our discussion today. Uh, Michael is a senior economist in the Health GP, a global practice, based in the World Bank office in Geneva. He is the World Bank's focal point for engagement with GAI and COAs, who've been big players in the COVID-19 pandemic, uh, era, of course, and has served as Gavi Bo alternate and on the GAVI Program and Policy Committee since 2018. He's part of the team that developed a new mechanism that allows countries to use World Bank financing to purchase COVID-19 vaccines beyond the fully donors subsidized doses they are already receiving through COVAC. Um, I'll ask Tristan to talk for approximately 40 minutes, after which we'll hear from Kent for up to 1015 minutes. Uh, we'll conclude the sessions with, uh, questions and answers from the audience. If you have a question, please use the raised hand option in Webex or signal to me in the chat that you have a question, and I will try to call on you and ask you to, to uh pose your question out loud. Uh, if you're following on YouTube, please submit your question in the chat and it will be relayed to me. Uh, just a reminder, we're recording the session, um, and please mute if you're not speaking. Uh, with that, over to you, Tristan. OK, thanks very much, Dion. Um, let me just share my screen. There we go, you should have the, the presentation. Um, all right, so let me get started. Um, so, so just as a roadmap, um, I want to talk about three things today. Uh, so the first will be just to describe, um, international inequality and both the, the human and economic effects of COVID. Um, you know, it's, we're 2 years into the pandemic, it's not over. Um, and I just want to start by, by showing how that's affected countries, um, very differently. Um, I then want to talk about how countries cooperated, uh, to respond to the pandemic. So, this is the, the word multilateralism, that's, you know, 3 or more countries working together. Um, and, you know, I think it, it's been made very clear that, you know, the part of the recovery of COVID-19 and to any pandemic, uh, requires cooperation with countries because, um, Uh, for, for 22 key reasons. One is that, uh, the, um, you know, that there won't be a recovery in, in economic, uh, sort of growth globally unless all countries are, are sort of relatively secure from the, from the virus. Um, but also that, you know, as we've seen, you know, new variants, uh, can emerge, uh, in other countries and, and, and harm, uh, other, other countries. And so for these reasons, you know, countries have a strong incentive to work together. Um, to, to stop a pandemic and we want to assess, you know, how, how well they did, uh, this time. And then, uh, the last, and, you know, this is based off the, the most recent paper on, uh, in the Oxford Review of Economic Policy. Um, I, I claim, and, and you can, you know, tell me if you believe this at the end, uh, that a faster and more equitable, uh, response is possible to the next pandemic, but, but also with about the same resources that we had, uh, in COVID-19. So, I want to sort of take us, you know, hindsight is always 20/20, but, you know, I want to learn from the experience of COVID-19. to see how we could do better, uh, next time. Um, and I'll just say, you know, as a, as a caveat, um, you know, uh, I, I'm an economist, I'm not a, a clinician or uh epidemiologist. Um, but I'm gonna try my best, um, you know, in this talk to, to give you, you know, both the health perspective, uh, a little bit and also just be very clear about the, the economics. OK? So, thanks. So, to, to start, I wanna, um, share this, this picture from the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, um, which gives very good context. It just shows the probability over time, uh, of a disease outbreak that's worse than the 1918, uh, influenza or the, the Spanish flu as it was, was called. Um, you know, in, in 1600, 1700, um, you see that probability is about, uh, you know, 0.5%. So, it's a basically a 1 in 2. 100 year event. By 1918, it's about a 1 in 100 year event, and by 1959, it's almost a 1 in 50 year event. And so, so there's a lot of, of literature on this, but I think the basic takeaway is that this is largely due Uh, to increasing population density, uh, and economic growth, um, interactions between humans and animals, uh, interactions between humans and other humans. Um, you know, we've learned a lot from the, the pandemic about how that can increase, uh, you know, how, how diseases are transmitted, uh, and we've really seen that, that over time. Um, another thing though that's interesting is that you see this massive drop off, uh, in the probability after 1950. And so what happened then? Well, it was a, a new technology, the, the polio vaccine. was developed in the 50s and, and became widespread and, and vaccine technology broadly has, has been, um, you know, distributed and, and, you know, made sort of almost, you know, compulsory for, for young people uh across, uh, you know, a number of diseases. And so, you know, we see that actually because of vaccines and other, you know, public health responses. Um, actually, disease outbreaks, even though they're happening more frequently, we, we control them earlier. And, you know, there's, I think that COVID is a, a great example of this. You know, now, two years into the pandemic, there are over, um, 666 million people, uh, have died. Um, an upper bound of, you know, accounting for, for measurement, you know, could say 8, up to 18 million. But that's still less than died during the influenza pandemic where the range is, uh, you know, 20 to 25 to 50. Um, and, you know, this is every, every death matters, but because of vaccines, um, you know, we've been able to, uh, avoid, you know, sort of the, a pandemic as bad as the 1918 flu. So, you know, the, the policy context for this whole talk is say, well, you know, because Everyone is living closer together and these diseases, you know, do, uh, emerge more frequently. How can we best prevent them, to prevent these, uh, disease outbreaks from, from growing very large. And then also, when they do grow large, how can we make sure we respond Quickly. So, in, in the case of uh the coronavirus pandemic, could we have had vaccines earlier in larger quantities and, and to have more access across countries, um, uh, is gonna be an important question. OK. So, so that's just um high level context. Um, just to say, you know, where we are with the coronavirus pandemic. So it, it was devastating, as I said, um, you know, 66 to 18 million people lost. Um, but, but it's also abating. Um, so, so for some time now, diseases, uh, sort of new daily deaths have been lower than they ever have been before. Um, you know, I wrote a paper in, uh, early, uh, 2021, which said, you know, how to end the pandemic by March 2022. Uh, you know, the goal there was to say, well, if there's no mutation, uh, and you, uh, immunize or, or about 60% of every population, you could get herd immunity. Now, as we, you know, caveated the disease could mutate it, it did mutate, which means that, you know, there's even some more, uh, immunity from, from prior infections, and more fatalities, but also immunity from prior infection. And, you know, so still, even with mutation, we have the Africa WHO, the European Union, other regional agencies saying, you know, the emergency phase of this is over. The disease will, you know, continue, we'll have, we'll have outbreaks, but it's, it's no longer the, the crisis it was, um, in, you know, the, the last two years, uh, and that's largely due, uh, to vaccines. Um, vaccine, as I said, it's, it's driven the recovery. It's, it's driven the response to lots of outbreaks since the 1950s. Um, but coverage has still been highly unequal. So this is something that is continuously highlighted, um, you know, in, in Africa, especially, so I'll, I'll say, you know, there are many countries that now have, uh, two doses, uh, administered for every, uh, person in the country. That's the sort of middle green color. You see Canada, parts of South America, China, Australia, Europe. Um, US also, you know, relatively has, has pretty good coverage, um, India and Russia a little bit less so. Uh, but then largely in Africa and in other, um, other regions, you see Afghanistan, um, we, we still have very low coverage. So that's sort of less than 50 doses per 100, uh, people. And in Africa in particular, there, there, there in total there are about 18 countries that have yet to vaccinate even 10% of the population. So, you know, one question is, you know, how, how could we have accelerated this. Um, you know, I think at the moment, uh, vaccine supply is not a constraint. So low income countries have covered, they've immunized about 12% of their population on average, uh, but vaccines have actually been delivered for 24% of the population. So it's that, you know, the challenge of last mile delivery that, that's really binding. Um, but you know, earlier, uh, supply was, was a constraint. Um, and so one question is, you know, could we have got that supply delivered sooner, uh, so that the health systems that existed could, could, um, take it on. Um, so, uh, you know, I just wanna, you know, talk a little bit about the, the inequality of health effects across countries. Um, so very early in the pandemic, uh, many believe that both the economic and health effects would hit low-income countries, uh, the hardest. Um, and, and this really hasn't been the case. So this is a chart that Penny Goldberg and I made for the Brookings panel in summer 2020, but I've, I've added the new data. And it shows, you know, deaths per million, so we're normalizing by, by population, uh, for different income groups, uh, of countries, high income, lower middle income, upper middle income, and low income. And then I've also separated out both China and India because, you know, together they're about a third of the world's population, they're both middle income countries, um, you know, just as, just to give you some flavor of the, the country's specific experiences. Um, and, you know, what you find in this picture is, is quite clear is that this has been a pandemic that where on a per capita basis, it's high income countries and upper middle income countries, excluding China, uh, that have, have borne the brunt, uh, of mortality. Um, You know, in regression analysis, uh, Penny Goldberg and I found that this was due, you could attribute this entirely to demographic risk factors. So, um, an older population in, uh, high-income countries, uh, or, and also greater obesity, which is quite high, especially in, in upper middle income countries. Um, and, you know, in low-income countries, you have half the population under age 20, um, about a third of the obesity. Um, and so that, you know, I think can explain a lot of this. Um, you know, we found this as, so, so, you know, they're still vulnerable people in every country, and so they need care. But still, I think this was early on a, a cause for optimism because it meant the countries with the weakest health systems, the poorest ones, would not have, you know, as much pressure, uh, on them, at least relative to high income countries. Um, and it also meant that, you know, lockdowns, which could be costly, especially for poor households with no buffer savings. Um, you know, that, that could be released earlier. And others made this argument too, like Moshevik Mubarak at Yale said, you know, you, you, especially in low-income environments, people need to be able to go out and work. So the, the policy of closing down the economy was not as, uh, you know, it has to be treated differently than, than in a high-income country. Um, so, so we found this as a case for optimism, but at the same time, it raised, uh, an issue. So, if pandemic response is a, a public good, and we say, you know, every country's not safe until everyone is safe. Then, you know, if the, the disease burden is higher in, or lower in certain places for demographic reason, those countries might, you know, underinvest, uh, for instance, in vaccination. And so, uh, you know, the, the international community took it on itself to, to, uh, deliver, um, you know, um, uh, vaccines and other, um, uh, health, health products. Uh, uh, to low income countries to, to keep the, the burden, uh, lower in those, those places. Um, and that's what I'll talk about in the paper. Um, I wanna just, you know, in the next, um, uh, slide, I wanna talk about, or just, you know, obviously confirmed deaths are not, uh, all the deaths that happened, uh, in New York's, you know, remember there was underreporting of deaths in retirement homes. Um, the WHO has actually estimated, um, you know, how much deaths was, was missed by the confirmed statistics. Um, and I'm showing you these now on the same scale. And then here, you know, you see especially in upper middle income countries, excluding China, uh, and in India, you know, there were, you know, much more, uh, mortality than, than was recorded. Um, but at the same time, you do see the same pattern that the low income countries, the, the blue and the, uh, the purple, uh, and the lower middle income countries had the lowest, uh, excluding China, um, the sort of, oh, excuse me. Um, lowest deaths. So that's just giving you a flavor of the pattern. Um, I also want to highlight one thing that, you know, so if you look at India and China, you see how, you know, very different choices of governments can lead to, to different outcomes. Um, so here in, in both India and China, you see that early in the pandemic, actually they had fewer deaths than were expected, so from other causes. Um, that could be attributed to the, the, the lockdowns, um, you know, which, which, you know, on net, uh, maybe, maybe, uh, saved some lives. Um, you know, there was a lot of debate about that actually. Um. But, but then, you know, you see later, uh, you know, India took a very different path, right? So, and that, that could be a combination of, you know, releasing lockdowns, but also, uh, limited access to vaccines. China, um, you know, invested much earlier and had supply, uh, much earlier. So, so one question we're gonna answer here is, you know, for all these groups, regardless of the inequality, how could we have brought the medical countermeasures, especially vaccines earlier, uh, and, and, and reduce this, this excess death. OK. Um, I want to say a bit about the economic effects. We've talked about the human effects. Um, again, there was a lot of, uh, inequality. So, you know, before the pandemic in, uh, 2019, um, there was what's called income convergence. So, mid, middle income and low-income countries, uh, where you can see this in the blue box, uh, were growing faster on a per capita basis than high-income countries. So that meant that, you know, it'll take a very long time, but income, you know, everyone will eventually have the same. Income. Uh, during the pandemic, uh, you know, the, the costs, you know, consistent with the, the mortality effects being higher in, in high-income countries, um, the economic costs were also much greater there. Uh, so, on a per capita, so there's still a global recession, income per capita goes down in every country, uh, most in, in all, in all, in the global economy, um, including these three groups. Um, Uh, uh, but the, the decline was, you know, worse in, in high income countries. Then in 2021, you had also this unequal recovery. So, high income countries spent a lot of money, you know, accelerating their, their growth, and, and so they recovered a lot of the losses. Um, low income countries also grew, you know, faster, but, but not as much. Um, and then, you know, how, how is it looking forward? So in, in 2022, so these, these are all, by the way, the recent numbers from the World Bank's, uh, Global Economic prospects, which were just released, uh, last week. Um, so the forecasts are, are current. Um, before the, uh, Ukraine war, uh, actually the forecast for 2022 was that every region, uh, so every, every income group would grow faster than in 2019. So that, that in my view is a pretty positive, uh, recovery. You know, we've seen now that the Ukraine war has had some effects, uh, so, uh, low and middle income countries will be growing. Uh, slower, uh, than 2019 and also slower than 2020, uh, than high-income countries. But that recovers in, in 2023 and 2024. So, you know, looking, uh, in a little bit of a long term at 2023, 2020204, we, we can still expect growth that's faster than 2019, uh, and, and also income convergence. So, I think this is a pretty good, pretty positive story overall, uh, if you, you know, take a, a slightly, uh, longer term view. OK. So now I want to talk about the, how countries responded together to, to COVID, uh, and what the lessons are for, for future pandemics. Um, this is a, a chart, and I think this was the main economic, immediate economic effect, uh, of, of the crisis is that in March 2020, uh, global investors just sold, uh, all of their, uh, EMs, not all, but more than, than ever before at one time. Uh, the EM stocks and bonds. So it's called a sudden stop. Everybody's selling, uh, bonds and securities. The consequence of this, uh, is that, um, the financing costs for governments in emerging markets balloon. So you, you sell bonds, the, the price of those falls, and then the interest rate goes up because the interest rate and the price move, you know, in different directions. And so this is just, you know, for a lot of, uh, group of countries, 500 years, 5 5% points, these are in basis points. It's just showing, you know, this incredible jump, uh, in borrowing costs for some countries. So this is at a time of global emergency, the private market is saying, you know, we don't want, uh, to help, uh, you know, governments in, in low and emerging countries, or, or at least we need to be compensated a lot. Uh, to do it. Um, so this was a, an early focus of the multilateral response. So the G20 economies, um, the finance ministers had a call, uh, and they announced, uh, in, in March that they were going to support countries. Um, immediately this provided some relief, uh, to, uh, develop. country to these emerging markets, you can see the, the prices, uh, fell, uh, in, in a lot of them. Uh, so, so that, just, just announcing support, uh, was helpful. Um, but then, this is, this is interesting and I think it shows a bit of the limits of the, the multilateral response. So in, uh, later in, in April, they announced, uh, what would, what is called debt forbearance. So they said, you know, you can, you're gonna owe us interest, but, uh, you know, you, you can delay paying that interest. It's still gonna accrue, so you're gonna owe it in the future. But, but you don't have to pay, you know, this, this year. Um, and, you know, that was, you know, I, I think a useful thing. It helped give countries some room to, to think about how to respond to the pandemic. Um, but what's interesting is that there's actually Immediately after you see in a lot of the countries, uh, so, in Nigeria, for example, actually, the interest rate goes back up. So, one way to interpret that is that the, the market actually evaluated, you know, it, it didn't think Nigeria was going to default. It thought it was going to pay on time. So, now, when Nigeria, you know, if it delays payments, uh, to the, on the private bonds, you know, that, that's an increased risk for the, um, for the bondholders. So, so, you know, this is, I think, you know, shows that just by changing, you know, the, um, The interest schedules, let's say, um, there, there's probably a limited ability to, to, um, you know, affect, uh, sort of the borrowing costs for countries and still, you know, today this only goes to 22, sorry, July, uh, 2020. Um, but even today, these, these costs are still higher for countries. So countries are having to pay more to, to respond. Um. Where the, uh, I think the multilateral institutions were very successful was providing, uh, a huge amount of finance on their scale, uh, much cheaper than the market. So, you know, the World Bank, uh, delivered $204 billion to governments in the calendar years 2020 to 2021. Um, over half of this was to governments. And, you know, the key thing to highlight here is that the interest rates on these loans were much lower, so 65% to around 1%. Um, 65 basis points to 115. Um, and which is much lower than those earlier rates I've showed you. So, you know, it, it was said in public, uh, recently that, you know, the World Bank has a, a, a fetish for, uh, its high, it's AAA credit rating, and it should maybe, you know, be riskier. You know, in an emergency, the attractiveness of, uh, a, uh, low interest rate is exactly that. So, the bank was able to, you know, provide very cheap. Credit, um, in this time, if it, you know, didn't have a AAA credit rating, it would have to, you know, offer more expensive credit. Um, and I think it's, it's also important to highlight that this, you know, didn't just support health, it, it helped countries, um, you know, maintain all their other programs. And, and one thing people might say is say, well, you know, you're coming in with cheap finance, you know, maybe you're just allowing them to pay off the Uh, you know, the private bondholders that are getting higher interest rates, you know, that's still good, right? If you lower the cost of financing for a government that, that frees up money to do all sorts of things. So, I think, you know, this is where, um, you know, I think the, the multilateral system, you know, really worked as it's supposed to. It, it provides cheap capital in an emergency, that's, that's especially useful. Um, so now I want to get into the, the public health crisis, uh, and response. Um, So the main thing here, you know, on a global scale, uh, was this initiative, uh, of the, the Act A or the Access to COVID tools, uh, Accelerator. I, I, I'm pretty sure the name was invented by management consultants. So, um, tools, tools are, are vaccines, therapeutics, and diagnostics, and also personal protective equipment. Um, and, and the idea behind this was to say, let's pool money together. And, you know, part of it was intended to develop new vaccines, you know, because, you know, that, very early on, you know, we didn't even have vaccines. But then, uh, it was also intended to, uh, purchase those vaccines and other, other health products, um, and then deliver them for free, uh, to, to low and lower middle income countries. Um, so here, you know, you just see how that evolved, you know, they pitched, uh, 38 billion. Um, there were some cost adjustments, which I think highlights how, how difficult, you know, Figuring out a real number for these things is. Uh, and then, you know, in the end, they, they raised, uh, about 18 billion, um, most of which was for, uh, purchases of vaccines. And I should say 2/3 of, oops, excuse me, um, 2/3 of these commitments came from the G7, uh, economies of the US. Uh, Germany, uh, Japan, and others. Um, and it's interesting to compare the numbers relative to what those countries spent, you know, on their own, um, own supplies. So the US actually spent, uh, $55 billion you know, in total on vaccines. It's an estimate from the economic report of the president. Um, but, actually it only spent 12 billion actually purchasing vaccines. A lot of the other money went to either, you know, just rolling out the vaccines, uh, or subsidies for, um, uh, development and research early on. Um, and so, you know, one interesting point is that, uh, you know, the Because the US and other countries, you know, spent so much on development, uh, this, you know, uh, uh, for these purchases for, for other countries, you know, could restrict their purchases to a certain extent, uh, to just, uh, advanced procurement because they had been, you know, developed, um, Uh, already. Um, and so, you know, just to summarize, you know, this, this, uh, amount of money, I think, you know, I showed in a paper early on with Ruchir Agarwal that this, you know, this amount of money about would be enough to vaccinate, um, 60% of the population of low and lower middle income countries. So, those, those groups I showed you, uh, before. Um, I, I want to have a slight interlude on sort of testing. So, you know, testing as, as you saw back here, you know, it only received a diagnostic 1.4 billion, um, relative to diagnostics. Um, so why is that? Um, so, so I think, so I did a, a cost benefit analysis here with a, a big research team. Uh, early on. And, and what we did is we highlighted, um, you know, 5, use cases, uh, for, uh, vaccinations. So this is clinical triage, that's someone coming in and saying, you know, do, do you have COVID? If so, I'll put you in a, a room with other COVID people so you don't infect other patients. Um, at-risk worker screening, that's for healthcare workers or transportation. Um, one is just measuring, uh, the rate of, of infection in the population to trigger or avoid. Uh, a lockdown, uh, test, trace and isolate, um, and also border screening, which could, you know, um, uh, protect, protect people at the border, but also protect, uh, a country from, from a large outbreak. Um, and so, you know, what we found to, to Peter Sands at, at the Global Fund, you know, asked us, uh, to, to convert this into Uh, a return on investment. Well, let me say first, so, we calculate for each of these scenarios that, you know, the number of tests you need to save one life is relatively small. So even for border screening, you know, 8000 tests, let's say they're 10,000, or sorry, they're 1010 bucks a test, you know, that's 80,000, uh, 90,000 to save a life, which is, you know, I think a pretty good value. Um, Peter Sands asked us to turn that into a return on investment. So if you value life in some way, you can say this is, uh, You know, 33 to 41%, uh, sorry, 3 to 41 times, um, uh, rate of return, um, you know, which is really high. So these are all really good investments. So, so the question is, you know, why, why didn't we do this as much? And, and I think the answer, I mean, 11 answer is that countries, you know, have budget constraints and they have to allocate them across things. Um, but consistent with that is this thing which we show in the, in the lower corner here, which is that The returns really vary a lot with prevalence. So, if you have very low prevalence of a disease, um, you know, it's the, you know, the tests you need to save one life are many, many, many. And so, you can imagine how countries that felt, you know, OK, we have something under control, you know, might not make advance purchases, uh, for diagnostic. that they need, you know, 6 months into the future that, uh, you know, requires, um, you know, I think some, some foresight and some ability to, to, to stomach the uncertainty. So, you know, that's just some ideas there. Um, but I think, you know, overall, there should be more investment, uh, in diagnostics, but we can understand, I think, about why countries may not have, uh, because of the sensitivity. Um, So, you know, back to vaccines, um, you know, I showed you earlier coverage today. This was in August. Um, and this was where, you know, this hashtag came out called vaccine equity with one E. Uh, and, and, you know, it really was true at the time that, you know, only a few countries had access, uh, to vaccines. China had a lot, um, the United States and, and Europe and, and, uh, Chile, um, and a few others, Arab Emirates. Um, you know, had, but, but many of the countries, uh, couldn't get access. Um, so, you know, uh, in a paper, uh, at that time, uh, Momta Murthy, uh, the World Bank, uh, and I, you know, tried to describe sort of why, you know, why could this be? Uh, and, and one hypothesis was that, well, uh, only a small number of countries have, uh, vaccine production capabilities. We call these the G10. So it's the G7, the US and Japan and some European countries, Canada. Um, and then China, the EU and India, uh, have most of the production capacity. And we said, well, maybe they're prioritizing their own, uh, populations. This is, uh, the, the export restriction hypothesis. And we said simply, you know, at the current production rate, if they said, you know, we're gonna reserve as much as we need for 80% of our populations, how long will it take? Uh, for supply to be available to other countries. And, and we, we forecast that actually by the end of 2021, uh, there'd only be about 270 million doses if they choose not to export anything to other countries. Um, And then, so, so, you know, that, that, I think, highlights that, you know, it, it is important where, you know, that countries can secure their, their supply. And if you're relying on only a few countries, that can be a problem. At the time, you know, there were really limited ways to, to expand supply to other countries. And so, we, we charted out these six scenarios. So, one would be just to approve effective vaccines. So, that was at the time, you know, Novavax had these phase 3 trials, um, That were successful, uh, as well as some, some vaccines in China, but they hadn't yet been given regulatory approval. So, you know, that, that was one thing. Um, another, the second highest impact would have been, um, you know, for, uh, a, a Curvac vaccine, which was sort of found to be ineffective. Um, you know, we said, well, you could take the manufacturing capacity from that and, and give it to either, um, Pfizer or, or Moderna, you know, that, that could be effective, but that didn't happen, uh, in the end, I think, you know, for respective property rights. Um, And then the other ones was, was to, you know, delay boosters, uh, delay second doses, you know, for those with prior infection, um, as this was done in France, um, delaying, uh, you know, the, uh, the youth who have a lower, lower, um, lower mortality rate, um, and then authorizing. Half doses, you know, which, which some research showed that basically you could get the same effect of, of Moderna, for example, by cutting the dose in half. And they've actually done that one now. Um, but, but the point from this is that, you know, there were sort of, uh, very few things that could be done in 2021, uh, to expand supply, uh, for low, low-income countries. Um, and so, so, I wanna ask in the, in the next slide, sort of, what, what could we have done about that? So, um, you know, uh, I think it was clear, uh, at the time that, and this is from the, the paper in, um, uh, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, also just released as a World Bank, uh, working paper. It's called Financing Vaccine Equity. Um, Uh You know, and, and what we do there is we say, uh, OK, so the data don't, uh, there, there's two hypotheses. So, one is that, uh, the countries that were producing were hoarding the vaccines and they were, you know, restricting exports and, and it was impossible for lower middle income countries, LMICs to get vaccines at all. But another hypothesis is that, well, the market was open. But supply was scarce and it was rationed through queuing. So, you know, if you, uh, if you place, you, you, the people who placed orders earlier got orders. Uh, and this is actually what, you know, CEOs of, of, uh, vaccine companies said. So, uh, Doctor Borla at Pfizer said, you know, I had asked heads of state by letter, uh, to place order, um, uh, uh, but, but, you know, when they, when they finally did order, the doses had already been allocated. So, um, You know, this is, uh, this is one, another hypothesis. It's just that countries didn't order, uh, early enough. And so, uh, in this paper with Ruchir Agarwal, we, we collected data on over 460, um, uh, vaccine, uh, contracts, sorry, almost uh 460. Uh, advanced purchase agreements, and we do find actually that low and lower middle income countries ordered later. So, you see on average, low-income countries, you know, some of them did order for themselves, um, uh, rather than relying on, uh, multilateral agencies, but they ordered in May 2021. Um, uh, upper middle income countries as well order in, in February. So, there's this, there's this gap in that high-income countries were moving ahead. Um, we, we use a regression analysis actually to decompose the delay into, uh, you know, the, these effects. So, there's, there's two effects here. One is that, well, if you're a low-income country, you, you get delays later, you know, it takes longer to deliver regardless of the time you order. The other is the part that's attributed to this fact that low-income countries ordered, you know, 5 months later on average, uh, than high-income countries. Um, and, you know, we find actually in our regression analysis that only 25% of the delay happens regardless of the time you ordered and 75% of the delay is attributed to the month, uh, the contracts, uh, were signed. So, so this says, you know, I think pretty conclusively that the market was actually relatively free. You could get vaccines, uh, but, but it depended on when you ordered them. And high income countries had You know, some advantage, which was that they had production and they could control exports and so forth. But most of the advantage came from just putting money, uh, into the companies, uh, earlier. And they often did this, you know, before the vaccines were even licensed. So, in December 2020, um, you know, there are very few, um, authorizations, um, you know, low-income countries waited until after vaccines were, um, Approved. So, you know, I, I, I wrote a blog in, in 2021 saying, uh, you know, the problem is not supply but demand. And that, that was intended to be a bit provocative, but I, it was to illustrate this point. So, you get what you pay for when you pay for it. If, if supply is constrained a bit, the, the people who who order first, uh, are going to get it. And, and you see, and, and even as well, you know, if you have capacity or you waive patents or something like that, um, that doesn't mean you'll get supply unless there are purchase orders. You see this now in South Africa where, um, Aspen Pharma has, has the COVID vaccine plant, and they have, you know, no, no orders to buy vaccines. So, so there's a capacity will only get you so far. Um, and so, so, I want to claim, here's my claim. Is that if low and middle income countries had ordered earlier, you know, they might have secured a better place in line and you could have had vaccine uh equity earlier. Now, there's a big caveat to that. So what if, you know, they all ordered earlier and then high income countries just, you know, bid higher and ordered. Uh, you know, and then the prices would go higher. So that means there'd be a, a transfer to the pharma companies, but, uh, vaccines might not arrive any, any slower, any faster. Um, you know, I think there may be something to that. We, we did see that in 2021 when Uh, prices when, when orders actually scaled up, so you had more demand at that time. Prices stayed, stayed the same or, or even fell. Uh, so it's, it's not clear that that, you know, extra demand was increasing prices, um, though it, it did increase deliveries. Um, uh, uh, but, you know, even more than that, there's, there's some work by Susan Athee and, and Michael Kramer and others, um, Chris Snyder at, at, at Dartmouth, you know, that shows that you can actually write contracts that say, OK, you know, if I Uh, if I pay for this, you, you have to, you know, invest in manufacturing capacity to, to scale it and that, that could benefit other people. So I, I really do think that if we had, you know, demand earlier, that would, that would both give low and lower middle income countries a place in line, but also could, you know, expand aggregate supply because it gave the companies certainty, uh, to invest, um, and scale, uh, and scale supply for everybody. OK? Um, so, now I want to go with some hypothesis. So, so why didn't the low and middle income countries order earlier? So, you know, one first is a sort of limited perceived benefit. As I, as I showed and spoke about before, you know, there are these big differences in the age distribution. Uh, so low income countries have, you know, many, you know, half the population is under. Uh, 20. Um, and they had lower, uh, fatality rates. Um, you know, this is just a chart from The Lancet of the, showing you that, how fatality, uh, increases by age. And, you know, just as a benchmark, um, you know, mortal malaria, you know, can have a fatality rate of 110,000, uh, for infants. But for COVID, that, that fatality rate is 1 in 10,000. So it's, it's, it, it wouldn't make sense for a country to reallocate budget from, you know, it's infant uh malaria program to COVID. You could see why they, they might want to create some budget for healthcare workers or, or the Elderly, but, you know, this age distribution can explain why, you know, some, uh, you know, resources weren't, weren't reallocated towards COVID. Now, of course, if you could, you could borrow and, and you had access to finance, then, you know, you, you'd still want to do this to save lives. Um, but under a constrained budget, uh, you might not want to. Um, another hypothesis is that countries had, you know, limited bargaining power or capacity. So, Um, you know, if you're a small economy with a few, uh, 20 million people, you know, it's gonna be harder to get the attention of, of vaccine developers who are selling to the US, uh, you know, with, uh, 330 million, um, uh, or the EU. Um, I, it's also the case that low, low-income countries often, um, rely on, on, uh, donor agencies to deliver free vaccines, so they may not have the institutional experience. Um, uh, of, of purchasing vaccines. So that's one hypothesis. Um, but, uh, at the same time, um, a, an agency was set up as part of this accelerator called COVAX, um, the AMC Advanced Market Commitment. A lot of, a lot of language here. But that was set up specifically to overcome this problem. So, they, they were gonna supply vaccines for low and lower middle-income countries. And that was, you know, potentially demand as large as, uh, you know, the G7 or the, the EU. Um, and importantly, this facility could also buy vaccines, you know, early on. It, it actually made a purchase for the AstraZeneca vaccine in June 2020 before it was licensed, um, and, and secured, you know, a place in line for, for that vaccine. Um, but what we see though, and, and this points to a third hypothesis, is that COVAX actually didn't have access to the same resources that rich countries, uh, did, at least early on in the pandemic. So while rich countries, you know, were putting, you know, they could borrow at very low interest rates, COVAX actually, you know, only raised $300 million you know, in its first fundraising. And so here in this chart, you can see. The blue line shows, and, and the left axis show, you know, how much money it had access to. And you can see that the, the purchases of, of vaccines actually track that, you know, fairly quickly. So, so, you know, one hypothesis is to say, well, if, what if they had, you know, 11 or 12 billion in June 20, you know, they could have gotten uh an earlier place in line. Um, and so this, you know, points to the third, um, hypothesis. So I, so I already mentioned this, so COAXx didn't have You know, finance, um, you know, they, there was even a specific problem, which is that, you know, donors would say, OK, we'll give you this money, but then they wouldn't give them cash. And so, actually, you know, the European Investment Bank actually set up this thing where it, it would lend them cash against these commitments of donors. Um, And, uh, uh, but, you know, the many multilateral development banks other than the, the European Union didn't, uh, sort of take this on. They've led more on a country by country basis, and they didn't loan to, to COVAs. Um, you know, there is an example, so in Africa, they, they set up a regional agency, this Africa Vaccine Acquisition Trust, uh, to, to borrow. Um, uh, and, uh, and, and it, it borrowed to buy vaccines. Um, you know, the World Bank, um, you know, did have this policy where it said, you know, while COVAX and the high-income countries were purchasing, you know, in advance of regulatory approval, the World Bank actually said early on that, you know, we need approval of, uh, you know, from 3 regulatory, multiple regulatory agencies before we'll finance a purchase. So, there was actually a point when Uh, AstraZeneca was being administered in the UK but had not been authorized by multiple authorities, so the World Bank wouldn't finance it. Um, and the Asian Development Bank and World Bank broadly also, um, you know, didn't, even when they said, OK, we'll, we'll finance, uh, if the WHO approves it, um, we won't finance prepayments, you know, that could maybe secure you a place in line. Um, and I'll get back to that. So, so what are the lessons for the future? I realized I'm, I'm going a bit, uh, uh, slow, so I'll, I'll, I'll try to speed this up. Um, So, you know, now, with the pandemic, there's extraordinary interest, uh, in pandemic preparedness. Um, so, it, it, it's good to kind of think back a little bit to, to 2017. So, Jim Kim, the president of the World Bank at the time, you know, raised this fund for pandemic emergency financing, and he raised only $181 million which is so small compared to this $18 billion that I showed you was raised during the pandemic. Um, and you know, that, that project was actually pretty successful. It actually, it bought insurance, uh, uh, against, uh, pandemics, which paid out during COVID. So it actually paid out, uh, 258 million, so more than it, it took in. Um, but, but obviously, this was still a very small amount of money, you know, you, you need to buy more insurance to, to, to have a big response. Um, and so, kind of channeling this idea, there was this independent panel, uh, of the G20 which said, OK, we should have a new fund. Uh, they want to put $10 billion a year into it, uh, uh, and, you know, to, to fund, um, pandemic preparedness. And a lot of the things we've talked about here are sort of pathogen surveillance, uh, interruption of wild animal trade and, and maintenance of, of manufacturing capacity. And so far, about a billion dollars has been committed. So far less than, than the $10 billion per year asked, uh, but still more than people were investing in, in 2017. And, you know, the point I want to make in this talk is that, you know, if you want to avoid the vaccine access, uh, inequity, you know, we need to invest in strong health systems and so forth. But we, we also need kind of surge funding to, to purchase, uh, vaccines and, and secure a place in line during, you know, wartime. So, you can say, you have this dichotomy of, of prevention is, is peacetime activities, but then, you know, when, when you do get that 1 in 50 year, uh, flood, uh, you know, you need resources to, to deal with it. Um, so, here's how that could work. So, this is again in this new paper. Um, we say countries could establish a, uh, an advanced commitment fund. Um, it would have minimal operations. But then, as soon as a pandemic is declared, so either when the WHO declares it or there's some, you know, deaths, uh, above a number, a certain number, um, uh, you know, you might want to do the deaths threshold because, you know, once you create a fund and then if the WHO You know, then they have an incentive to release the money by declaring a pandemic. So you could guard against that by, by, uh, by having a number of, uh, death threshold. Um, uh, so that's, that's what the fund does. Uh, step two is that a financer, financier establishes a credit line to the fund. So, a loan that says, you know, this becomes active and you can borrow. Uh, when, uh, the pandemic starts, and, and a notional value for that is 18 billion. So the exact amount of money that Act A raised, uh, by 2021, we've, all we're saying is just say, you know, donors will give that again, let's lend against that, so it's available on day zero of the pandemic. Um, and so, you know, with that credit line, step 3, the fund is able to invest, uh, to secure a place in line, so it can invest in R&D, uh, support manufacturing, and also purchase vaccines. The, the key point with all of these is that all the contracts should have an option to purchase with a guaranteed place in line. So, it secures, you know, the, the position of low and middle-income countries to buy vaccines. Um, you know, so just to talk a bit about the financier, so this is just general, right? This is, any financier could do this, you know, the World Bank is a financier, could also be a commercial bank, private, uh, foundation. Um, and so, we highlight in the paper four options, uh, for them to do this, which can be used separately or in combination. So, one, which I mentioned is to say just donors say, in advance, you know, we're gonna do the same thing, uh, as we did during COVID-19. Um, that's enough for the financier to lend against that. Another would be for low-income countries to, to actually guarantee a credit line. So they say, OK, our agencies maybe, uh, like the Africa Vaccine Trust, um, are gonna do these purchases, you can lend against that. A third would be insurance. So, this was the, you know, experiment, um, of this emergency financing facility. It can be a bit expensive, but in this case, it paid off. Um, and then D would be just that the shareholders of the financier permit them to bear the risks. So, just say, you know, we're gonna take the, no one promises anything. But will, will lend the money. And, you know, what's interesting is that, so in the, um, you know, just from the World Bank, in the uh pandemic of COVID-19, uh sort of B and C were the main options. So we, we have these insurance payouts and then also lending to, uh, you know, middle-income countries and low-income countries directly. Um, but previously, we've actually used other, uh, options. So, there was this, um, advanced commitment fund for, uh, pneumococcal, uh, uh, vaccines, um, which was proposed by Michael Kramer and, and, and executed in the last decade. Uh, that was actually a combination of A and D. So their, uh, government, governments committed some money to pay for this, but they actually didn't pay it. You know, fully in advance, so the World Bank, you know, put some risk on its own balance sheet, uh, to pay for that. Eventually, the donors did, you know, pay, pay the World Bank back, but the bank charged a small fee to take that risk. Um, and then the final thing I want to say on this is that, you know, uh, a financier might not want to deliver unsafe or ineffective vaccines. So one thing they can do is say, well, I'll finance prepayment to get you a place in line. But I will commit to procure the vaccine. So pay the full cost only after emergency use authorization. So, I'm not gonna actually, uh, purchase the vaccines until they succeed. So, that, that gives, you know, puts some risk on the, um, on the developer, uh, and also means that all of your money is not actually, uh, at risk, um, you know, if, if the vaccines don't come through. Um, just to A few points, I'll, I'll try to wrap up really quickly. Um, you know, ACTA provides some, some examples. So, so, a lot of the orders were, um, of COVAs, uh, were concentrated in India, which restricted exports, um, you know, as, as it has a prerogative to do, uh, to protect its own people. But, you know, in the next time, one approach would be to, uh, actually invest in, uh, contracts from smaller countries that can satisfy their domes domestic demand more quickly. Um, uh, you know, and that, uh, I think it's part of a broader discussion of, say, you know, if we have vaccine capacity, manufacturing capacity in small countries, there's a double benefit because that allows countries to meet their needs faster, uh, factor, uh, and, uh, and expand the number of exporters. Um, and also, you know, subsidies could be targeted in a more progressive way. So, let me summarize, uh, we get to the discussion, um, So, uh, you know, the international, there was a lot of inequality, uh, internationally, um, excluding India, uh, low and lower middle income countries did have lower deaths per capita, yet vaccine access was also unequal. So we think that, uh, actually mortality of older people was higher, uh, in, in low-income countries. So though there was an overall, you know, effect that was, was lower, uh, you know, there were still people going without healthcare. Um, and, and also, you know, income convergence is, is forecast to return. So there's sort of, uh, inequality will decline over time, uh, in the long run, uh, in aggregate. Between countries. Um, and then, you know, looking at the cooperation, um, so there was this forbearance, I told you that, that doesn't seem to have been particularly effective in lowering costs, but the development banks did, uh, you know, provide this cheap finance, um, but importantly not for at-risk purchases of vaccines. Um, donors committed 18 billion to ACTA, um, which is a huge amount, more than, more than Uh, previously, uh, uh, to prepare for pandemics. Uh, but this came slowly, only after 18 months. And so, but still, you know, despite all of this, uh, you know, 24 months into the pandemic, vaccine supply is not a constraint. So there was a, a brief window in 2021 where that was an issue, but now, you know, it's, it's about, uh, you know, the sort of, uh, final, final delivery, um, last mile delivery, excuse me. And then, and then see, you know, this is my claim, uh, is that the, the response could have been even faster and more equitable, um, had funds been available for ACTA and for countries, um, earlier, uh, we could have incentivized, uh, an earlier expansion of supply, uh, and also secured countries, uh, a place in line. Um, so, with that, uh, I'll stop. Thanks, thanks so much. Thanks, Tristan, um, for that, that retrospective and, and perspective view. Um, uh, as I mentioned at the beginning, we were really pleased to have, um, Kent uh Ransom here, uh, as a discussant. So Kent, over to you for some, some reflections. Great, thanks, Dion, and thanks Tristan, for providing me the opportunity to comment on this interesting and highly topical presentation. I was asked to comment based on my involvement in the World Bank's collaboration with Gabi and the COA facility. I'm not an unbiased discussant. As an alternate to the World Bank's global director, Health, Nutrition and Population, Juan Pablo Uribe, I represent the bank on the board of GABI. Uh, the board of GABI oversees the GABI Secretariat and has the ultimate responsibility for decisions, uh, uh, and effective implementation of the COA facility. As Tristan mentioned, COVAX is the vaccines pillar of the Act accelerator, GAVI, SEPI, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations, and WHO co-lead COVAX. AV coordinates the COVAX facility, which is the mechanism for securing COVID vaccines, either by procuring them or through receipt of donated doses and equitably allocating these vaccines. COVAX has now delivered over 1.5 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses to 145 economies, including over 1.3 billion doses to AMC countries, advanced market commitment countries. These are 92 low and middle income economies. Contributing significantly to coverage rates achieved in the AMC countries. Uh, and they currently have coverage rates of 50 average coverage rates of 54% with at least one dose and 46% fully vaccinated, uh, uh, as of 24th of May. Although overall coverage between and within countries remains uneven, as does the coverage of high-risk populations. Um, I certainly agree with the primary finding of your, your analysis, that is, that the multilateral vaccines response could have been even faster and the results more equitable had funds been available in early 2020. But earlier orders would also have secured low and middle income countries a more equitable place in line benefiting high risk populations in those countries. But I'm also glad that your analysis highlights that 25 to 40% of the delay in vaccine deliveries to low and middle income countries occurred independently of the time they were ordered. Delays were certainly also about policy and process and power. In terms of power you've mentioned the whole market effect, which is no doubt significant. Delays certainly also had to do with setting up regulatory and legal frameworks, deployment capacities, so long-term investments in routine immunization, and vaccine acceptance, among other things. Your analysis, um, uh, didn't consider, uh, as, as one of your hypotheses, whether countries would have been ready to receive and deploy vaccines if they had access, uh, to them six months earlier. While countries awaited vaccines, they invested in deployment capacity, communications to build receptivity, training healthcare workers, regulatory requirements, etc. Some of the delay in with which low and middle income countries placed orders may have reflected their own readiness to deploy the vaccines, having firstly observed the impact of vaccine deployment elsewhere while assessing their own perception of need. Clearly, uh, a multilateral pandemic vaccine's response should ensure financing not only for vaccine procurement, uh, which is the focus of your presentation. Um, I thought it uh uh instructive to look at some of what Gay is planning for pandemic preparedness as part of ongoing discussions about the global architecture and financing for pandemic preparedness and response. Gabi's begun to articulate its potential role. And this will, of course, be informed by reviews and independent evaluations that are planned for COVAX. What Gay proposes is, firstly, that it has a vital role to play in building countries' capacity to respond in emergencies by strengthening routine immunization programs, increasing their efficiency, focusing on equity, uh, and reaching missed communities. Secondly, Gabi has a core role in addressing inadequate manufacturing diversity in the face of COVID-19 and calls for support to African vaccine manufacturing. Gabi's experience in market shaping for vaccines can be leveraged to inform the intentional design of a vaccine ecosystem that supports the sustainable sustainability of African African vaccine manufacturing facilities and the health of the global market more broadly. Thirdly, Gabi's financial instruments and capacity to innovate at pace can play a role in future pandemic response. Um, I thought it worth mentioning some of Gabi's innovative financing mechanisms given their potential role to provide financing for future pandemic response. Gabi has a long track record of financial innovation, most notably forming the International Finance Facility for Immunization, IFIM in 2006 with the World Bank as its treasury manager. IFIM's pioneering work to create vaccine bonds through raising finance on capital markets backed by long-term donor pledges. Meant that a billion dollars front loading tool was available to provide additional resources to the Covax AMC. Recently, Gabi announced a new COA rapid financing facility. This is financed by the US Development Finance Corporation. This is the first front loading arrangement that Gabby has designed that provides access to liquidity from the moment a donor pledge is publicly announced rather than only when grant agreements are signed. This will allow Covas to front load up to $1 billion in donor pledges for up to 2 years in increments of $350 million at any one time. Uh, Tristan, you also mentioned the EIB facility. This is a facility that allows Gay to front load pledge pledges and draw down cash, but to do so on the basis of signed grant agreements. The capacity of the EIB facility has recently been expanded from €440 million by a further €1 billion. And there are conversations about having both a front loading and a quasi-contingent capacity to that EIB facility. We also established the cost sharing mechanism through which countries could procure extra COVID-19 vaccine doses using their own funding, including World Bank financing. This mechanism could also potentially be kept warm for use in a future future pandemic. So in fact, many of the aspects of the advance commitment fund that you proposed are already in place at at GAI. You've not mentioned, uh, the World Bank White Paper, uh, on the proposed financial intermediary fund for pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. So I did wonder to what extent the proposed mechanism, uh, addresses recommendations that you've made in your presentation. Um, uh, uh, my reading of the white paper is that it's, uh, uh, more about the, how, how the fifth will be governed rather than, uh, uh, what it will do or the details of what it will do. I do note that they recommend procurement of pandemic countermeasures, presumably presumably including vaccines. And it's clear, uh, that in the first instance, they are planning for grants in, grants out, uh, with no contingency financing. But I'd be interested to hear your reflections on that, uh, on that, uh, white paper. Finally, I hope that uh uh your team at DEC and others will be involved in drawing lessons on what worked and what didn't work in terms of financing. At country level in low and middle income countries. Faced with little or changing information about disease epidemiology, vaccine supplies, demand for vaccines, how were decisions made about allocating to vaccine procurement and deployment? And what impact did this have on financing of health and other sectors? What sorts of technical assistance at country level might have helped to better prepare and respond? I think that one of the key lessons learned from the COVID pandemic is that when a government, uh, uh, has a say in how COVID tools are financed and procured and allocated, this ownership and agency is then reflected in in-country deployment of these tools. So I'd also encourage, uh, uh, the, the authors to think about how countries can be involved in consultation around your analysis and, and papers. Thank you very much. Thanks so much, Ken, for those, those insightful comments, both reflecting and then um it's very interesting to learn about all the, the, the different mechanisms that you, that you described and interesting to think about them in relation to, to what, what, what Tristan was putting forth. Um, I'm gonna turn it back to Tristan if you want to pick up on a couple of, of, of Kent's points, but I do want to encourage people, if you do have a question, please raise your hand using the raise hand function or signal in the chat that you'd like to come in if you have a question for either Tristan or, or Kent. I, I hope, Kent, you don't mind if people direct some questions to you. Um, But with that, let me turn it to Tristan for some, some reactions and then we'll open it up. Um, please let me know. Yeah, thanks. Let me, let me respond quickly and to those three points. I think I have, um, and then we can, yeah, I'm, I'm eager to hear the audience. Um, so yeah, I think on, on absorption capacity and the ability of countries to absorb, you know, vaccines, that, that's certainly an issue. Um, and I, you know, I should have highlighted it directly. Um, but I think, you know, one thing that's interesting to point out is that actually, even low-income countries actually do have a lot of experience with vac, uh, mass vaccination campaigns. So, you know, there's an example in 2013 that, uh, Burkina Faso immunized, you know, the whole population under 20, uh, against meningitis in, in less than a month. Um, and now, that, that took a lot of planning, uh, and additional resources, but, but it, it can be done. And so, You know, part of, you know, I, I worked actually before the bank on, on the, uh, the polio campaigns in Nigeria. Um, you know, you, you can do them if you, if you have planning and, and resources. And so, as long as we, you know, make sure that this kind of surge, uh, efforts, uh, are, are part of countries' planning, I think it's sort of very feasible that, that in the next pandemic, everyone will be, you know, ready, can be ready to go. Um, you, you mentioned the, the World Bank Financial Intermediary fund. So I, you know, these are, these are sort of my views as a researcher, and I don't, I, I want to make very clear, I'm not speaking for, for World Bank policy. There's been a lot of public discussion, which is ongoing. Um, you know, that fund, as, as I said, is, is, there's about a billion dollars that's been raised for it, and there's a lot of things that people have proposed and, as you said, the, the discussion is mostly about how it will be governed, but not actually what the money will be spent on. And Um, you know, I, uh, Amanda Glassman at, at CGD actually wrote a, a nice comment on this, which I thought was helpful, which is that, you know, the, the fund can actually be targeted at, um, the, these prevention activities, so surveillance and, you know, in, you know, safe, safety in, in, you know, markets that sell wildlife and so forth. Um, but actually, we can address the, uh, this kind of surge of response through existing, uh, instruments and products as long as we make the right modifications. So, you know, if, if, um, you know, multilateral development banks like the World Bank would, would, you know, finance, uh, prepayments before licensure of the vaccines, that would, you know, allow countries to, to buy, you know, early on in the pandemic. Um, you know, you mentioned the IFIM and, and EIB structures, you know, those, those exist and you can lend against donors. Uh, commitments, as, as I said, the World Bank has done this before for the punonococcal, punococcal, uh, um, uh, advanced commitments. So, so, I think we actually can, um, You know, respond, uh, without using the additional funds from the 5th. Um, but we, we do need to make sure that, you know, we don't have restrictions on how money can be used, uh, in order, in order to do that. Um, and then third, you know, just kind of tying back to what I said about, um, absorption capacity, you know, there's so much good research coming out of DEC on last mile health delivery and incentives for healthcare workers. And, you know, this is the bread and butter of, of both pandemic response and also, you know, global health generally. And, you know, we saw that, yes, there was this period in 2021 where we needed supply and all this financing would have been helpful, but now we're just kind of back to the same problem, which is that, you know, you need to vaccinate. Everybody, and that's, that's a hard thing to do even in high-income countries. So, you know, I think that the bulk of research that, that DEC and others are, are providing can be, can be really useful there, um, uh, and, and it's, it's very important as long as we make sure we get this, this response, response financing correct. So overall, I'll, I'll, I'll open up to everybody else. Thanks. Yeah, just to pick up on that last point, I mean, Kent, you're right, I mean, I, I guess we are gonna be going into a phase now of, of looking back at lessons learned, but we do have a rich tradition within the research department of looking at health services and, and the improving the, the quality and quality and access to, uh, and the, the quality of service delivery, um, that's ongoing and, and, and, and, and we're obviously very keen to, to, to keep doing that. And, and as you say, using this period to look at exactly what happened, um, and, and lessons for the future on that front as well. Um, I don't see any hands raised. Um, I, Ryan, I don't know if we've received any questions through the YouTube, um, chat function. Um, I want to just give people a chance to come in. I see one from Samir Chandra. Yeah, Samir. Go ahead, Samir. Hi, uh, this is Samir Chandra. Can you all hear me well? Yes, you can. Oh, thanks. Yeah, this is Samir from Global Geographic Society. We are a Virginia-based nonprofit organization, and I'm an independent researcher working on poverty alleviation through skill development. My question is, what changes you see in this post-pandemic scenario on the global supply chain, especially development of the local supply centers and local manufacturing and its impact on poverty alleviation, especially in the third world countries. Um, yeah, thank you. Uh, so, so I think that's a super important point. As, as I said, um, you know, there, there's this, so in international trade, there's this thing called the home market effect. And that means if you have increasing returns to scale and production, That means that actually the, the countries that do the most exporting will also be the ones that have the big domestic markets. And so that's really what you see in health products, um, and, you know, in vaccines in particular that, you know, the US, China, uh, EU are, are the big producers and, and India, they have these big markets. Um, at the same time, those are the countries that will also, you know, they need to supply, they need to serve their own populations. And so in emergencies, because they have big populations, it will take longer for them to produce enough to, to, to, to provide for their populations. And so, I think from that perspective, there is actually a lot of benefit. In, um, you know, subsidies and, and, and efforts to, to, uh, make sure that every country has a little bit of, of vaccine production capacity so they can both provide for their own populations, but also, um, uh, you know, uh, export. Um, you know, I think the challenge with that though, is that in order for Local vaccine production to be sustainable, it has to have continued demand. So you can't just have a factory sitting around for 30 years until the next coronavirus pandemic. You know, you need to actually use it to provide, uh, you know, the, the basic, you know, childhood immunizations, you know, measles and, and yellow fever and, and, and these sorts of things. Um, and so, I, I think that that conversation will, so there's a lot of effort to Diversify production capacity, but that will need to be, um, accompanied by, you know, a, a concerted effort to, uh, actually make sure that those, those local producers have sustained, uh, demand, and, and they can build their capacities, uh, and keep them warm over time. Thanks, sir, and I believe like, one of the challenges will be of knowing the technical know-how and the equipments and other facilities which can really facilitate or support these kind of manufacturing in those countries. Yeah, I think Ken Ken mentioned that, that, uh, COvax is, is, or, or GAVI in general, which, which buys vaccines for, for low income countries. You know, is thinking about how it can procure from, you know, a more diverse pool of, of countries, exactly, you know, in, in that spirit. Can I pick up on this and turn this question a little to Kent, but in a very specific case which is the South African situation right now where they seem to be developing this capacity. But there's, but there seems to be no demand. And how, how do, how do, I mean, do you have any thoughts on that? And, and how to, how to, um, How to change that situation such that this capacity actually is sustained, because if there's no demand, I mean, it'll definitely, it'll, it'll wither for sure. I mean, I, uh, the, the, the conversation then at, uh, at GAI is, uh, not just how, uh, they can buy, uh, uh, vaccines, uh, in a pandemic, uh, from manufacturers in low and lower middle-income countries, uh, but how there might then be support, uh, uh, um, vaccines, uh, uh, for routine immunization purchased from, from those facilities so that the facilities are, are, Ever kept warm. Um, on the, on South Africa, I'm not sure what the, what solution there might be for the lack of demand, uh, for the vaccines out of, out of aspen. Great, thanks. Um, Galina, did you want to come in and put your question to the group? I see you've put a question in the chat, but There's also Shahai has his I just want to give Glena a chance to come in if they want to. OK, we'll take that as more of a comment then. Um, uh, Shabtai, do you want to come in? Yeah, thank you very much. I, I just wanted to ask Tristan if you can maybe expand a little bit more on what he was talking about with regards to the, um, uh, you, you know, getting, uh, that the financiers can make it so that countries can purchase even before there's a, uh, uh, authorization. And how exactly that could work with the other problem that he was talking about that a KOA facility that might be needed would, um, you know, there's this lend country lending issue. So how to reconcile on the one hand this, this, um. The bank has a need to lend specifically to countries, but then you want to, maybe you will need more money even if a fund is established. So how to sort of get around all of those issues, um, given the bank's own constraints? Will this require a policy change? Will this require some sort of different view within the bank over, over whether it lends only to countries or not? Sorry if that was a bit convoluted, but, uh, right, no, that makes sense. Again, I, I don't want to speak about World Bank policies, so I'll, I'll speak generally, but I think there's two separate issues that you raised. So one is that, um, you know, it, it All of the high income countries, not all, but most, took A risk at the beginning of the pandemic by paying for vaccines that might never have been successful. And, and this really did pan out, right? That you had, you know, the Cervac, for example, which didn't work and, you know, that was money and it, it, it was, it was not delivered. Um, and somebody has to pay for that. Um, you know, in, in this case, it was the, the high income countries. Um, you know, the, the World Bank said, you know, we, we will not finance, uh, They they declined to finance purchases or any payment before. Uh, licensure, which, which, you know, means you, you, you're not subject to that risk. Now, as I said, you could say, well, I'll pay, you know, let's say 20% of the cost now and only 80% once it's authorized. So you can manage your risk in that way, but there's still some, some money that's, that's put at risk. Um, so that's kind of 11 policy where you just have to choose, you know, are you gonna let, uh, purchases happen? And, and, and this, this could be either purchases made by an individual country. So, say, you know, Nigeria wants to, to buy more vaccines, but they haven't been authorized yet, so it's gonna, you know, give money to get a place in line. You know, you have to decide whether that's OK, or it could be a loan to a, a regional, uh, group. Now, The thing, the other thing we raised was sort of whether you lend to individual countries or groups. Um, you know, as Kent raised, maybe a lot of countries, you know, because they, you know, they, they, they were seeing, OK, maybe I haven't had that many fatalities yet. Maybe, you know, I'm, I'm waiting to see how, um, uh, the planning, you know, will go. And so, so they wait. Uh, you know, In that situation, I think there is a benefit to having a global or a regional organization that takes some risk and moves, you know, faster than the other countries. So, you know, COAs, like, it, it, it kind of, it, it did purchase in advance and it was one of the first, um, you know, uh, uh, sources of supply that lots of countries had, um, because it had moved so early. Now, it, it had some bad luck, which was that its first purchase was in a country that later, you know, um, Uh, restricted exports, but, but, you know, had it been a more diversified pool or it, you know, it just could have, it could have turned out differently. So I think, I think you need both. I think you need, um, you know, a willingness of, of finance to, to lend before, to, to lend before vaccines are authorized to get a Place in line and also to incentivize supply, but you also need, uh, you know, these kind of global or, or regional agencies, um, you know, that, that can, you know, make purchases ahead of countries. Another example of this is, um, so PAHO, the Pan American Health Organization, um, uh, bought vaccines, you know, in advance of countries ordering them. So did, so did the African Union, actually. So, they said, our, our members haven't You know, figured out how much they need, but we're gonna go into the market and secure it. Um, that, that's an area where, you know, cooperation and also, uh, an independent management that can move faster than countries is, is beneficial, but, but, you know, that, that does have some risk and someone needs to, to bear the risk associated with it. Anyone else? Yeah. Anybody else have a question they'd like to put to the group? Doesn't look like it, um. If not, I suggest I turn it back to Tristan maybe, and then Kent, if you don't mind, just last word to our discussant. Um, Uh, yeah, thanks. I, I mean, I just, um, I just want to really emphasize this point that, you know, I, I think There, there was huge inequity and inequality in access to vaccines for about a year during COVID. And, and that was due, uh, as Ken said, to, to policies that, that high-income countries took, um, you know, to, to, uh, secure vaccines for themselves and, but a lot of that had to do with getting money into the market earlier. And, you know, it is my hope that in the next pandemic, you know, with the new resources and interests that we have, We'll be better able to get money, uh, into the market, uh, on behalf of, of low and middle-income countries. And, and I, I also admit that, that, that, that is a little bit of a competition, you know, you need high-income countries may not want, uh, low, low-income countries bidding, uh, against them, um, at least early on. Uh, but, you know, we, we do need to make sure that, that resources are available to do that. Um, and I think, you know, if we do, uh, you know, it will, it, it can benefit everybody by expanding supply, um, but also, uh, increasing equity. So that's Thanks. Thanks, Tristan. Uh, Kent, any last words from you? No, just, uh, to again thank Tristan and the, and the team, uh, for the, the, the very timely work. Uh, I think this can feed into a lot of the, the global discussions that are happening right now about, uh, financing for, for, um, uh, any future pandemic. JP has one question at least. I see we have a late entry here. JP, do you want to go ahead? Oh you're on, we can't hear you, you're on mute. Oh, thanks, thanks, Dean, and, and, and hello to everybody and to Tristan and Kent. My, my appreciation for the, the very interesting discussion. I did want to come out of silence and, and, and express my appreciation to, to both of you and to Deanne for sharing it. Um, I do believe that there's some incredible multi-causality here, many variables connected. It's very nice to try to dissect them, but, uh, at the end of the day, when, when they appeared, they all happened together. So, so we will need to continue thinking on this hypothesis and the different assumptions and the scenarios moving forward. I do want to highlight um Kent's point on, on the country's strengthening capacity in the response. I think it's a, a core element as, as we move forward. It's gonna be very important, uh, Kent, for, for the evolution of the white paper and more especially for the, let's say the shared effort. That we all bring around in strengthening, again, country capacity around PPR. It's gonna be extremely important. And I also believe that the overall, um, Tristan, uh, let's say, trade variables. Um, including the production and being able to control the national production of supplies, not only vaccines, as we saw throughout 2020 and 2021, it's a very important variable to also, uh, consider in detail. So, I wanted, I wanted the end basically to bring these considerations at, at the end and again, um thank you for, for the space and we for sure need to keep on thinking. And all what we can learn from the past 2 years as we move forward. Thank you very much. Thanks, JP. I just, for those who don't know, JP is the global director for, for, for HA Health, Nutrition and Population here at, at, at the World Bank. So really pleased that you could join us today, um, and thanks for that intervention. Um, and I, you know, we, I, as the director of the Research department, let me just say I really look forward to working with all of you on thinking about these issues, uh, both, you know, retroactively, retrospectively, learning and, and looking forward as well. Um, what we can do to improve the, the quality of health services in developing countries, and, um, and, you know, this aspect of it as well, which is this sort of surge capacity that's needed in times of crisis. Um, so with that, let me close this, uh, session today. Uh, for those of you who follow these policy research talks, uh, this is the last one of, uh, of, of the season. We're gonna take a hiatus over the summer, the, the northern, uh, summer months, and we'll be back in September, with a new session that'll be announced. Uh, uh, as, as, as Ryan has just put in the chat, you can link to all the event materials at this website. And, and just thank you for your attendance and participation and this, and thanks Tristan for the, for the talk and, and Kent really thank you so much for making the time, uh, to, to, to both come here today, but also think carefully about, about how to position this work more generally. Thank you very much, everyone, and, and have a good rest of your day. Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you.
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The world is transitioning out of the crisis phase of the COVID-19 outbreak, aided by immunity from vaccination and prior infection. Multilateral institutions, including the African Union, COVAX, the World Health Organization, and the World Bank, were indispensable in the crisis response, delivering life-saving vaccines, technical assistance, and concessional finance to low- and middle-income countries. Yet, these institutions have been criticized, with arguments that their response was insufficient given the overwhelming need. At a Policy Research Talk on June 13, 2022, World Bank economist Tristan Reed assessed the merit of this criticism, highlighting successes, misunderstandings, and lessons learned about how multilateral institutions can more effectively respond to future public health emergencies of international concern.
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