col-xs-12
col-sm-12
col-md-12
col-lg-12
col-xs-12
col-sm-12
col-md-12
col-lg-12
videoType
dynamic-media
videoDmUrl
https://delivery-p136806-e1377785.adobeaemcloud.com/adobe/assets/urn:aaid:aem:bc281b47-b703-4f05-89fe-a057e1fc0f02/play?assetname=FattalJaef_PRT.mp4
keyFrameImage
timestamp

00:00 Uh

00:02 Everyone,

00:02 my name is Dion Filmer.

00:03 I'm the director of the World Bank's Development Research.

00:06 Welcome to this policy research talk.

00:09 You

00:11 who

00:12 in

00:13 these talks provide us an opportunity.

00:16 To present work coming out of the research department here at the bank,

00:20 with the goal of sharing the findings with colleagues inside and

00:23 outside the department along with others outside of the World Bank.

00:27 Uh,

00:27 I'd like to welcome the audience both on Webex as well as on YouTube.

00:32 So today my colleague Roberto Fatal Haef,

00:34 who's a senior economist in the macroeconomics and growth team in the department,

00:39 will discuss how distortions in firms' business environments

00:43 can help us understand productivity differences around the world.

00:47 We're grateful to have Mary Hallward-Driemeyer today as a discussant.

00:51 Mary is a senior economic advisor to the Global Director for Trade,

00:55 Investment and Competitiveness.

00:57 She was previously a senior principal specialist

00:59 in the jobs cutting solution area,

01:02 and prior to that,

01:04 she was a lead economist here in the Development Research Group.

01:08 With that,

01:08 I'll turn it over to Roberto,

01:09 who will talk for about 45 minutes,

01:11 after which we'll hear from Mary for about 10 to 15 minutes.

01:15 Uh,

01:15 we'll conclude the session with a Q&A from the audience.

01:19 If you have a question,

01:20 I'd ask that you please use the raised hand function in Webex,

01:23 uh,

01:24 that way I can call on you.

01:26 Or if you can't figure that out,

01:27 put your name in the chat and just signal to me that you have a question.

01:31 If you're following on YouTube and you'd like to ask a question,

01:34 please put the question in the chat and that'll be

01:36 conveyed to me.

01:38 So with that,

01:38 over to you,

01:39 Roberto.

01:41 Thank,

01:42 thank you,

01:42 Dion,

01:43 and welcome everyone to my talk.

01:45 It's really exciting to be able to talk about

01:47 my research in front of such a big audience.

01:50 Also,

01:51 thanks in advance to Mary.

01:52 I anticipate uh a very interesting discussion towards the end,

01:55 so looking forward to that.

01:58 Um,

01:58 the main objective of my talk is to introduce you to some of the latest research,

02:03 both on my own but also showing,

02:05 uh,

02:05 other scholars' works.

02:08 Showing how a micro to macro approach in which

02:12 the interaction between firms

02:14 and the business environments in which firms operate

02:17 can shed light on obstacles to countries' economic growth opportunities.

02:23 Now,

02:23 before I get to the core of the presentation,

02:25 let me,

02:25 uh,

02:26 remind you of what are one of the big questions or challenges

02:30 in the macrodevelopment literature.

02:32 Of course,

02:33 there are many long-lasting puzzles,

02:34 but I think that

02:35 uh most of them uh have the same common roots,

02:39 which have to do with the observation of

02:42 massive differences in living standards around the world.

02:46 So let me proxy living standards by the income per worker of,

02:50 of each country and,

02:52 and express it relative to the living standards

02:54 of an advanced economy like the United States.

02:57 I'm going to show a histogram collecting precisely these possible income levels

03:02 on the horizontal axis,

03:04 and then I'm gonna count how many countries there are

03:07 at various buckets of income along this development distribution,

03:13 this development spectrum.

03:15 And two important conclusions sort of jumped,

03:18 jumped out of the picture.

03:19 The first one,

03:20 as I alluded at the beginning,

03:21 is the observation of huge heterogeneity.

03:24 So we have countries that are roughly as advanced as the United States,

03:28 say France would be an example,

03:31 but there are countries at the very bottom of the distribution with,

03:33 with very low levels of income.

03:36 More broadly,

03:37 the,

03:37 the conclusion is the prevalence of,

03:39 of low levels of income uh in,

03:42 in,

03:42 in,

03:42 in the distribution.

03:43 Um.

03:44 A better way to,

03:46 to,

03:47 um,

03:49 to solidify this conclusion is to look at

03:51 what's the median income per worker

03:54 uh relative to the United States and that's captured by

03:58 the vertical red bar here.

04:00 So what we are seeing is that half the countries in the world

04:04 enjoy living standards,

04:05 up to a third of the living standards in the,

04:08 in the US and in the advanced economy.

04:11 So naturally confronted with this question,

04:13 one wants to,

04:14 to know more,

04:15 in particular ones want to inquire about

04:17 what are the sources of these differences in income

04:20 and hopefully this talk will provide a particular story and a particular

04:25 theory of what may be underlying these differences in income,

04:29 but uh let me take a purely accounting intermediate step

04:33 and try to decompose the

04:36 Origin of the differences in living standards

04:39 into differences in the factors of production that generate this,

04:43 the output.

04:45 So starting from the following identity,

04:48 basically the,

04:48 the output of an economy per worker is given by

04:52 a combination of its tangible factors of production,

04:55 the physical capital and human capital,

04:58 and then the efficiency with which these factors turn into output

05:02 is what is typically referred to as the total factor productivity.

05:07 With this identity,

05:08 I'm going to ask the question of

05:10 what's the relative role of factors of production versus total

05:14 factor productivity in explaining income gaps in the data.

05:19 And I will,

05:19 I will,

05:20 uh,

05:21 portray the information with the aid of the following scattered plot.

05:24 I will report the GDP per worker relative to the US on the horizontal axis,

05:30 and then I'm going to report the

05:32 relative total factor productivity of each country

05:35 again relative to the United States,

05:38 and subsequently I will report the ratio of factors of

05:42 production in each country relative to the United States.

05:47 And the purpose of the 45 degree line is to help us assess.

05:52 To what extent

05:53 either TFP gaps and factor gaps

05:56 help us account for the observed income gaps.

06:00 So the closer

06:01 the scatter plot lies

06:02 to the 45 degree line,

06:04 the more explanatory power that particular factor or input will have.

06:09 Well,

06:09 let me begin with total factor productivity.

06:11 The,

06:11 the,

06:12 the,

06:12 the,

06:12 the picture sort of speaks for itself.

06:15 We see a very strong correlation between

06:18 TFP gaps and income gaps,

06:20 and more,

06:21 more to the point,

06:23 the,

06:23 the TFP gaps line up very close to the 45 degree line.

06:28 So another way to,

06:29 to express this,

06:30 this implication is to say that

06:33 we would have gone a long way in understanding

06:36 drivers of income differences if we understand drivers of productivity.

06:43 Now,

06:43 this does not mean to undermine the importance of thinking of policies

06:48 that bridge human capital gaps around the world or that promote,

06:51 promote investment.

06:53 So the,

06:53 the

06:55 uh differences in factors of production are now overlaid to the figure with,

06:59 with the blue dots

07:01 and,

07:01 but what one must note that while there is also

07:04 a strong correlation between factor gaps and income gaps,

07:09 the magnitude of the,

07:10 of the gaps in factors of production.

07:13 It's not as big as the magnitude in income.

07:16 And er

07:18 er and it's,

07:19 you have less explanatory power than productivity in explaining the,

07:23 the,

07:23 the,

07:24 the,

07:24 the,

07:25 the heterogeneity in income.

07:27 So I,

07:28 I began the presentation with a big question,

07:30 what explains income differences,

07:32 and I sort of finished this introduction with another big question,

07:35 which is what explains productivity differences.

07:38 And the goal of the talk is,

07:39 as I said,

07:40 try to provide a particular story

07:42 for this,

07:43 for this question.

07:45 Now,

07:46 where we are right now,

07:46 we have done sort of a macro to macro loop.

07:49 I postulated an aggregate production function

07:52 and I have

07:53 uh looked at aggregate data to decompose the aggregate differences in income

07:59 and reached the conclusion that this object that we call

08:02 TFP which is kind of like a black box,

08:04 is the,

08:05 the main driver of of differences in income.

08:09 So where I'm headed is in bringing the micro to the picture.

08:13 And what I mean by bringing the micro is

08:15 by acknowledging that there's no such a thing as

08:17 a representative producer in reality,

08:20 but rather

08:21 production takes place across a large number of firms in the economy.

08:26 And the economy confronts the microeconomic challenge

08:30 of how to

08:31 allocate its productive resources

08:34 across these firms

08:36 in a way that maximizes the total size of the pipe.

08:41 And why is this progress?

08:42 Well,

08:42 this is progress because once we have an idea of what

08:46 this ideal allocation looks like,

08:49 then we can look at the particular allocation in,

08:51 in any given country

08:53 and to the extent it it differs from the optimal prescription,

08:57 then we will have identified potentially barriers

09:00 that prevented this economy from achieving its potential.

09:04 And as a result,

09:05 we will have provided you,

09:07 we will have provided a theory of GFT.

09:11 Now

09:13 Turning this intuitive argument into an actual quantifiable strategy

09:18 requires that I take a series of steps.

09:21 The first step I need to take is to uh be explicit about how I think

09:26 the output maximizing rule is achieved.

09:29 And the view I adopt in this paper and

09:32 it's the predominant view in the literature is that

09:35 the economy will operate at its potential if market forces operate freely.

09:41 So if we

09:42 let the price mechanism allocate resources combined

09:45 with the profit maximizing incentives of firms

09:48 and strong competition coming from continuous entrance of new producers,

09:53 then markets are going to take us

09:55 to the potential.

09:58 Now,

09:58 what is that uh ideal allocation going to look like?

10:01 And before I,

10:02 I,

10:02 I give you a more technical definition,

10:05 In simpler words,

10:07 what's going to happen is that

10:08 markets are going to ensure that

10:10 there's no money left on the table.

10:13 And what would be an example of money being left on the table?

10:16 Well,

10:17 imagine that under a particular

10:19 distribution of productive resources

10:22 across firms,

10:23 we end up in a situation where,

10:25 let's say producer number one.

10:28 shows a higher marginal product for its inputs

10:31 than producer #4.

10:34 Well,

10:34 that cannot be the output to maximizing allocation because

10:37 by virtue of featuring a higher marginal product,

10:42 we would be able to increase the total size of the pipe precisely by reallocating

10:47 some of the workers and the capital

10:50 from firm 4 towards firm number 1.

10:54 So,

10:54 and now I'm,

10:55 I'm,

10:55 I'm preparing a more formal definition,

10:57 at the output maximizing allocation,

11:00 the recipe for achieving it,

11:02 the economy would have to have

11:04 exploited all output increasing opportunities.

11:08 And what that means is that the marginal revenue products of each

11:12 firm in the economy would have to be equalized with each other.

11:17 Now,

11:17 in,

11:17 in the context of,

11:18 of more familiar diagrams that we are used to seeing

11:22 um

11:24 as a byproduct or another way to see

11:26 the implication of equalizing marginal revenue products across firms

11:30 is that the economy will be

11:32 producing at the frontier of its production possibility.

11:36 Well,

11:37 I know the US has many,

11:38 many problems,

11:39 but

11:39 from the point of view of this presentation,

11:41 I'm,

11:41 I'm adopting it as the efficient economy.

11:44 And so let's say the US it's at the frontier.

11:47 Now,

11:50 an important conclusion I want to draw is that

11:52 while

11:53 at the optimal allocation,

11:55 all firms will have the same marginal product.

11:58 This does not mean

12:00 that firms that we are going to be equally big.

12:04 Very much to the contrary,

12:06 because some firms,

12:07 one firm may be much more productive than another firm,

12:11 it will be able to sustain

12:13 many more workers and many more machines

12:16 until the marginal product of that firm

12:18 has been brought down

12:20 to the level of the marginal product of a less productive firm.

12:24 So underlying this efficient allocation,

12:27 there will be a firm size distribution

12:30 essentially reflecting this heterogeneity of productivity.

12:37 Now consider what would happen if this

12:39 uh ideal market-oriented world is disrupted,

12:43 and it could be disrupted by some inherent frictions in how markets work.

12:47 Think about commitment problems between creditors

12:50 and debtors in financial markets.

12:52 Or it could be government policy that no matter how well intended,

12:57 they could be distorted from an efficiency point of view.

13:00 An example of this that will uh I will build heavily on

13:04 throughout the talk is size dependent taxes.

13:07 So imagine governments that

13:09 levy taxes or enforce taxes more strongly on large firms than small firms.

13:16 Well,

13:16 this economy is one where the efficient

13:19 allocation or the output maximizing rule will be

13:22 broken down.

13:24 And

13:24 again to solidify this point,

13:26 let me put a little bit more structure.

13:28 Let's assume that,

13:30 uh,

13:30 let's assume a particular ranking of productivity

13:34 across the four firms that populate this little economy.

13:37 So let's assume that the firm one is the most productive of the four,

13:42 and then let's assume that governments enforce contract

13:45 taxes more prominently on the largest firms.

13:49 So the most productive firms will confront a higher effective tax rate

13:54 than the least productive firm.

13:56 And it's even possible that because governments sometimes want to promote.

14:01 small-scale entrepreneurship,

14:03 it's possible that even small firms can fund actual subsidies to production.

14:09 Now in this context,

14:11 the efficient allocation,

14:12 the equalization of marginal revenue products

14:15 will not be achieved,

14:16 and that's because the firm number one will

14:19 be discouraged by these higher effective tax rates.

14:23 Uh,

14:23 from acquiring as many workers and as many machines as it would otherwise have.

14:30 And on the contrary,

14:31 firm number 2 will maybe enjoy the benefits

14:34 of these promotion policies of the government and perhaps

14:38 expand beyond what they would have uh

14:41 uh uh

14:42 beyond the scale they would have achieved

14:45 in an,

14:45 in an undistorted world.

14:47 So

14:48 these idiosyncratic distortions have the potential of

14:52 misallocating resources

14:54 from high to low productivity.

14:57 And in the context of the diagrams then what

15:00 we are generating by breaking up the efficient recipe

15:04 is we are forcing the economy to operate

15:06 somewhere inside the production possibility.

15:10 And I'm not picking up on India for any other reason than

15:13 it's being the first country for which this methodology has been applied.

15:17 So that's assume that India,

15:19 then it's operating below its potential.

15:23 Now notice that uh as a byproduct of this property of misallocation

15:28 in which we take away resources from the good firms and

15:31 shift them to the less productive ones,

15:34 we are at the same time

15:35 shifting and rotating or altering the shape of the size distribution.

15:40 So in this particular er er specification of distortions I have been talking about,

15:46 we're going to have fewer of the large firms,

15:49 and we are going to have more of the small firms.

15:53 So the size distribution is gonna reflect information

15:56 about what's going on in the business environment of these firms.

16:01 And lastly,

16:01 let me consider what would entry barriers do

16:05 to break the optimal output maximizing pool.

16:10 So one can think of entry barriers as

16:13 something that inflates

16:15 the entry cost of new producers and new firms to any given economy.

16:20 So,

16:21 you know,

16:21 creating a product or opening up as an establishment is a costly process.

16:25 So there are some costs that one cannot avoid to incur,

16:28 and let's say that those are the only costs you would incur

16:32 in a,

16:32 in a,

16:32 in a

16:34 well performing market economy.

16:36 Uh this has to do with foregoing income,

16:38 it has to do with

16:39 uh preparing business plans and so on.

16:42 An entry bar is anything that artificially inflates

16:46 this cost of entry to an economy.

16:49 And the way these entry costs,

16:51 uh,

16:52 these entry barriers disrupt

16:54 the efficient allocation is not so much by

16:58 altering the allocative margin,

17:00 namely the intensive margin,

17:02 but rather altering the extensive margin.

17:05 That is by shaping or disrupting the number of producers

17:10 that will find it optimal

17:12 to circumvent these barriers and actually start

17:16 a business in,

17:18 in,

17:18 in,

17:18 in the economy.

17:19 So we'll have potentially half the number of firms

17:22 and notice that

17:23 because of the subdued competitive pressures in this environment,

17:26 firms may even choose

17:28 different levels of productivity.

17:30 So I'm denoting this potentially lower levels of productivity with set I had here.

17:36 So again back to the diagrams,

17:38 the implication of an entry barrier is that

17:41 not only the country will be operating below the frontier of its possibilities,

17:46 but the frontier itself may be shifted inwards

17:49 relative to a scenario without distortion.

17:53 Now,

17:53 at the micro level,

17:55 the implication for the firm size distribution

17:57 is going to be the opposite

17:59 than the direction in which idiosyncratic distortions

18:03 reshape the size distribution.

18:06 Because there's going to be fewer producers,

18:08 prices will adjust

18:10 to allocate.

18:12 The resources that are in the economy towards all these fewer firms,

18:17 so each of these firms will become larger.

18:19 So in equilibrium when entry barriers are prominent in a country,

18:23 then

18:24 we are going to,

18:26 we should observe more of the large firms and fewer of the small firms.

18:33 So,

18:33 uh,

18:34 at the end of this

18:35 conceptual introduction,

18:36 and I have done it in a very intuitive way,

18:38 but underlying all of these claims,

18:40 there is a paper formalizing all these propositions,

18:44 but I hope I have conveyed this idea of what I mean by the macro,

18:47 micro to macro approach.

18:50 I've shown that interacting firms

18:52 with the frictions and policies in the business environment can explain

18:56 why they don't uh produce at the frontier of its possibility.

19:00 And importantly,

19:02 I have uh emphasized

19:04 how an observable object these days in the data,

19:07 which is the frame size distribution

19:10 contains information

19:12 about the type of policies that may be affecting a given country.

19:17 So what I need to do next is to actually show you some data

19:20 corroborating the claim that there are big differences

19:24 in the,

19:25 in the size distribution across countries.

19:28 Otherwise,

19:29 if we,

19:29 if I didn't show you this,

19:31 it would be like,

19:31 this would be a very promising

19:33 theory but not very applicable in reality.

19:37 So that leads me to,

19:38 to tell you a little bit

19:40 about the,

19:40 the data I've been able to collect for this project.

19:43 So as you can imagine,

19:44 uh um

19:45 obtaining representatives from level data is one

19:48 of the scarce resources in this agenda.

19:51 So,

19:51 uh,

19:52 for this project I have collected

19:54 representative from level data for the manufacturing sectors of 21 countries.

20:00 The source of the data,

20:02 the data is a mixture of industrial surveys or manufacturing censuses

20:08 that are universal of oil firms

20:11 with 10 workers or more.

20:13 And this,

20:14 uh,

20:15 this type of data covers a few South America,

20:17 Latin American,

20:19 Sub-Saharan African and Asian countries.

20:22 And I,

20:23 I should stress at this point that

20:25 I've been able to

20:27 collect all this data only

20:29 uh thanks to the collaboration with various counterparts

20:32 in the global practices and operational units at,

20:35 uh,

20:36 at the bank.

20:36 So,

20:37 this is an example of,

20:38 of the synergies that can be created between Deery and,

20:40 and,

20:41 uh,

20:41 and,

20:41 and global practices.

20:44 And another data source I'm working with is Amadeus,

20:48 and Amadeos is a commercial database

20:50 supposedly covering all of uh European,

20:54 uh all of Europe.

20:56 Now,

20:56 uh,

20:57 it's well known that

20:58 the quality of the,

21:00 the representativeness of the data is not that good in some of the countries,

21:04 so I've selected a subset of the European countries for which

21:09 comparing the size distribution in Amadeos

21:13 with what is reported by Eurostat,

21:15 I'm reassured that the data,

21:18 the data in Amadeos is,

21:19 is represented.

21:20 So at the end of the day,

21:21 I have 21 countries.

21:23 So let me characterize.

21:26 What are

21:27 cross-country differences in,

21:28 in firm size distributions,

21:30 and I'm gonna use,

21:31 I'm,

21:31 I'm gonna answer this question looking at the average firm size in each country.

21:36 And in particular the measure of size I'll be looking at is the number of workers.

21:42 So,

21:42 for example,

21:43 the United States is the,

21:44 the red dot here,

21:45 as you can see is the richest country in my sample.

21:48 So we have the log of GDP per capita on the,

21:50 on the horizontal axis.

21:51 So the United States is the richest country and

21:54 conditional on firms with 10 workers or more,

21:57 its manufacturing sector has around 120 employees.

22:01 Well,

22:02 the main conclusion of this figure,

22:04 uh,

22:04 which is essentially

22:06 reporting a result that the literature has shown elsewhere,

22:09 but,

22:09 but I needed to persuade myself that it was true

22:12 also in my data,

22:14 is that there is a very large heterogeneity of firm sizes around the world,

22:19 and that poorer countries

22:21 produce with smaller firms than richer countries.

22:25 So to me,

22:25 this is a promising starting point.

22:27 I,

22:27 I was sort of obliged to show you that

22:30 there are differences in the size distribution because

22:32 the micro to macro approach predicts these differences to exist.

22:37 So,

22:37 we are,

22:37 we are,

22:38 we are proceeding on solid ground,

22:39 so to speak.

22:41 So what I'm going to do next is I'm going to

22:43 provide a strategy to identify the magnitude of underlying distortions.

22:50 And then once I'm equipped with estimates of those distortions,

22:53 I'm going to go back to the macro

22:55 and assess what are the productivity effects

22:58 of the distortions that I have identified.

23:03 So,

23:03 um,

23:04 what is my inference strategy going to be about,

23:07 and I need to spend a couple of slides,

23:08 uh,

23:08 uh,

23:09 talking about this and

23:11 what I,

23:11 what I will

23:12 pursue is a theory-based or a model-based approach.

23:16 And what this approach is about is

23:19 Leveraging the

23:21 insight I,

23:22 I've been saying so far that

23:24 the firm size distribution

23:27 of a country

23:28 contains information

23:30 about the distortions affecting that country.

23:33 So I'm going to propose a model of the size distribution.

23:37 And I'm going to discipline the trade-offs and the channels in the model

23:42 to replicate exactly,

23:44 exactly

23:45 the properties of the size distribution

23:47 in the United States,

23:49 which is,

23:50 as I as I said earlier,

23:51 our,

23:51 our efficiency benchmark.

23:54 So once I have a model of reality that

23:56 captures the reality of a particular and distorted country,

24:00 I'm gonna ask,

24:02 what is the combination of entry barriers,

24:05 um,

24:07 tau and allocative distortions

24:09 that must be taking place in a given country.

24:13 So that the model is able to reconcile

24:17 the size distribution of that country.

24:20 OK

24:22 So as you,

24:22 as you can imagine,

24:23 the inference is as good as the model I used to interpret reality.

24:27 So,

24:27 uh,

24:27 while it's,

24:28 it's not the objective of this talk to flesh out all the plumbing

24:32 underlying my theory,

24:34 I just want to emphasize

24:36 three key channels that the theory accounts for,

24:39 which you could argue are first order channels in any,

24:42 in any theory of the from size distribution.

24:46 So of course there will be heterogeneity of producers that's like

24:50 you know started if I,

24:51 if I didn't,

24:52 but importantly,

24:54 the heterogeneity of productivity in producers is not going to be

24:59 given to the economy,

25:00 but it's,

25:01 it's rather going to be endogenously chosen by firms.

25:05 Pretty much affected by the incentives in the environment in which they operate.

25:10 And also the model is going to have endogenous entry and exit,

25:13 which again,

25:14 uh it's,

25:14 it's like a prerequisite so as to be able to speak about the role of entry model.

25:20 So I would say that uh to a first approximation,

25:22 these are features of any theory you wanna write down to,

25:24 to interpret reality.

25:27 And one important assumption,

25:28 one needs to be transparent about

25:31 is that

25:32 the firms that will populate this model economy

25:35 will

25:35 operate in competitive factor markets.

25:38 So I'm gonna assume away any monopoly power on,

25:41 on,

25:42 on labor markets or on capital markets.

25:46 So in this context,

25:47 then let me proceed with the identification of distortions

25:51 and let me begin with idiosyncratic distortions

25:55 because I think that I have gone a long way

25:57 in explaining my identification strategy in the conceptual introduction.

26:02 And

26:03 the starting point of the strategy is basically

26:06 the rule

26:07 that breaks up

26:09 the output maximizing rule.

26:11 As you remember from before,

26:13 when there are distortions like size-dependent taxes or financial frictions,

26:18 the marginal revenue product of any given firm with productivity that

26:23 will not be equalized to the marginal product of every other firm in the economy.

26:29 So the question,

26:30 what we want to learn about is how big is this

26:33 tau set across all these firms.

26:36 And for that,

26:37 as you can see from,

26:38 from the equation,

26:39 we need information about the marginal revenue product of firms.

26:42 If I were to be able to observe this marginal products,

26:45 then I would be able to solve

26:47 for the distortion from this equation.

26:51 Now the point that Xian Klino in,

26:53 in a very famous paper published in 20099 has told us

26:58 is that indeed underrate standard assumptions,

27:03 the marginal revenue product of a firm

27:06 is nothing but

27:07 the ratio of the revenue of a firm

27:10 to the input bundle

27:12 that the firm uses in producing

27:14 its output,

27:15 its goods or,

27:16 or the services.

27:18 And,

27:18 and the key insight is that with firm level data,

27:21 both the revenues

27:22 and the inputs are observable.

27:25 So then I can go to the firm level data,

27:27 plug it into each side of this equation,

27:29 and then solve for the

27:31 er

27:32 idiosyncratic distortion that satisfies the equality.

27:37 Now,

27:37 at the end of the day,

27:38 this procedure provides us with

27:40 one distortion for each firm.

27:43 And I will choose in this presentation to summarize all that information

27:48 through the lens of one summary statistic which I argue

27:52 is the most important statistic characterizing distortions in a country,

27:57 which is

27:58 the extent to which the distortions correlate

28:02 with the productivity of the firm.

28:04 That is,

28:05 I'm interested in assessing

28:07 how much it's true in the data

28:09 that

28:10 countries

28:11 that distortions in a country

28:13 make the life harder of the productive firms

28:16 compared to the less productive firms.

28:19 And I'm gonna call this property correlatedness of distortion.

28:25 So then,

28:26 then let me put this strategy at work and show you evidence of

28:30 correlated distortions around uh around my 21 countries.

28:35 So I'm going to show you again

28:37 estimates of

28:38 the relationship between

28:41 distortions and productivity.

28:43 That's what I labeled here slope of the distortion to productivity profile,

28:48 and I'm going to project those slopes

28:51 against the income per capita of the country.

28:54 And I want to begin focusing on these blue dots,

28:57 which constitute the richest countries in my sample

29:01 and

29:02 I want to start with the richest countries because

29:05 I want you to notice that

29:08 the model does not find any significant systematic relationship

29:12 between

29:13 the size of the distortions and the productivity of the firm.

29:18 Well,

29:18 I think this is a reassurance check

29:20 both of the theoretical approach

29:23 and my choice of summary statistic

29:25 because one would expect to find that in rich countries there's no

29:29 such systematic relationship between

29:32 distortions and productivity.

29:33 We don't expect France and Finland

29:35 to tax the productive firms more heavily than the less productive.

29:39 So to me this is a reassuring property

29:41 of both the theory and the summary statistic.

29:45 However,

29:46 when we populate the figure with estimates of

29:48 the correlatedness of distortions around the world,

29:51 we do find a,

29:52 a striking pattern in which

29:55 er as you go down in,

29:57 in economic development,

29:58 then you start to find

30:00 a very prevalent correlated distortion.

30:05 Now,

30:05 the,

30:05 the,

30:06 the units don't mean much yet.

30:07 I will,

30:08 I will come to a more meaningful interpretation later,

30:10 but I,

30:10 I wanna,

30:11 I wanna take away this conclusion that

30:13 the,

30:13 the,

30:14 the,

30:14 the choice of summary statistic being

30:17 the degree of correlation between the

30:18 distortion of productivity is really informative

30:22 about the business environment in poor countries.

30:27 Now at this point you might,

30:28 if you've been sort of following,

30:30 uh,

30:30 you might wonder

30:31 why do we

30:33 think about anti-virus altogether.

30:36 It looks like

30:37 the evidence on idiosyncratic distortion is capable on its own

30:43 to tie all the knots in the in the productivity puzzle.

30:47 So why is that?

30:48 Well,

30:49 I've shown you theoretically

30:51 that correlated distortions

30:54 reduce the firm size.

30:55 Remember the diagram showing that idiosyncratic distortions rotate

30:59 the size distribution away from large firms.

31:03 Furthermore,

31:04 I've shown you empirically that poorer countries

31:07 operate with smaller firms.

31:09 And to top it all,

31:11 poorer countries have

31:12 more evidence of correlated distortions.

31:15 So everything seems to close together

31:18 and,

31:19 and pushes us to not even think about entry barriers.

31:23 What I argue then is that while that is

31:26 Reasonable from a qualitative point of view,

31:29 it's still a quantitative question the extent to which entry barriers can capture

31:35 the cross-country differences in average sizes that

31:38 I've shown you before in the data.

31:41 So that's the question I'm going to address now.

31:44 I'm going to start with my model of reality

31:47 that I calibrated to replicate exactly the American economy.

31:52 And then I'm going to use that model.

31:55 Distortions that satisfy this correlatedness with productivity

32:00 feeding the estimates of correlation from the data.

32:04 And then I'm going to compute in the context of the model

32:07 what would the average firm size be.

32:10 And I'm going to plot that model based average size on the vertical axis.

32:15 Now if the model is able to account for the data which is on the horizontal axis.

32:20 Then we should expect to see a scatter plot with

32:23 all the dots close to the 45 degree line.

32:28 What we find instead is that for some countries,

32:31 which

32:32 are the rich countries for which distortions are

32:34 not very prevalent in the first place,

32:36 uh,

32:36 the theory and the data align very well,

32:38 but that's almost by definition.

32:41 But for the majority of the countries for which we estimated prevalent,

32:44 uh,

32:45 correlated misallocation,

32:47 we find a big divergence between the prediction of a model

32:52 with only geosyncratic distortions.

32:55 and the data.

32:56 Let me illustrate this with the case of Peru.

32:59 So Peru,

33:01 Peru's manufacturing sector,

33:04 conditional on plants with 10 workers or more,

33:06 have an average size which is about 70%

33:10 the average size of the United States.

33:13 According to the theory,

33:14 if idiosyncratic distortion

33:16 had been the only distortion in Peru,

33:19 then

33:19 we would have expected Peruvian firms to be much smaller than they really are.

33:25 So,

33:26 what's missing from the idiosyncratic distortion story is

33:29 that while it goes in the right direction,

33:31 it like,

33:32 it pushes the decline of the average firm size

33:35 too far

33:36 relative to where the data tells us firm size is.

33:41 So what the model is missing then or what,

33:43 what I extract as information from this limitation is that

33:47 there is information

33:49 in

33:50 not having achieved the 45 degree line.

33:53 There there is a countervailing force missing in the model.

33:57 There is a force that is interacting

33:59 with these financial frictions and these size-dependent policies.

34:04 That is

34:04 pushing the size distribution

34:07 on the other direction.

34:09 And if you recall my,

34:10 my conceptual introduction,

34:12 uh I'm,

34:12 I'm repeating it here,

34:14 as I said,

34:14 misallocation rotates

34:16 the size distribution inwards,

34:18 so away from large firms,

34:20 but entry barriers

34:22 are exactly capable of accomplishing

34:25 what I,

34:26 what the data,

34:26 what the model is missing to match the data.

34:29 Because as you recall,

34:30 I argued that entry barriers

34:32 have the power or have the incentive of

34:35 concentrating production

34:37 into fewer and larger plants.

34:40 So then,

34:41 uh uh as you can see,

34:42 this basically,

34:44 um,

34:46 Automatically transforms into an estimation strategy of entry barriers.

34:53 What I'm essentially going to do then is

34:55 explore possible barriers of entry barriers.

35:00 Feed them into the model

35:02 and interacting them with the misallocation I've already estimated.

35:07 And I'm going to continue that exploration of the entry barrier space

35:12 until the model is capable of bringing all the blue dots back to the 45 degree line.

35:20 OK,

35:21 so

35:22 following this inference approach,

35:24 what are the properties of the entry barriers that I that I identified?

35:29 As before,

35:29 let me begin by showing my estimate,

35:32 and here the,

35:33 the vertical axis is the model-based estimate of entry barriers

35:37 plotted against the economic development of countries.

35:40 Again,

35:40 as a reassurance,

35:42 the model is finding that the most advanced economies,

35:45 Belgium is a little bit of an outlier,

35:47 but

35:47 for the most part,

35:48 the advanced economies,

35:50 the model does not find any evidence of entry barrier.

35:54 And like before,

35:55 this is both to me reassuring

35:57 not only of the theory I'm using to confront the data,

36:01 but also

36:02 about the approach to back out the distortion.

36:06 Now,

36:06 when you populate the er or when you repeat

36:08 the exercise for all the countries in the sample,

36:11 you start

36:12 identifying very big uh entry barriers in the poorest country.

36:18 Again,

36:19 units don't mean much yet.

36:20 I will come back later to a more meaningful interpretation,

36:24 but I wanted to,

36:25 to draw your attention to this strong pattern by which

36:29 as we go down in,

36:30 in economic development,

36:31 entry barriers start to show up as a prominent,

36:35 uh,

36:35 as a prominent barrier to,

36:37 to doing business.

36:40 So now,

36:41 uh,

36:41 again,

36:41 I have sort of concluded the micro part,

36:44 so I have,

36:45 I have leveraged the micro insights to learn about distortions.

36:50 Now let me close the loop and go back to macro and answer the question I,

36:55 I posted at the beginning,

36:56 which is

36:57 what,

36:58 how much can these microchannels

37:01 account

37:02 for the aggregate productivity differences in the data.

37:06 So,

37:06 uh,

37:07 I'm gonna do that.

37:08 I'm,

37:09 I'm gonna use my model

37:11 to ask a counterfactual question which is,

37:13 assume that we can remove every distortion

37:17 and liberalize every country from its

37:19 entry barriers and idiosyncratic distortions.

37:22 What are the productivity gains

37:24 that each country is going to be able to reap?

37:27 And those gains again are reported on the vertical axis,

37:31 so a number of 1.5 means a 50% gain.

37:35 And I'm again plotting that um

37:39 against incorporate worker

37:41 and as before,

37:42 distortions

37:44 don't have any bite in explaining why France and Italy

37:47 are not yet at the frontier relative to the US.

37:50 So distortions don't have any explanatory power for explaining

37:53 these tiny differences in,

37:55 in living standards

37:57 among the,

37:57 the rich countries.

38:00 Now for the rest of the countries,

38:01 we start to find large ugly productivity gains

38:05 to be ripped.

38:07 From reforms that dismantle distortions in the business environment.

38:11 And these gains range all the way from 50% in Kenya,

38:14 which you could argue is a little bit of an outlier,

38:16 but on average,

38:17 uh,

38:18 lie somewhere between 15% and 20%.

38:21 So,

38:22 uh,

38:22 I would say that,

38:23 uh,

38:24 back to the language I've used,

38:25 uh,

38:25 in the conceptual introduction,

38:27 there's a lot of money on the table

38:29 to be appropriated

38:31 by

38:32 identifying reforms

38:34 that liberalize the,

38:35 the,

38:35 the,

38:36 the economic environments of this country.

38:39 Now,

38:40 another way to portray this information is to

38:44 translate these productivity gains

38:46 in terms of what fraction

38:48 of the productivity gaps I'm supposed to understand

38:52 from the data

38:54 can be explained by this this distortion channel.

38:58 OK.

38:59 So the,

38:59 the fraction of the observed TFP gap is here on the vertical axis,

39:04 and I'm plotting it

39:05 against

39:06 the actual gap.

39:08 So uh for Ethiopia,

39:09 for example,

39:10 the United States is almost 10 times more productive than Ethiopia.

39:15 It's around 7 times more productive than Bangladesh and Ghana.

39:19 And what the model is saying is that for this.

39:24 Very poor countries,

39:26 the model can only explain up to 5%

39:30 of the observed productivity gap.

39:32 So you could argue that in this sense you could call it not a very successful.

39:37 I would still argue that 5% of a tenfold difference,

39:40 it's still

39:42 a gain worth reaping.

39:44 But

39:45 leaving aside these,

39:46 these cases,

39:47 for the average country,

39:48 the,

39:48 the fraction of the GFP gap that you could explain

39:52 from this distortion-based approach

39:56 averaged somewhere 20%.

39:58 So I,

39:58 I,

39:59 I would say that um

40:01 the question I posted at the beginning that

40:03 the microchannels are,

40:05 are,

40:05 are,

40:05 are informative about,

40:07 uh,

40:07 are a promising avenue to keep exploring.

40:11 No,

40:11 um,

40:12 Roberta,

40:13 yes,

40:13 Dion,

40:14 just to flag that you have about 5 more minutes.

40:16 OK,

40:16 yeah,

40:16 I think that that's what I need.

40:18 Great.

40:19 Um,

40:20 yeah,

40:20 so,

40:20 uh,

40:20 at this point,

40:21 I think that,

40:22 uh,

40:22 uh,

40:23 many of you might be reacting to what I've said so far by,

40:27 you know,

40:27 this is all very nice,

40:28 Roberto,

40:29 but,

40:29 uh,

40:29 what's behind all these distortions and how,

40:32 how to fix them,

40:34 and,

40:34 and,

40:34 yeah,

40:35 when we go to the doctor,

40:36 it doesn't matter how

40:37 technologically advanced is the MRI machine,

40:40 we just want to know how to,

40:41 to heal,

40:42 and I,

40:43 I will have that discussion and I hope that discussion will continue in the Q&A.

40:47 Uh,

40:48 but before I do my own discussion,

40:49 I,

40:50 I just want to pause a little bit to appreciate the progress

40:53 that has to happen to sort of corner the question at this point.

40:58 And again,

40:59 development accounting

41:01 sounds like we've been around forever,

41:03 but it's only a reasonable,

41:04 it's only a recent um

41:07 uh

41:08 exercise that researchers are being able to,

41:10 to perform.

41:11 It's been,

41:11 I think the,

41:12 the,

41:12 the first uh

41:14 uh issue of the Pen World tables which is the statistical resource

41:18 that researchers used to

41:20 Performed the development accounting was published

41:22 in the Economic Journal in 1978.

41:25 So

41:25 it's been only around for 40 years and it's still improving.

41:28 But the,

41:29 the,

41:29 the opening of the black box is also another trivial exercise,

41:33 you know,

41:33 some theorists have to figure out how to integrate

41:37 models of industrial organization into general equilibrium.

41:41 Then we needed to find uh and gather from level data,

41:45 and then to top it all,

41:46 we need to figure out how to deal with

41:47 these models quantitatively to derive the counterfactuals I,

41:51 I showed you before.

41:52 So,

41:53 again,

41:53 I'm gonna have a discussion about policies,

41:55 but let's,

41:55 let's not uh

41:57 Let's not forget about the progress that's been made in the,

41:59 in the diag diagnostic of the problem.

42:03 So let me begin offering a discussion of what potential

42:06 and what actual policies could underlie

42:09 the entry barriers and the idiosyncratic distortion.

42:13 And let me begin with entry barriers.

42:16 Uh,

42:16 one,

42:17 very promising candidate that could underlie the entry barriers

42:21 I backed out with the model is regulation.

42:24 And for regulation we have the,

42:27 we have this fantastic resource that the World Bank er

42:31 collects and,

42:31 and develops which is the,

42:33 the,

42:33 the doing business indicators

42:36 which provide a measure of the costs of

42:37 entry around the world and that's supposed to be

42:40 a regulatory-based measure of the cost of starting a business.

42:44 So one thing I can do is to say well how much

42:47 of the model-based barrier

42:49 can be explained by the regulatory component of barriers as proxy by

42:56 doing business indicator.

42:58 And again,

42:58 the 45 degree line has been my tool to assess how close they,

43:02 they match each other.

43:04 So what we find is that,

43:06 well,

43:06 of course in countries for which the model finds no barriers.

43:10 There's also no barriers,

43:12 no regulatory hurdles in the,

43:13 in the World Bank's indicators.

43:15 So that's for France,

43:15 Italy,

43:16 so it's almost by definition that

43:18 the model will do a good job

43:20 at following the,

43:21 the doing business indicators.

43:23 But even for countries like Ghana and Bangladesh

43:25 for which the model finds very large barriers,

43:28 it's striking that

43:30 they closely,

43:31 they,

43:31 they follow very closely regulated.

43:33 So regulations seem to be at the,

43:35 at the core

43:36 of barriers to entry in,

43:38 in Ghana and Bangladesh.

43:40 But we have another chunk of countries for which

43:44 the model barrier is far larger than the,

43:47 the barrier implied by the world's banks indicated.

43:53 So,

43:53 um,

43:55 This is saying that there is something else beyond

43:58 regulation and that it's for all of us to,

44:00 to figure out what,

44:01 what,

44:02 what else could it be,

44:03 you know,

44:03 predatory behavior of firms,

44:05 taxes,

44:06 whatever,

44:07 that is really making it harder to enter this country.

44:11 And to give you a sense of

44:13 how much more money on the table is being left

44:16 because of the total barriers

44:18 compared to the regulatory barriers,

44:21 I'm plotting here the differential

44:24 gain in total factor productivity

44:27 from removing.

44:29 The,

44:30 the,

44:30 the entirety of entry barriers as measured by my model-based barrier

44:35 versus having only removed the regulatory component.

44:39 And again,

44:41 uh,

44:41 of course for the countries where the regulatory component

44:44 and the model mimicked each other very closely,

44:48 then

44:48 the differential gains are very small,

44:51 but notice that for the majority of the countries,

44:53 there's an average

44:55 8% gain in productivity to be reaped

44:58 by figuring out

45:00 what else beyond regulation

45:02 is making it harder for firms to enter in Colombia,

45:06 Chile,

45:06 India,

45:07 Romania,

45:07 etc.

45:08 So,

45:09 uh,

45:09 that,

45:09 that's what I have to say,

45:11 uh,

45:11 about,

45:11 uh,

45:12 uh,

45:12 realistic,

45:13 uh,

45:14 policies that could explain what the model backs out as a,

45:17 as a barrier to entry,

45:18 and I hope we can come back to this in the Q&A.

45:20 Now,

45:21 in terms of idiosyncratic distortions,

45:23 the literature has

45:24 been around for longer,

45:26 so other scholars have explored

45:29 many other avenues that could explain

45:31 what I back out as an idiosyncratic distortion,

45:34 and this is my last slide.

45:37 Uh,

45:37 so for example,

45:38 you'd imagine that labor regulation could be an underlying cause

45:42 of labor misallocation,

45:44 so we have uh the uh

45:45 popular papers by Hoppenheim and Rogerson exploring the role of firing costs.

45:50 More recently,

45:51 we have Garicano,

45:52 Le Large,

45:53 and Van Reenen looking at

45:54 a particular size-dependent labor policy in France.

45:59 To a large extent,

46:00 the finding of this literature is that

46:02 they don't generate big misallocative effects.

46:06 Another

46:07 possible channel you could think of is size-dependent tax enforcement,

46:11 and this is,

46:12 I,

46:12 I alluded to this channel earlier because that's something I worked on with,

46:17 with my colleague Pierre Vajas and

46:19 Anders Jensen,

46:20 and we estimated from the data

46:23 the extent to which larger firms

46:25 are enforced

46:27 taxes more prominently than smaller firms,

46:30 and then we feed those empirical estimates into the model.

46:34 And we find again very small losses

46:36 coming from this single channel.

46:40 And lastly,

46:40 I think I would say the most promising of the policies that people have studied in,

46:44 in generating

46:46 big productivity losses is finance or financial frictions and

46:49 again I'm,

46:50 I'm not gonna be fair with the big literature.

46:52 I'm just

46:53 citing uh

46:55 uh whereakaboke AR 2011 and Midrick and Schul AR 2014.

47:00 These papers find that

47:02 finance could be a big obstacle to growth and to productivity,

47:06 but

47:06 more so through technological adoption channels by,

47:09 by explaining why countries cannot finance,

47:14 uh,

47:14 adopting more innovative technologies,

47:16 but from an allocative point of view,

47:18 financial frictions do not have a large effect.

47:23 So my conclusion is that most

47:25 likely misallocation or the idiosyncratic distortions,

47:28 there's no silver bullet to understand them or explain them.

47:31 They are more likely a combination of all of these sources

47:36 and most likely the relative weight

47:38 of all these channels is going to be very country specific.

47:41 In some countries finance will be more relevant than labor and so on and so forth.

47:45 But I still think it's a useful tool to count with

47:48 for uh policymakers to

47:51 help,

47:51 to help policy policymakers rank reforms and prioritize reforms.

47:55 So

47:56 one thing that will be very interesting is

47:59 if

47:59 as the World Bank

48:01 through our collaboration with,

48:03 with authorities in the governments with which we work with,

48:06 we could come up with some sort of glossary of the policies they do.

48:10 And then we could understand

48:12 what are,

48:13 of course there will be some benefits to those policies.

48:15 There's a reason why governments do them.

48:17 And then we can find a way to bring them into this theoretical framework

48:21 and assess what

48:22 they are implying from,

48:24 from for productive efficiency.

48:25 I think that's,

48:26 that's a good conclusion moving forward.

48:28 So,

48:29 let me stop here and now uh go to Mary.

48:31 Thank you everyone.

48:32 Uh you can find all the uh the replication files for,

48:36 for the paper that underlies this talk in,

48:39 in this repository here.

48:41 Uh,

48:41 of course,

48:42 you will have access to the slides.

48:44 And uh if you want to play around with the figures and the slides themselves,

48:48 they're,

48:48 they are posted in this other repository,

48:50 so,

48:50 um.

48:51 Have fun with that.

48:53 On to you,

48:53 Mary.

48:57 Thanks,

48:57 Roberto.

48:58 Um,

48:58 thank you for what I thought was a really clear talk.

49:01 So,

49:01 um,

49:02 I see there's a,

49:03 there's a,

49:03 there's a number of questions that are coming in in the chat.

49:05 What I will do after Mary's,

49:07 uh,

49:07 uh,

49:08 intervention and after giving Roberto a chance to maybe pick up on one

49:12 or two of Mary's points if he feels like he wants to,

49:15 I will call out your names and,

49:17 um,

49:18 and ask you to unmute yourself and ask your question,

49:20 and we'll do that in sort of groups of

49:23 2 or 3 questions at a time.

49:25 So Mary,

49:25 over to you.

49:27 Great.

49:27 Uh,

49:28 well,

49:28 thank you very much,

49:29 and indeed,

49:30 uh,

49:30 uh,

49:31 congratulations to Roberto.

49:32 Um there is an underlying paper which,

49:34 as he says,

49:35 goes through this formally,

49:36 but the intuition here has been very clear.

49:39 Uh,

49:39 so I think,

49:40 uh,

49:40 for those who want to delve into more formal proofs,

49:43 there,

49:43 there is that,

49:44 um,

49:45 the link that you can,

49:46 you can follow.

49:47 Uh,

49:48 so what I wanted to do was just pick up,

49:50 um,

49:50 on a few different,

49:51 uh,

49:52 elements of this.

49:53 Um,

49:54 sorry,

49:55 ah,

49:56 to be able to sort of highlight some things that I think are really useful about this,

50:01 um,

50:01 raise some of the issues where I think it would be interesting,

50:04 ah,

50:05 to delve a little bit deeper,

50:06 some of which you have a little bit in the appendix,

50:08 some may be in other,

50:10 in other work,

50:10 including potential future work.

50:12 But I think what,

50:13 what is really useful in this is you have motivated it with

50:17 incredibly important differences and we know

50:19 that trying to understand

50:21 uh what the drivers are in the very large differences across country,

50:26 in,

50:26 in productivity,

50:27 in income are critical for understanding development,

50:30 and so what you've done in this

50:32 is made some assumptions,

50:33 um,

50:34 but made a model that is sort of tractable to

50:36 try and focus on key dimensions and bring them out,

50:39 uh,

50:40 and while a lot of the data is

50:43 More cross section and static,

50:44 you have tried to bring in some of that,

50:47 ah,

50:47 sort of dynamic

50:48 dimensions,

50:49 including this emphasis on entry.

50:52 Um,

50:53 and I think,

50:53 you know,

50:53 kudos to you both in your talk and in the paper,

50:55 there is real transparency on some of those,

50:57 um,

50:58 assumptions,

50:59 and obviously,

51:00 it is a model that's trying to,

51:01 to clarify dynamics within it

51:04 that rather than necessarily assuming,

51:06 um,

51:06 that they are perfect,

51:08 uh,

51:08 summaries of what's happening,

51:10 um,

51:10 in the world.

51:12 One of the things that I think is the,

51:13 is the real contribution is

51:15 trying to sort of look at different types of

51:19 um sources of frictions and distortions

51:21 and not assuming that they're necessarily all working in the same way,

51:25 right?

51:25 So,

51:26 as you ended with the policy on the,

51:27 on the sort of,

51:28 on the

51:29 resource sort of misallocation,

51:31 there's a range of different potential policies that could be.

51:34 Ah,

51:34 but what you have done in this is sort of

51:36 differentiate the kinds of things that may be skewing firms

51:40 to be smaller

51:41 from those that might be skewing them to be larger,

51:44 and to get a sense of the relative importance

51:46 of these two different sort of forces,

51:49 ah,

51:49 in being able to understand and explain some

51:52 of the differences in performance across country,

51:55 as well as making a case for the importance of looking at them together.

51:58 Um,

51:58 that if you take just sort of an isolation of one dynamic,

52:01 you can,

52:02 um,

52:03 misunders,

52:05 you can get misguided,

52:06 uh,

52:06 sense of the,

52:07 the relative importance,

52:09 and that the,

52:09 the interaction between them,

52:11 um,

52:11 itself is something that's important.

52:14 Also appreciate that while this is sort of a model that you really

52:16 do take it to the data as you can to calibrate it,

52:19 both by using the firm level data,

52:21 ah,

52:21 as well as then taking the doing business indicators

52:24 as agreed,

52:25 one of the certainly most used,

52:27 um,

52:28 Sort of measures of trying to understand uh the,

52:31 the sort of the costs and extent of regulatory barriers across

52:34 countries.

52:35 Ah,

52:36 it does an OK but not great job in terms of what you're able to show,

52:41 um,

52:41 and again,

52:42 sort of a little bit careful on how we take some

52:44 of our empirical measures of different sources of friction or distortion

52:48 that they can be a proxy,

52:50 ah,

52:50 but a single measure is unlikely to be capturing,

52:53 ah,

52:53 the,

52:53 the range of different,

52:54 um,

52:55 kinds of

52:56 Distortions that there,

52:57 there may be,

52:58 and I,

52:58 I'm gonna come back to that particular one,

53:01 in,

53:01 in just a minute.

53:03 Ah,

53:04 the other is,

53:05 you know,

53:05 really trying to take advantage of microdata and very much like

53:08 this sort of micro to macro link back and forth,

53:11 um,

53:12 you know,

53:12 you've been able to amass a,

53:14 a,

53:14 a pretty impressive number of firm-level data sets at the same time

53:18 as my last point,

53:19 on my last slide,

53:20 there's a huge data agenda to be able to expand this and

53:23 the sort of lack of data to be able to do this for more countries is itself,

53:28 um,

53:28 I think an important message.

53:32 All right.

53:33 Ah,

53:34 in terms of some of the comments that I wanted to sort of

53:37 pick up on and some of which you may be able to elaborate,

53:39 um,

53:40 in the Q&A

53:41 is sort of interpreting the size of some of these barriers to entry in,

53:45 into the sort of misallocation

53:47 and what the implications for policy would be.

53:49 So you sort of start

53:51 with

53:51 sort of a distinction between how much the differences are accounted for by factors

53:56 versus TFP and that the,

53:57 the correlation with TFP is,

54:00 with,

54:00 with differences in income is much,

54:02 um,

54:02 much higher.

54:03 Um,

54:04 that some of the gaps in the factors,

54:07 ah,

54:08 are quite different,

54:09 but one of the huge questions is quality,

54:12 um,

54:12 and this matters both in the quality of capital,

54:15 the quality of human capital,

54:17 as well as the quality that's measured in,

54:19 in the outputs.

54:21 So,

54:21 one of the things you are also sort of saying,

54:23 if you look at the variation in firm size that indeed in lower-income countries,

54:27 firms on average are smaller compared to high-income countries,

54:31 and there's significant variation,

54:32 but it is much smaller variation than there is in this sort of value added per worker

54:36 or in,

54:37 in incomes across country.

54:38 So,

54:40 You're using this um average size to try and help explain the other,

54:43 but there's very different orders of sort of magnitude of,

54:47 of variation that's being used there.

54:49 And I would note just even in the countries that you have that the

54:52 variation in firm size amongst the higher

54:54 income countries is actually pretty considerable,

54:57 and a number of high-income countries have the same or even lower

55:00 average firm size than some in lower income countries.

55:03 So there's a range of things going on and obviously you

55:06 take this in different steps,

55:07 um,

55:08 and how much

55:09 there might be distortions pushing,

55:11 ah,

55:12 In,

55:12 in higher income countries,

55:13 some of those distortions may be smaller,

55:15 so there's sort of little need for offsetting to try and,

55:17 and rematch it to the,

55:18 the size,

55:19 uh,

55:19 distribution that you have in the data.

55:22 But I think this issue of quality is one that comes up a lot in the literature.

55:26 Ah,

55:26 so Jan De Luker,

55:27 as you mentioned in your papers,

55:28 he has a series of papers,

55:30 you know,

55:30 within the bank,

55:31 um,

55:31 the flagship on,

55:32 on productivity,

55:33 uh,

55:34 that,

55:34 uh,

55:35 Anna and Bill,

55:35 um,

55:36 so Casalito and Maloney have done,

55:38 sort of take issue with this again.

55:40 That a lot of what gets ascribed in the assumptions under the X Lina model

55:46 really also it,

55:47 it's attributing to all the differences in quality and market power and prices

55:52 to frictions in the economy and that,

55:54 that is therefore overestimating how much

55:57 these sort of policy frictions there may be as opposed to

56:00 things that are happening sort of internal to the firm.

56:03 And to the extent for your paper that that's true,

56:05 then in some sense,

56:07 it's overestimating how much you need entry barriers to push

56:10 back against that to give you the firm size distribution that you have,

56:14 and so if you were to take more

56:18 of some of these quality and market power differences into account,

56:21 perhaps some of your entry barriers similarly

56:24 might be um a little bit smaller um

56:27 than what,

56:27 what you're estimating.

56:30 Ah,

56:30 a last sort of point to me that would be really interesting,

56:32 you've got all this firm level data,

56:34 ah,

56:34 and you use the sort of average firm size,

56:36 but being able to use other moments in,

56:39 in the distribution,

56:40 how skewed they might be,

56:41 as well as some of the differences across subsectors,

56:44 um,

56:44 might be able in other work to be able

56:46 to tease out more of these different patterns and,

56:50 and understand

56:51 the,

56:51 the role that they may be playing.

56:54 So I'm just gonna pick up a little bit on,

56:55 on some of these,

56:56 um,

56:58 because you're making a,

56:59 a lot about how these different distortions are pushing

57:02 average firm size in one

57:04 direction or the other,

57:05 but it would be interesting to know a bit more on

57:07 how much it really is sort of the distribution that shifts versus

57:10 a skewing of the distribution and,

57:12 and where in that distribution,

57:14 this,

57:14 this potential skewedness is happening.

57:18 And

57:18 particularly for a lot of the dynamics

57:20 um that we're interested in and what's driving

57:22 a lot of the aggregate productivity is what happens in the upper right-hand tail,

57:26 and so understanding how much these distortions are working,

57:29 not so much on average,

57:31 but at the upper right-hand tail would be very much of interest.

57:35 So sometimes when people hear about size distribution,

57:37 they think,

57:38 oh,

57:38 missing middle,

57:39 you're not really talking about that.

57:41 Ah,

57:41 there's other sort of literature about the benefits of large firms,

57:44 um,

57:45 at the same time we know there can be difficulties if you have

57:48 two large firms,

57:50 um,

57:50 particularly ones that may not be competitive and may be

57:53 benefiting from protection of some sort or another or a lack of competition,

57:57 ah,

57:58 such that they are not in fact innovative and break down

58:01 some of the sort of correlation between size and productivity.

58:05 And so being able to disentangle a little bit

58:08 of how

58:09 the size distribution is interacting is something that

58:13 I think would be really helpful for policymakers

58:16 to understand

58:17 what's happening on that

58:18 upper tail on the right,

58:20 uh,

58:20 and the healthiness of some of the dynamics in,

58:22 in those kinds of firms that are critical

58:25 in driving,

58:25 um,

58:26 a lot of the,

58:26 the,

58:27 what you're going to end up seeing in aggregate because

58:29 they contribute,

58:30 um,

58:31 so much to that.

58:33 Uh,

58:33 and then this is outside this particular paper,

58:35 the data you have is not panel.

58:37 Um,

58:38 in the,

58:39 in the paper,

58:39 you're at,

58:40 at various points,

58:41 particularly when you're building it in the,

58:42 in the more simplified version,

58:43 you're having to take as exogenous various

58:45 probabilities of,

58:47 of some of the growth and,

58:48 and exit.

58:49 You do endogenize some of that in the,

58:51 in the annex,

58:52 but I think when we look at this in the empirics,

58:54 there's,

58:55 this is hugely important in terms of understanding what

58:57 the some of the policy advice would be.

59:00 Ah,

59:00 so I recognize that's outside the scope of your paper,

59:02 but when thinking about what the policy implications,

59:04 there is a lot of work

59:05 that is done on those dimensions

59:07 that I think is,

59:07 is really important to bring in as well.

59:10 Ah,

59:11 so turning to what we have is some of the,

59:13 the policy measures,

59:14 um,

59:15 so the doing business is one,

59:17 and,

59:17 and you bring that to the data and you sort of

59:19 look at how your estimates of entry barriers compare to it

59:23 and find some significant gaps.

59:25 I,

59:25 I want to give doing business credit,

59:27 um,

59:27 that it is really in a very comparable and as

59:30 transparent as possible way trying to measure these things,

59:33 um.

59:34 But I would say it is literally the costs of registering a business.

59:38 There can be lots of other entry costs

59:40 outside those literal registration costs that can be really critical.

59:44 So the fact that it's underestimating it

59:47 may well be true because it's not trying

59:49 to measure the full other kinds of regulatory other barriers that might be there.

59:54 Ah,

59:54 I think in my own work I've also tried to sort of just

59:56 to make a distinction between the de facto and the de jure,

59:59 so it is largely measuring the de jure,

1:00:01 what's on the books.

1:00:02 What happens in practice can be quite different,

1:00:05 uh,

1:00:05 and similar to you,

1:00:06 in the highest income countries,

1:00:08 that correlation is fairly good.

1:00:09 When you get into more middle,

1:00:11 lower,

1:00:11 middle,

1:00:12 low income countries,

1:00:13 the gap between what's on the books and what happens in practice is big,

1:00:17 but in this case,

1:00:18 Sort of in the opposite direction that it's,

1:00:19 it's actually not as bad as it is in the books.

1:00:21 Firms are able

1:00:22 on average to do it more quickly and at lower cost.

1:00:25 However,

1:00:26 and it's not shown in,

1:00:27 in this particular graph,

1:00:28 the variation within country

1:00:30 is much larger than the variation in averages across country.

1:00:34 So there's enormous heterogeneity within countries as to how they

1:00:38 experience

1:00:39 the regulatory regime,

1:00:40 and I think that dimension.

1:00:42 is also something that,

1:00:43 that matters and can help explain some of

1:00:45 these frictions and differences in performance across firms,

1:00:49 because all firms are not treated the same,

1:00:51 size can be one,

1:00:52 but it's not the only dimension um that can vary how ah

1:00:56 firms are interacting with the,

1:00:57 with the policy environment.

1:01:00 And then I just wanted to bring in some other work I'm doing with uh colleagues,

1:01:05 um,

1:01:06 ah,

1:01:07 in,

1:01:07 in FCI that are looking at the services sector.

1:01:10 So this is work with Garav Nayir and Elwyn Davies,

1:01:13 and I'm gonna be drawing in particular on some of the background

1:01:16 work that uh Elwyn Davies and Reya Saturito have been doing,

1:01:20 using similarly firm-level data,

1:01:22 um,

1:01:22 but this time on the service sector,

1:01:24 for which data is even harder to get,

1:01:26 uh,

1:01:26 than for manufacturing.

1:01:28 But just sort of to give some more stylized facts,

1:01:30 um,

1:01:31 on

1:01:31 what is an even larger section of the economy for,

1:01:34 for most developing countries,

1:01:36 and one thing that's true on,

1:01:38 on the size of firms,

1:01:39 as you show with,

1:01:40 with manufacturing,

1:01:41 the firms tend to be larger and higher income countries,

1:01:44 um,

1:01:45 but it's also,

1:01:45 so that's true

1:01:46 also comparing manufacturing to services,

1:01:49 manufacturing firms are larger than services,

1:01:51 and that the gradient at which firm size rises

1:01:54 is

1:01:54 Higher for um

1:01:56 manufacturing than service sector.

1:01:58 So there are some differences in how some of

1:02:00 these kinds of distortions in policy environment may vary

1:02:03 um

1:02:04 different sectors.

1:02:05 There are also differences within the sector as to how important uh size may be

1:02:10 as a,

1:02:10 as a measure of firm

1:02:11 performance.

1:02:13 Also that there's a lot of differences underneath

1:02:15 these broad categories of either manufacturing or services.

1:02:20 Ah,

1:02:20 there are different kinds of scale economies that can matter,

1:02:23 um,

1:02:23 for which diff again and sensitivity to different types of

1:02:27 frictions that may matter,

1:02:29 and a lot of times when

1:02:31 going empirically to the data,

1:02:32 you know,

1:02:33 going back to Rajan Zingalas and other kinds,

1:02:35 we sort of think of natural rates of,

1:02:36 of.

1:02:37 Ah,

1:02:38 needing access to finance or or the extent to which entry barriers may vary,

1:02:43 but something that in the firm level data,

1:02:45 you might be able to take again in other works sort of more advantage

1:02:49 of using some of that difference across sectors

1:02:51 to help tease out some of these differences

1:02:54 and not just purely in

1:02:56 the large aggregate.

1:02:58 One other thing that we were sort of interested in was looking over the life cycle of,

1:03:03 of firms

1:03:04 where often there's a,

1:03:05 a lot of emphasis on manufacturing as

1:03:08 um sort of prime drivers of,

1:03:10 of growth.

1:03:11 This is looking at size unemployment,

1:03:13 ah,

1:03:13 the blue bars are manufacturing,

1:03:15 and this is for

1:03:17 7 of the countries for which we have panel data,

1:03:20 um.

1:03:21 And the set of countries are sort of an eclectic mix because that's sort of where the,

1:03:24 the data in fact is available.

1:03:26 You do see in many cases manufacturing firms both being a

1:03:29 little bit larger and growing over that initial life cycle,

1:03:33 but you have differences across sector and in,

1:03:36 in

1:03:36 with services and ah within subsectors in services,

1:03:40 so there's certainly potential there.

1:03:42 And when you look at,

1:03:43 and this is just purely value-added per worker,

1:03:45 not trying to do more sophisticated,

1:03:47 um,

1:03:48 measures of productivity in this,

1:03:50 that some of the service sectors actually perform um

1:03:53 better than one might be expected,

1:03:55 given a lot of the emphasis,

1:03:57 uh,

1:03:58 a lot of,

1:03:58 a lot of the literature puts on,

1:04:00 on sort of manufacturing being a driver of both productivity,

1:04:03 um,

1:04:03 and jobs.

1:04:04 So I think there's a lot of interesting questions

1:04:06 sort of broadening the sort of coverage of firms.

1:04:09 One other last sort of point um here that's been

1:04:12 interesting that we've been playing with is this link between

1:04:14 size and productivity,

1:04:17 ah,

1:04:17 and obviously in the manufacturing literature and in a

1:04:19 lot of the assumptions you have in your work,

1:04:21 assuming very strong positive correlation between the two.

1:04:25 But that extent of positive correlation in the

1:04:27 service sector seems to be less strong,

1:04:30 that the sort of potential for scale economies in scaling up

1:04:33 to workers is quite different for a number of service sectors

1:04:37 and other measures of quality

1:04:39 of ah replication of establishments rather than a firm size,

1:04:44 but that even some more micro firms can in fact be quite productive.

1:04:47 So some of the

1:04:49 Broadening of your approach

1:04:52 outside of just the manufacturing sector to services,

1:04:54 we need to take some of this,

1:04:55 um,

1:04:56 sort of differences in the internal dynamics

1:04:58 and scale economies in some of the sectors

1:05:01 would be something also,

1:05:02 um,

1:05:02 that might be interested,

1:05:04 interesting to explore.

1:05:06 So last,

1:05:07 last slide,

1:05:08 uh,

1:05:08 is just a data agenda,

1:05:09 so I,

1:05:10 I think,

1:05:11 as always,

1:05:11 ah,

1:05:12 researchers will come when we need more and better data,

1:05:14 ah but I do think this is an area that is,

1:05:17 is true and it's been true for years,

1:05:19 ah,

1:05:19 and working in the service sector underscores it even more,

1:05:22 um,

1:05:23 but really sort of the collaboration that you've mentioned with colleagues in,

1:05:27 in the,

1:05:28 in the region.

1:05:29 And working with our,

1:05:30 our clients to really bring this data out,

1:05:33 to expand our ability to understand what is happening

1:05:36 and some of the differences and nuances across countries

1:05:38 is really critical

1:05:40 and particularly if you can do this over time,

1:05:42 that's where you really can get much more emphasis on the dynamics,

1:05:46 how firms react,

1:05:47 how they react to policy changes

1:05:49 to be able to understand it.

1:05:51 And I think the kinds of measures we need also need improvements,

1:05:54 particularly on prices and quality.

1:05:56 Uh,

1:05:57 this is to be able to improve how we can measure productivity,

1:06:00 um,

1:06:01 but in a range of different sectors that,

1:06:03 that dimension is,

1:06:03 is really critical to be able to,

1:06:05 to pin down more precisely,

1:06:07 and I'm saying in services it's missing even more.

1:06:10 Uh,

1:06:10 when we look at sort of the expansion of digital technologies,

1:06:13 I think it's raising even further,

1:06:14 uh,

1:06:15 challenges and estimation,

1:06:16 more so probably in services and manufacturing when you

1:06:19 have a lot of things that are quote free.

1:06:21 Um,

1:06:21 a lot of our estimation,

1:06:23 uh,

1:06:23 gets,

1:06:24 gets more difficult.

1:06:25 Ah,

1:06:26 I also think,

1:06:26 you know,

1:06:27 and I think that doing business is,

1:06:28 is a really important one.

1:06:29 I think the work,

1:06:30 um,

1:06:31 that's being done on the enterprise surveys too to measure some

1:06:34 of these different kinds at the firm level of distortions and barriers

1:06:37 matter,

1:06:38 um,

1:06:38 what they face in practice.

1:06:40 Not just sort of what's on the books,

1:06:42 but I think this is an area again where the

1:06:44 World Bank is very well positioned to expand our data efforts

1:06:47 to be able to help us,

1:06:48 ah,

1:06:49 do better in,

1:06:49 in informing and um

1:06:51 bringing really rigorous evidence

1:06:53 to our clients about how and why policy matters

1:06:56 and how it's impacting firms in,

1:06:58 in practice.

1:07:00 Um,

1:07:00 so thank you very much,

1:07:01 uh,

1:07:01 for this.

1:07:02 I think it's a really important agenda

1:07:04 and you're bringing some of both theoretical and some empirical,

1:07:08 um,

1:07:08 You know,

1:07:09 heavy lifting and thinking to this agenda,

1:07:11 so kudos to you.

1:07:12 Thanks.

1:07:15 Thanks,

1:07:15 Mary,

1:07:16 for those great comments,

1:07:17 uh,

1:07:17 both to the sort of the specifics of the,

1:07:19 of the presentation and the content of the papers,

1:07:21 but then also sort of this bigger picture about where some of this could go and,

1:07:26 um,

1:07:26 some of the things that it might be,

1:07:27 that might be interesting to,

1:07:28 to look at.

1:07:29 So before opening it up to general Q&A,

1:07:32 um,

1:07:33 Roberta,

1:07:33 do you have any kind of,

1:07:34 a couple of points that you want,

1:07:36 might want to respond to from Mary?

1:07:37 I mean,

1:07:38 she laid out a big agenda,

1:07:39 so I don't expect you to go through the whole thing,

1:07:41 but

1:07:41 a couple of the key important ones if you,

1:07:43 if you'd like to react to.

1:07:44 Yeah,

1:07:45 thanks,

1:07:45 thanks,

1:07:45 Dean.

1:07:46 Just,

1:07:46 just a couple of remarks.

1:07:47 I,

1:07:47 I,

1:07:47 I,

1:07:48 I was,

1:07:49 um Ryan,

1:07:50 if I could share again,

1:07:52 because I,

1:07:52 I thought about some of the extensions or,

1:07:55 or follow-up questions that,

1:07:57 that Mary asked and I have an actual answer for them,

1:07:59 so maybe I should just focus on those and,

1:08:02 and then we can move forward.

1:08:04 But,

1:08:04 uh,

1:08:04 Mary,

1:08:05 thank you so much.

1:08:05 Yeah,

1:08:05 I mean,

1:08:06 it's amazing what,

1:08:07 what,

1:08:07 what your discussion and,

1:08:08 and,

1:08:09 and the agenda you are working on as well.

1:08:11 So,

1:08:11 um,

1:08:13 I,

1:08:13 I appreciate your comments.

1:08:15 So,

1:08:15 uh,

1:08:15 again,

1:08:16 I'm gonna focus on one of the questions you asked is

1:08:19 what about looking at

1:08:20 the size distribution differences across countries beyond just the average size,

1:08:26 and that's something I've looked at and actually

1:08:29 one can think that looking beyond the average size

1:08:32 is like a measure of validation for my approach.

1:08:36 Because

1:08:37 by definition,

1:08:38 the average size is going to be matched in

1:08:40 the model thanks to the distortion I'm feeding in,

1:08:44 but what about non-targeted moments?

1:08:46 And uh I have a figure with,

1:08:48 with that

1:08:49 uh here in the end.

1:08:52 So,

1:08:53 here is what the,

1:08:54 I mean,

1:08:54 this is again evidence of validation.

1:08:56 I'm looking at what the model implies

1:08:59 for the share of firms at the top of the size distribution,

1:09:03 meaning how many firms there are with more than 250 workers,

1:09:07 and,

1:09:07 and how many,

1:09:08 and what's that share in the data.

1:09:11 And of course the goodness of fit is,

1:09:12 is not meant to be perfect because this wasn't a targeted moment,

1:09:16 but I would argue from this figure that

1:09:18 That,

1:09:19 uh,

1:09:19 when looking at,

1:09:20 at,

1:09:20 at the,

1:09:21 at the right tail of the distribution in each country,

1:09:24 the,

1:09:24 the,

1:09:24 the model is able to,

1:09:26 to populate the right tail commensurably with,

1:09:29 with,

1:09:29 with what the,

1:09:30 what the data are showing.

1:09:32 And lastly,

1:09:33 another,

1:09:33 another attribute you mentioned it would be good to have and again contrast the,

1:09:38 the model with,

1:09:38 with data is

1:09:40 what about the dynamic behavior of firms and,

1:09:42 and,

1:09:42 and you showed some life cycles of firms um

1:09:46 For services and manufacturing,

1:09:48 and that's also a piece of validation I explored,

1:09:51 um,

1:09:53 Here.

1:09:54 So again,

1:09:55 this is a non-targeted moment but because

1:09:58 the model

1:09:59 offers an endogenous

1:10:01 innovation channel,

1:10:03 firms that enter will endogenously grow over time

1:10:07 as a function of how much they are encouraged to do so in,

1:10:11 in,

1:10:11 in,

1:10:11 in the business where they live.

1:10:13 And here is to show that if you think about the US and,

1:10:16 and France,

1:10:17 for example,

1:10:17 in,

1:10:17 in the model,

1:10:18 you would expect that

1:10:19 after 40 years,

1:10:21 firms uh scale up in an order of 5-fold relative to

1:10:26 the average size of an entering cohort,

1:10:28 but in,

1:10:29 in the,

1:10:29 in the various other countries this

1:10:32 again consistent with,

1:10:33 with the evidence and

1:10:35 at additional manufacturing of life cycles.

1:10:37 Uh,

1:10:37 again,

1:10:38 the,

1:10:38 the,

1:10:38 the mix of distortions in the model can generate this flattening of life cycles.

1:10:42 In other countries like,

1:10:44 uh,

1:10:44 you know,

1:10:44 in India and Ghana being even more flat than,

1:10:47 than,

1:10:47 than India.

1:10:48 So,

1:10:48 just,

1:10:48 just to mention those are elements I've thought about,

1:10:51 but I agree with you that one can,

1:10:53 one can,

1:10:53 uh,

1:10:54 11 expand on that.

1:10:56 Uh,

1:10:56 I,

1:10:56 I,

1:10:56 I have many other reactions,

1:10:57 uh,

1:10:58 beyond,

1:10:58 but um I think that,

1:11:00 uh,

1:11:00 uh,

1:11:01 I don't want to crowd out uh the

1:11:08 Are you hearing me?

1:11:10 Yeah,

1:11:10 we can hear you.

1:11:11 Oh sorry,

1:11:11 I,

1:11:11 I thought I closed the window.

1:11:13 Yeah,

1:11:13 I don't want to crowd out the,

1:11:14 um,

1:11:15 the audience from,

1:11:16 from asking questions,

1:11:18 so I just thank Mary and,

1:11:19 and I'm happy to take questions from the audience.

1:11:22 Great.

1:11:23 So what I'm gonna do is I'm gonna read out your first names,

1:11:25 uh,

1:11:25 in the order that they appeared in the chat.

1:11:27 Uh,

1:11:27 hopefully you're still around.

1:11:28 I know Andre had to leave,

1:11:30 so I won't call on,

1:11:31 on Andre,

1:11:32 but,

1:11:32 um,

1:11:33 if you don't mind unmuting yourself and,

1:11:35 uh,

1:11:36 posing your question,

1:11:36 I'm gonna take the 1st 3 and then,

1:11:39 um,

1:11:39 we'll take it from there.

1:11:40 If you don't,

1:11:41 if you aren't able to respond relatively quickly,

1:11:43 I'm gonna move on to the next person just so we don't get,

1:11:46 get hung up and,

1:11:47 and,

1:11:47 um.

1:11:48 On that.

1:11:48 So first,

1:11:48 I'm gonna call on Hector.

1:11:50 Hector,

1:11:50 are you still there and would you like to ask your question?

1:11:54 Uh,

1:11:54 yes,

1:11:55 thank you very much,

1:11:56 um,

1:11:57 for the very interesting presentation.

1:11:58 My question is with regard to the,

1:12:01 uh,

1:12:01 use of the USA as a benchmark case,

1:12:04 um,

1:12:05 as precisely against the background that there is a

1:12:08 substantial literature by now on distortions in the US.

1:12:12 Um,

1:12:13 I think,

1:12:13 uh,

1:12:13 Thomas Philippo,

1:12:14 uh,

1:12:15 wrote a book,

1:12:16 a recent book,

1:12:16 uh,

1:12:17 about this,

1:12:17 uh,

1:12:18 where you can find,

1:12:19 uh,

1:12:19 also extensive res references

1:12:21 and just as a question whether another benchmark case might not be,

1:12:26 um,

1:12:26 with less allocative distortions in the US might be more appropriate.

1:12:33 Thanks and thanks for keeping your,

1:12:34 your question focused.

1:12:35 I'm gonna ask the others to do the same,

1:12:36 just so we can get through,

1:12:37 through everybody.

1:12:38 Um,

1:12:39 next,

1:12:39 I'm gonna call on Peter.

1:12:40 Peter,

1:12:41 I think it's Rundell,

1:12:41 if I'm

1:12:42 remembering correctly.

1:12:44 Thanks very much and thank you very much indeed

1:12:46 Roberto for a really interesting piece of work and,

1:12:48 and particularly for your

1:12:50 um recognition that

1:12:52 distortions have reasons.

1:12:54 Um,

1:12:54 they're not

1:12:55 purely a bad,

1:12:56 they're good for somebody somewhere.

1:12:58 And I'd be particularly interested in your thoughts on labor market frictions.

1:13:03 Um,

1:13:03 you alluded to the hiring and firing and other regulations,

1:13:07 but there are other,

1:13:08 uh,

1:13:09 causes for imbalance in

1:13:12 and frictions in labor markets related to

1:13:15 physical mobility and other things like that.

1:13:17 I'd be very interested to know how you feel

1:13:20 those affect your analysis,

1:13:22 particularly given that,

1:13:24 uh,

1:13:25 labor is your measure of firm size.

1:13:28 Um,

1:13:29 I am aware that it's an extremely controversial political topic.

1:13:33 But it would be very helpful to understand

1:13:35 your thoughts on it.

1:13:36 Thank you.

1:13:38 OK,

1:13:38 and last question in this,

1:13:40 uh,

1:13:40 first round,

1:13:41 uh,

1:13:41 Neva,

1:13:42 you had a question

1:13:43 for clarification.

1:13:53 Neva Southbourne,

1:13:53 are you still there?

1:14:01 OK.

1:14:02 Um,

1:14:06 Oh,

1:14:06 I see you aren't

1:14:07 around anymore.

1:14:08 OK,

1:14:08 I'm gonna go to the next person then,

1:14:10 which is Carlos.

1:14:14 Hi,

1:14:14 thank you,

1:14:14 Roberto,

1:14:15 for a great presentation.

1:14:16 Uh,

1:14:16 I was just curious about,

1:14:17 you know,

1:14:18 finding this,

1:14:19 uh,

1:14:20 effect on,

1:14:21 uh,

1:14:21 entry barriers,

1:14:23 um,

1:14:23 and being entry barriers,

1:14:25 uh,

1:14:25 a manifestation of lack of competition.

1:14:28 Um,

1:14:28 how do you reconcile the fact that this,

1:14:31 you know,

1:14:31 lack of competition,

1:14:32 uh,

1:14:33 within a theoretical model where,

1:14:35 uh,

1:14:35 competition,

1:14:36 I mean,

1:14:36 this,

1:14:37 this assumed to be,

1:14:37 uh,

1:14:38 Uh,

1:14:38 competition.

1:14:39 Uh,

1:14:40 I,

1:14:40 I was just,

1:14:40 you know,

1:14:41 trying to get my,

1:14:41 my head around that,

1:14:42 that fact and finding

1:14:44 an important effect of,

1:14:46 uh,

1:14:46 uh,

1:14:47 entry barriers and within a competitive model.

1:14:52 Great,

1:14:52 so Roberto,

1:14:53 back to you.

1:14:54 Uh,

1:14:54 Mary,

1:14:54 if you wanted to weigh in on any of these questions,

1:14:57 um,

1:14:57 just sort of wave to me physically and I'll,

1:14:59 I'll,

1:14:59 I'll,

1:15:00 I'll catch your,

1:15:00 your,

1:15:01 your,

1:15:01 I'll call on you.

1:15:03 Yeah,

1:15:03 please,

1:15:03 Mary,

1:15:03 help me out if you,

1:15:04 if you have a good answer.

1:15:06 So,

1:15:06 uh,

1:15:07 Hector,

1:15:07 uh,

1:15:08 I agree,

1:15:08 so,

1:15:08 um,

1:15:10 uh,

1:15:10 the,

1:15:10 the

1:15:12 At the root of all these strategies when you want to learn about uh frictions,

1:15:16 you have to sort of uh start from some benchmark that you think is closest to,

1:15:21 to

1:15:22 an undistorted scenario and

1:15:24 uh I acknowledge in my talk and I agree with you that the US uh especially recently,

1:15:29 uh it's far from,

1:15:30 from that.

1:15:31 So,

1:15:32 Um,

1:15:34 11 answer is that,

1:15:35 well,

1:15:35 I'm not sure there is a better alternative.

1:15:38 And second is that everything I say about other countries being,

1:15:42 uh,

1:15:42 for example,

1:15:43 when I,

1:15:43 when I mentioned uh the lack of evidence of,

1:15:46 of big distortions in the other developed countries,

1:15:49 I am sort of netting out

1:15:52 the

1:15:53 degree of distortions that there are in the US.

1:15:55 So,

1:15:56 uh,

1:15:56 when I,

1:15:56 when I define the distortions everywhere else in the world,

1:16:00 I am,

1:16:01 I'm,

1:16:01 I'm sort of differentiating them with

1:16:04 distortions that the US exhibits.

1:16:06 So this is residual distortion above and beyond

1:16:09 the distorted in the,

1:16:11 in,

1:16:11 in the,

1:16:11 in the US environment.

1:16:13 But I agree,

1:16:13 I mean,

1:16:14 if you,

1:16:14 if you have a better proposal uh that I could actually measure,

1:16:17 uh,

1:16:18 I would be,

1:16:18 I'm happy to hear.

1:16:20 Uh,

1:16:20 to Peter,

1:16:21 um,

1:16:21 labor market policies,

1:16:23 I,

1:16:23 I,

1:16:23 I discussed a couple of the best papers I've known in the literature that have,

1:16:27 um,

1:16:28 explored the role of labor market policies,

1:16:31 uh,

1:16:32 in a disciplined way,

1:16:33 you know,

1:16:33 so these are papers that were able to

1:16:36 estimate the labor policy from some feature of the data

1:16:41 in France in one case and in the other case,

1:16:43 I think it's overall in,

1:16:45 in Europe.

1:16:46 And the finding,

1:16:47 uh,

1:16:47 uh,

1:16:48 I mean,

1:16:48 I,

1:16:48 I think that the predominant view is that these are important,

1:16:51 of course,

1:16:51 but

1:16:52 relative to the magnitude of,

1:16:54 of misallocation that,

1:16:56 that I showed you exists in,

1:16:57 in many poorer countries,

1:16:59 it doesn't seem that labor market frictions on their own

1:17:03 are,

1:17:03 are,

1:17:03 are have a big bite.

1:17:05 Uh,

1:17:06 and,

1:17:06 but I should say that there's a dimension of,

1:17:08 of misallocation associated with,

1:17:10 with the labor input that they have been silent about,

1:17:13 but other scholars do have explored,

1:17:16 which is spatial misallocation.

1:17:18 And in that case,

1:17:19 there is big evidence that um countries that

1:17:22 where labor mobility within a country is hindered by,

1:17:25 by transportation barriers or whatever

1:17:28 that could leave on the table uh

1:17:30 uh uh uh more,

1:17:31 more,

1:17:32 uh more,

1:17:33 you know,

1:17:33 more opportunities to,

1:17:34 to gain.

1:17:35 So

1:17:35 I can point you to,

1:17:36 to the literature I'm aware of in this regard,

1:17:39 but uh thanks for asking that,

1:17:40 that exists and I'm silent about.

1:17:43 And lastly,

1:17:44 Carlos,

1:17:44 I'm not sure I understood,

1:17:45 so

1:17:46 my analysis,

1:17:47 there is an explicit consideration of the link between entry bars and competition.

1:17:53 So when entry barriers are high,

1:17:56 the sense in which there is less competition is that

1:17:59 wages fall and because wages fall,

1:18:02 this allows

1:18:03 the surviving firms to scale up and become too big.

1:18:06 Um,

1:18:07 so,

1:18:07 that channel of,

1:18:08 of lack of competition again is,

1:18:10 is at the core

1:18:12 of this rise in,

1:18:13 in the frame size distribution that I am,

1:18:15 uh,

1:18:15 documenting.

1:18:16 But again,

1:18:17 I'm not sure I fully captured the,

1:18:18 the,

1:18:19 the question,

1:18:19 uh,

1:18:20 what you had in mind.

1:18:27 Um,

1:18:28 well,

1:18:28 maybe this next question might allow you to,

1:18:30 to elaborate.

1:18:31 Um,

1:18:32 uh,

1:18:32 Alejandro Espinoza Wang,

1:18:34 did you,

1:18:35 you still there?

1:18:37 Uh,

1:18:37 yes,

1:18:38 you know,

1:18:38 I,

1:18:38 I just want,

1:18:38 I think Mary mentioned it too,

1:18:40 and Roberto,

1:18:41 thank you so much for the presentation.

1:18:42 I,

1:18:43 I just wanted to,

1:18:43 to,

1:18:44 to raise the issue that uh maybe some of the anti-competitive uh

1:18:49 regulations like that,

1:18:50 that are not measured by the Doing Business report,

1:18:53 maybe you can look at data from the

1:18:55 product market regulation database from the OECD to,

1:18:58 to try to,

1:18:59 uh,

1:19:00 to look for more explanations on,

1:19:02 on these frictions.

1:19:02 So I just wanted to,

1:19:03 to,

1:19:04 to flag that that maybe looking at that data could,

1:19:06 could help complement the picture that you're,

1:19:08 you're presenting.

1:19:09 Thank you.

1:19:12 Thanks.

1:19:13 And next,

1:19:13 um,

1:19:14 I'm gonna call on Sheammadas.

1:19:15 I hope I'm getting that,

1:19:16 uh,

1:19:17 pronunciation correct.

1:19:18 Um,

1:19:19 I,

1:19:19 I saw Sheammadas you had quite a few questions,

1:19:21 so maybe if you could limit it to sort of the one or two most,

1:19:24 uh,

1:19:25 important ones in your own mind.

1:19:26 Thanks.

1:19:40 It looks like Shimaas may have left.

1:19:42 OK,

1:19:42 I'm checking.

1:19:43 Yeah,

1:19:44 no longer logged in.

1:19:45 OK,

1:19:45 so let's go to Giovanni.

1:19:47 Are you still here?

1:19:52 Uh,

1:19:52 it looks like I Giovanni di Placido,

1:19:55 but you're still,

1:19:55 I see you're still here,

1:19:56 but.

1:19:58 Would you like to ask a question?

1:20:03 I

1:20:05 OK.

1:20:08 And then,

1:20:09 OK,

1:20:10 I'll move on to the next person,

1:20:11 Shahidul.

1:20:18 Shahidul,

1:20:18 are you still around?

1:20:20 Hello,

1:20:20 Shani hear me?

1:20:22 Yes,

1:20:22 we can hear you.

1:20:22 We can hear you now.

1:20:23 Yes,

1:20:23 go ahead.

1:20:24 OK,

1:20:24 uh,

1:20:24 let me show you some actually,

1:20:25 I'm a PhD student in China.

1:20:28 I'm originally from Bangladesh,

1:20:30 so I have a couple of questions.

1:20:32 Uh,

1:20:32 one is,

1:20:33 uh,

1:20:33 you know,

1:20:34 the developing countries are,

1:20:35 uh,

1:20:36 I mean,

1:20:36 they have high informal sector.

1:20:39 So entry barrier here,

1:20:40 you know,

1:20:41 uh,

1:20:42 as you explained.

1:20:44 Uh,

1:20:44 that

1:20:45 large informal sector is often associated with high entry cost

1:20:50 and

1:20:51 development.

1:20:52 So from a policy point of view,

1:20:54 your point,

1:20:54 uh,

1:20:55 your paper probably can shed some light on this,

1:20:57 particularly linking

1:20:59 these three issues,

1:21:01 uh,

1:21:01 entry cost,

1:21:03 the AP gap,

1:21:03 and size of informal sector.

1:21:06 And

1:21:07 another point is,

1:21:08 hello.

1:21:11 Yes,

1:21:11 we can hear you.

1:21:13 OK,

1:21:13 my another question is on um

1:21:16 intangible forms,

1:21:17 you know.

1:21:19 High entry cost may arise from high fixed cost of certain farms,

1:21:24 uh,

1:21:24 particularly farms,

1:21:25 those heavily apply intangible assets.

1:21:28 So their productivity performance,

1:21:30 uh,

1:21:30 is not necessarily bad,

1:21:31 what we call them superst farm or winner takes all.

1:21:35 So how do you respond is that if farm

1:21:38 Uh,

1:21:39 you know,

1:21:39 need to invest a lot,

1:21:41 uh,

1:21:42 uh,

1:21:42 particularly the platform Facebook,

1:21:45 Google,

1:21:45 and these kind of companies that,

1:21:47 uh,

1:21:49 we,

1:21:49 we,

1:21:49 we,

1:21:50 we see these days.

1:21:51 So there,

1:21:52 there is a national entry barrier,

1:21:54 but it's not necessarily bad in the sense that that.

1:21:58 Fixed cost is very high.

1:22:01 Uh,

1:22:02 so how do you respond to these two issues?

1:22:03 One is informality,

1:22:05 the other one is on intangible asset funds.

1:22:07 Thank you.

1:22:11 OK,

1:22:12 Roberto,

1:22:12 back to you.

1:22:14 Thanks,

1:22:15 Dion,

1:22:15 and thanks uh

1:22:17 everyone.

1:22:17 So,

1:22:17 uh Alejandro,

1:22:18 thank you,

1:22:18 yeah,

1:22:19 uh,

1:22:19 you give me the opportunity to talk about the PMR,

1:22:21 the,

1:22:21 the product-market regulation.

1:22:23 I definitely looked at

1:22:25 the PMR,

1:22:25 uh,

1:22:26 as a potential indicator of regulations in entry.

1:22:30 The reason I ended up,

1:22:31 uh,

1:22:32 preferring the doing business as,

1:22:33 as,

1:22:34 as,

1:22:34 um,

1:22:35 informative about the regulatory environment is

1:22:38 the PMR is good for ranking countries,

1:22:40 but the units in the PMR are difficult to interpret.

1:22:44 And because it's an indicator,

1:22:46 it's an index,

1:22:47 it's therefore,

1:22:47 it's,

1:22:48 it's hard to plug back into a model and eventually

1:22:52 translate the effects of a particular indicator value

1:22:56 in the PMR in terms of productivity.

1:22:59 Whereas the doing business has this nice attribute of expressing the,

1:23:02 the costs

1:23:03 in as a function of some observable,

1:23:05 which is the income per capita of a country,

1:23:07 for instance,

1:23:09 and then one can convert those,

1:23:10 those units into something that the model speaks about.

1:23:14 So,

1:23:14 definitely the,

1:23:15 the,

1:23:15 the,

1:23:15 the PMR is useful but uh and I can show some correlations but from the point of view of

1:23:21 telling you how much of the,

1:23:23 of the gains in productivity you could reap by

1:23:26 the PMR based

1:23:28 indicator of entry regulation,

1:23:30 I just cannot answer that question.

1:23:33 Uh,

1:23:34 so,

1:23:35 Shahidul,

1:23:35 you,

1:23:36 uh,

1:23:36 you,

1:23:36 you raised very,

1:23:37 very interesting points and thank you for uh

1:23:39 giving me the opportunity to talk about informality.

1:23:42 Um,

1:23:43 so definitely the way I think about informality is,

1:23:47 uh,

1:23:47 as

1:23:48 not so much

1:23:50 important to have

1:23:52 included it

1:23:53 in the measure of average size I used to infer the distortion.

1:23:58 But I think it's important to

1:24:00 take into account as a consequence

1:24:02 that could emerge

1:24:03 in a very uh in,

1:24:05 in a high entry barrier country.

1:24:08 So,

1:24:08 in,

1:24:08 in this presentation,

1:24:09 I,

1:24:09 my focus was on showing you an inference strategy,

1:24:13 but I'm,

1:24:13 I'm working actually on follow-up work and giving collaboration with,

1:24:17 with,

1:24:18 with,

1:24:18 with uh,

1:24:19 with the country regions

1:24:20 that

1:24:21 precisely in that direction,

1:24:23 how to extend the framework to have an endogenous

1:24:26 informal sector

1:24:28 and see how much of the informality that we,

1:24:30 we can see in,

1:24:31 in,

1:24:31 in a country can be attributable to

1:24:34 this much more meaningful measures of,

1:24:36 of,

1:24:36 of barriers to entry.

1:24:38 Uh,

1:24:38 so I,

1:24:38 I agree.

1:24:39 The,

1:24:39 the other question you made is,

1:24:40 is more complicated.

1:24:41 I mean,

1:24:41 I have an answer,

1:24:42 but it's,

1:24:42 it's longer.

1:24:43 It has to do that,

1:24:44 uh,

1:24:45 yeah,

1:24:45 there,

1:24:45 there could be like technological barriers,

1:24:47 but

1:24:48 those barriers,

1:24:49 I mean,

1:24:49 those technological entry costs are also in the US.

1:24:52 So if in the US

1:24:54 firms in that uh intensive,

1:24:57 intensive sectors is of a given size,

1:25:00 why would they have to be so much smaller or so much larger elsewhere.

1:25:04 I,

1:25:04 I,

1:25:04 I'm pretty sure I'm,

1:25:05 I'm,

1:25:06 I'm gonna leave you unsatisfied with the answer,

1:25:08 but in this amount of time that as much as I can

1:25:11 uh expand.

1:25:14 Thanks,

1:25:14 Roberta,

1:25:15 and thanks everybody for an active Q&A.

1:25:17 I,

1:25:18 I,

1:25:18 I,

1:25:18 you know,

1:25:19 this is,

1:25:19 I've really enjoyed this policy research talk.

1:25:22 Um,

1:25:22 I'm gonna start bringing this to a close.

1:25:24 Um,

1:25:25 and Mary,

1:25:26 just in case you have any last couple of comments you'd like to make before we close,

1:25:31 over to you.

1:25:34 No,

1:25:34 so I really enjoyed this.

1:25:35 I think these policy talks are great as a chance to showcase the work that DEC is,

1:25:39 is doing.

1:25:40 Um,

1:25:41 no,

1:25:41 I've just,

1:25:41 uh,

1:25:42 and Roberto,

1:25:42 happy to have a follow-up conversation on some of the nittier grittier parts,

1:25:46 that would be great.

1:25:47 Um,

1:25:48 no,

1:25:48 I've just been thinking a little bit more of this sort of this use of,

1:25:50 of the United States and,

1:25:52 and as a policy non-distorted.

1:25:54 You know,

1:25:54 this,

1:25:55 this has done a lot.

1:25:56 Um,

1:25:57 and,

1:25:57 and compared to a lot of other countries,

1:25:58 I think that assumption is not bad,

1:26:00 not to say there aren't policy distortions,

1:26:02 but

1:26:02 in a relative,

1:26:03 that's fine.

1:26:05 What's true though is the production

1:26:09 sort of

1:26:10 function that's being used in the United States will not

1:26:12 in fact be the sort of same as elsewhere.

1:26:15 And you know,

1:26:16 the United States is far more advanced.

1:26:18 A lot of the manufacturing has been offshored,

1:26:20 so,

1:26:21 and far more mechanized,

1:26:23 so your firm size as measured by a worker

1:26:25 in the United States is going to be tilted smaller

1:26:29 because of all that mechanization compared to some of the other countries

1:26:32 that are going to be,

1:26:33 they're doing,

1:26:34 while it may be the same sector,

1:26:36 they're doing very different part in that value chain within it,

1:26:39 a more labor intensive work.

1:26:41 Um,

1:26:42 anyway,

1:26:42 this.

1:26:43 It's not a first order concern,

1:26:45 but it,

1:26:45 but just to say some of that,

1:26:47 and then the data as a data point,

1:26:49 you know,

1:26:49 what counts as manufacturing,

1:26:50 what counts as services,

1:26:51 because a lot of the manufacturing in the United States,

1:26:53 in fact,

1:26:53 is

1:26:54 services in the extreme.

1:26:55 Apple

1:26:56 is a manufacturer,

1:26:57 you know,

1:26:57 you make the iPhones and,

1:26:59 and computers

1:27:00 in China,

1:27:01 the design is in the United States,

1:27:03 that gets counted as manufacturing in the United States.

1:27:05 It's a mislabel of the data.

1:27:07 So,

1:27:07 I mean,

1:27:08 there's,

1:27:08 there's

1:27:09 There's more,

1:27:10 as certification of manufacturing,

1:27:12 particularly the higher end is happening,

1:27:13 the data itself is getting messier

1:27:15 at being able to make

1:27:16 some of these um distinctions.

1:27:19 Um,

1:27:19 anyway,

1:27:20 I think there's some more interesting things that one could delve into on that,

1:27:22 but I think overall,

1:27:24 um,

1:27:24 this is great work and,

1:27:26 and really have appreciated the,

1:27:28 the discussion.

1:27:29 So thanks for including me.

1:27:32 Thanks Mary.

1:27:32 Thanks for coming.

1:27:33 Uh,

1:27:33 Roberta,

1:27:34 any last comment from you or are you,

1:27:35 are you OK?

1:27:37 No,

1:27:37 I'm very grateful.

1:27:38 I,

1:27:38 I,

1:27:38 I really enjoyed this.

1:27:39 Uh,

1:27:40 I was a bit anxious,

1:27:41 but,

1:27:41 uh,

1:27:41 at the end I think it went well.

1:27:43 Uh,

1:27:43 I,

1:27:43 I,

1:27:43 I take away many,

1:27:44 many questions and things to,

1:27:46 to think about,

1:27:46 and I.

1:27:47 I am also really looking forward to this data agenda that Mary is,

1:27:51 is putting forward,

1:27:52 uh,

1:27:53 on,

1:27:53 on,

1:27:54 and the elephant in the room is the service sector.

1:27:55 It's like 70% of the majority of the countries and

1:27:59 we are focusing on manufacturing,

1:28:00 which is usually just the tiniest of the sectors,

1:28:03 but,

1:28:03 so if you can,

1:28:04 again open that other black box,

1:28:05 that would be great.

1:28:08 Yeah,

1:28:08 as researchers,

1:28:09 we can't have a talk where we don't call for more data,

1:28:11 so.

1:28:12 Um,

1:28:13 OK,

1:28:14 just before closing finally,

1:28:15 um,

1:28:16 uh,

1:28:17 I some of you may have seen Ryan put in the chat,

1:28:19 our next policy research talk is on March 23rd and has the exciting title of Trade,

1:28:24 Robots and Industrial Development.

1:28:26 So look for an invitation to that and please sign up.

1:28:29 Um,

1:28:30 so with that,

1:28:30 thank you,

1:28:31 everybody,

1:28:31 and we look forward to seeing you,

1:28:33 uh,

1:28:34 again next time.

1:28:36 Bye-bye.

showAllTimestamps
no
transcript
Uh Everyone, my name is Dion Filmer. I'm the director of the World Bank's Development Research. Welcome to this policy research talk. You who in these talks provide us an opportunity. To present work coming out of the research department here at the bank, with the goal of sharing the findings with colleagues inside and outside the department along with others outside of the World Bank. Uh, I'd like to welcome the audience both on Webex as well as on YouTube. So today my colleague Roberto Fatal Haef, who's a senior economist in the macroeconomics and growth team in the department, will discuss how distortions in firms' business environments can help us understand productivity differences around the world. We're grateful to have Mary Hallward-Driemeyer today as a discussant. Mary is a senior economic advisor to the Global Director for Trade, Investment and Competitiveness. She was previously a senior principal specialist in the jobs cutting solution area, and prior to that, she was a lead economist here in the Development Research Group. With that, I'll turn it over to Roberto, who will talk for about 45 minutes, after which we'll hear from Mary for about 10 to 15 minutes. Uh, we'll conclude the session with a Q&A from the audience. If you have a question, I'd ask that you please use the raised hand function in Webex, uh, that way I can call on you. Or if you can't figure that out, put your name in the chat and just signal to me that you have a question. If you're following on YouTube and you'd like to ask a question, please put the question in the chat and that'll be conveyed to me. So with that, over to you, Roberto. Thank, thank you, Dion, and welcome everyone to my talk. It's really exciting to be able to talk about my research in front of such a big audience. Also, thanks in advance to Mary. I anticipate uh a very interesting discussion towards the end, so looking forward to that. Um, the main objective of my talk is to introduce you to some of the latest research, both on my own but also showing, uh, other scholars' works. Showing how a micro to macro approach in which the interaction between firms and the business environments in which firms operate can shed light on obstacles to countries' economic growth opportunities. Now, before I get to the core of the presentation, let me, uh, remind you of what are one of the big questions or challenges in the macrodevelopment literature. Of course, there are many long-lasting puzzles, but I think that uh most of them uh have the same common roots, which have to do with the observation of massive differences in living standards around the world. So let me proxy living standards by the income per worker of, of each country and, and express it relative to the living standards of an advanced economy like the United States. I'm going to show a histogram collecting precisely these possible income levels on the horizontal axis, and then I'm gonna count how many countries there are at various buckets of income along this development distribution, this development spectrum. And two important conclusions sort of jumped, jumped out of the picture. The first one, as I alluded at the beginning, is the observation of huge heterogeneity. So we have countries that are roughly as advanced as the United States, say France would be an example, but there are countries at the very bottom of the distribution with, with very low levels of income. More broadly, the, the conclusion is the prevalence of, of low levels of income uh in, in, in, in the distribution. Um. A better way to, to, um, to solidify this conclusion is to look at what's the median income per worker uh relative to the United States and that's captured by the vertical red bar here. So what we are seeing is that half the countries in the world enjoy living standards, up to a third of the living standards in the, in the US and in the advanced economy. So naturally confronted with this question, one wants to, to know more, in particular ones want to inquire about what are the sources of these differences in income and hopefully this talk will provide a particular story and a particular theory of what may be underlying these differences in income, but uh let me take a purely accounting intermediate step and try to decompose the Origin of the differences in living standards into differences in the factors of production that generate this, the output. So starting from the following identity, basically the, the output of an economy per worker is given by a combination of its tangible factors of production, the physical capital and human capital, and then the efficiency with which these factors turn into output is what is typically referred to as the total factor productivity. With this identity, I'm going to ask the question of what's the relative role of factors of production versus total factor productivity in explaining income gaps in the data. And I will, I will, uh, portray the information with the aid of the following scattered plot. I will report the GDP per worker relative to the US on the horizontal axis, and then I'm going to report the relative total factor productivity of each country again relative to the United States, and subsequently I will report the ratio of factors of production in each country relative to the United States. And the purpose of the 45 degree line is to help us assess. To what extent either TFP gaps and factor gaps help us account for the observed income gaps. So the closer the scatter plot lies to the 45 degree line, the more explanatory power that particular factor or input will have. Well, let me begin with total factor productivity. The, the, the, the, the picture sort of speaks for itself. We see a very strong correlation between TFP gaps and income gaps, and more, more to the point, the, the TFP gaps line up very close to the 45 degree line. So another way to, to express this, this implication is to say that we would have gone a long way in understanding drivers of income differences if we understand drivers of productivity. Now, this does not mean to undermine the importance of thinking of policies that bridge human capital gaps around the world or that promote, promote investment. So the, the uh differences in factors of production are now overlaid to the figure with, with the blue dots and, but what one must note that while there is also a strong correlation between factor gaps and income gaps, the magnitude of the, of the gaps in factors of production. It's not as big as the magnitude in income. And er er and it's, you have less explanatory power than productivity in explaining the, the, the, the, the, the heterogeneity in income. So I, I began the presentation with a big question, what explains income differences, and I sort of finished this introduction with another big question, which is what explains productivity differences. And the goal of the talk is, as I said, try to provide a particular story for this, for this question. Now, where we are right now, we have done sort of a macro to macro loop. I postulated an aggregate production function and I have uh looked at aggregate data to decompose the aggregate differences in income and reached the conclusion that this object that we call TFP which is kind of like a black box, is the, the main driver of of differences in income. So where I'm headed is in bringing the micro to the picture. And what I mean by bringing the micro is by acknowledging that there's no such a thing as a representative producer in reality, but rather production takes place across a large number of firms in the economy. And the economy confronts the microeconomic challenge of how to allocate its productive resources across these firms in a way that maximizes the total size of the pipe. And why is this progress? Well, this is progress because once we have an idea of what this ideal allocation looks like, then we can look at the particular allocation in, in any given country and to the extent it it differs from the optimal prescription, then we will have identified potentially barriers that prevented this economy from achieving its potential. And as a result, we will have provided you, we will have provided a theory of GFT. Now Turning this intuitive argument into an actual quantifiable strategy requires that I take a series of steps. The first step I need to take is to uh be explicit about how I think the output maximizing rule is achieved. And the view I adopt in this paper and it's the predominant view in the literature is that the economy will operate at its potential if market forces operate freely. So if we let the price mechanism allocate resources combined with the profit maximizing incentives of firms and strong competition coming from continuous entrance of new producers, then markets are going to take us to the potential. Now, what is that uh ideal allocation going to look like? And before I, I, I give you a more technical definition, In simpler words, what's going to happen is that markets are going to ensure that there's no money left on the table. And what would be an example of money being left on the table? Well, imagine that under a particular distribution of productive resources across firms, we end up in a situation where, let's say producer number one. shows a higher marginal product for its inputs than producer #4. Well, that cannot be the output to maximizing allocation because by virtue of featuring a higher marginal product, we would be able to increase the total size of the pipe precisely by reallocating some of the workers and the capital from firm 4 towards firm number 1. So, and now I'm, I'm, I'm preparing a more formal definition, at the output maximizing allocation, the recipe for achieving it, the economy would have to have exploited all output increasing opportunities. And what that means is that the marginal revenue products of each firm in the economy would have to be equalized with each other. Now, in, in the context of, of more familiar diagrams that we are used to seeing um as a byproduct or another way to see the implication of equalizing marginal revenue products across firms is that the economy will be producing at the frontier of its production possibility. Well, I know the US has many, many problems, but from the point of view of this presentation, I'm, I'm adopting it as the efficient economy. And so let's say the US it's at the frontier. Now, an important conclusion I want to draw is that while at the optimal allocation, all firms will have the same marginal product. This does not mean that firms that we are going to be equally big. Very much to the contrary, because some firms, one firm may be much more productive than another firm, it will be able to sustain many more workers and many more machines until the marginal product of that firm has been brought down to the level of the marginal product of a less productive firm. So underlying this efficient allocation, there will be a firm size distribution essentially reflecting this heterogeneity of productivity. Now consider what would happen if this uh ideal market-oriented world is disrupted, and it could be disrupted by some inherent frictions in how markets work. Think about commitment problems between creditors and debtors in financial markets. Or it could be government policy that no matter how well intended, they could be distorted from an efficiency point of view. An example of this that will uh I will build heavily on throughout the talk is size dependent taxes. So imagine governments that levy taxes or enforce taxes more strongly on large firms than small firms. Well, this economy is one where the efficient allocation or the output maximizing rule will be broken down. And again to solidify this point, let me put a little bit more structure. Let's assume that, uh, let's assume a particular ranking of productivity across the four firms that populate this little economy. So let's assume that the firm one is the most productive of the four, and then let's assume that governments enforce contract taxes more prominently on the largest firms. So the most productive firms will confront a higher effective tax rate than the least productive firm. And it's even possible that because governments sometimes want to promote. small-scale entrepreneurship, it's possible that even small firms can fund actual subsidies to production. Now in this context, the efficient allocation, the equalization of marginal revenue products will not be achieved, and that's because the firm number one will be discouraged by these higher effective tax rates. Uh, from acquiring as many workers and as many machines as it would otherwise have. And on the contrary, firm number 2 will maybe enjoy the benefits of these promotion policies of the government and perhaps expand beyond what they would have uh uh uh beyond the scale they would have achieved in an, in an undistorted world. So these idiosyncratic distortions have the potential of misallocating resources from high to low productivity. And in the context of the diagrams then what we are generating by breaking up the efficient recipe is we are forcing the economy to operate somewhere inside the production possibility. And I'm not picking up on India for any other reason than it's being the first country for which this methodology has been applied. So that's assume that India, then it's operating below its potential. Now notice that uh as a byproduct of this property of misallocation in which we take away resources from the good firms and shift them to the less productive ones, we are at the same time shifting and rotating or altering the shape of the size distribution. So in this particular er er specification of distortions I have been talking about, we're going to have fewer of the large firms, and we are going to have more of the small firms. So the size distribution is gonna reflect information about what's going on in the business environment of these firms. And lastly, let me consider what would entry barriers do to break the optimal output maximizing pool. So one can think of entry barriers as something that inflates the entry cost of new producers and new firms to any given economy. So, you know, creating a product or opening up as an establishment is a costly process. So there are some costs that one cannot avoid to incur, and let's say that those are the only costs you would incur in a, in a, in a well performing market economy. Uh this has to do with foregoing income, it has to do with uh preparing business plans and so on. An entry bar is anything that artificially inflates this cost of entry to an economy. And the way these entry costs, uh, these entry barriers disrupt the efficient allocation is not so much by altering the allocative margin, namely the intensive margin, but rather altering the extensive margin. That is by shaping or disrupting the number of producers that will find it optimal to circumvent these barriers and actually start a business in, in, in, in the economy. So we'll have potentially half the number of firms and notice that because of the subdued competitive pressures in this environment, firms may even choose different levels of productivity. So I'm denoting this potentially lower levels of productivity with set I had here. So again back to the diagrams, the implication of an entry barrier is that not only the country will be operating below the frontier of its possibilities, but the frontier itself may be shifted inwards relative to a scenario without distortion. Now, at the micro level, the implication for the firm size distribution is going to be the opposite than the direction in which idiosyncratic distortions reshape the size distribution. Because there's going to be fewer producers, prices will adjust to allocate. The resources that are in the economy towards all these fewer firms, so each of these firms will become larger. So in equilibrium when entry barriers are prominent in a country, then we are going to, we should observe more of the large firms and fewer of the small firms. So, uh, at the end of this conceptual introduction, and I have done it in a very intuitive way, but underlying all of these claims, there is a paper formalizing all these propositions, but I hope I have conveyed this idea of what I mean by the macro, micro to macro approach. I've shown that interacting firms with the frictions and policies in the business environment can explain why they don't uh produce at the frontier of its possibility. And importantly, I have uh emphasized how an observable object these days in the data, which is the frame size distribution contains information about the type of policies that may be affecting a given country. So what I need to do next is to actually show you some data corroborating the claim that there are big differences in the, in the size distribution across countries. Otherwise, if we, if I didn't show you this, it would be like, this would be a very promising theory but not very applicable in reality. So that leads me to, to tell you a little bit about the, the data I've been able to collect for this project. So as you can imagine, uh um obtaining representatives from level data is one of the scarce resources in this agenda. So, uh, for this project I have collected representative from level data for the manufacturing sectors of 21 countries. The source of the data, the data is a mixture of industrial surveys or manufacturing censuses that are universal of oil firms with 10 workers or more. And this, uh, this type of data covers a few South America, Latin American, Sub-Saharan African and Asian countries. And I, I should stress at this point that I've been able to collect all this data only uh thanks to the collaboration with various counterparts in the global practices and operational units at, uh, at the bank. So, this is an example of, of the synergies that can be created between Deery and, and, uh, and, and global practices. And another data source I'm working with is Amadeus, and Amadeos is a commercial database supposedly covering all of uh European, uh all of Europe. Now, uh, it's well known that the quality of the, the representativeness of the data is not that good in some of the countries, so I've selected a subset of the European countries for which comparing the size distribution in Amadeos with what is reported by Eurostat, I'm reassured that the data, the data in Amadeos is, is represented. So at the end of the day, I have 21 countries. So let me characterize. What are cross-country differences in, in firm size distributions, and I'm gonna use, I'm, I'm gonna answer this question looking at the average firm size in each country. And in particular the measure of size I'll be looking at is the number of workers. So, for example, the United States is the, the red dot here, as you can see is the richest country in my sample. So we have the log of GDP per capita on the, on the horizontal axis. So the United States is the richest country and conditional on firms with 10 workers or more, its manufacturing sector has around 120 employees. Well, the main conclusion of this figure, uh, which is essentially reporting a result that the literature has shown elsewhere, but, but I needed to persuade myself that it was true also in my data, is that there is a very large heterogeneity of firm sizes around the world, and that poorer countries produce with smaller firms than richer countries. So to me, this is a promising starting point. I, I was sort of obliged to show you that there are differences in the size distribution because the micro to macro approach predicts these differences to exist. So, we are, we are, we are proceeding on solid ground, so to speak. So what I'm going to do next is I'm going to provide a strategy to identify the magnitude of underlying distortions. And then once I'm equipped with estimates of those distortions, I'm going to go back to the macro and assess what are the productivity effects of the distortions that I have identified. So, um, what is my inference strategy going to be about, and I need to spend a couple of slides, uh, uh, talking about this and what I, what I will pursue is a theory-based or a model-based approach. And what this approach is about is Leveraging the insight I, I've been saying so far that the firm size distribution of a country contains information about the distortions affecting that country. So I'm going to propose a model of the size distribution. And I'm going to discipline the trade-offs and the channels in the model to replicate exactly, exactly the properties of the size distribution in the United States, which is, as I as I said earlier, our, our efficiency benchmark. So once I have a model of reality that captures the reality of a particular and distorted country, I'm gonna ask, what is the combination of entry barriers, um, tau and allocative distortions that must be taking place in a given country. So that the model is able to reconcile the size distribution of that country. OK So as you, as you can imagine, the inference is as good as the model I used to interpret reality. So, uh, while it's, it's not the objective of this talk to flesh out all the plumbing underlying my theory, I just want to emphasize three key channels that the theory accounts for, which you could argue are first order channels in any, in any theory of the from size distribution. So of course there will be heterogeneity of producers that's like you know started if I, if I didn't, but importantly, the heterogeneity of productivity in producers is not going to be given to the economy, but it's, it's rather going to be endogenously chosen by firms. Pretty much affected by the incentives in the environment in which they operate. And also the model is going to have endogenous entry and exit, which again, uh it's, it's like a prerequisite so as to be able to speak about the role of entry model. So I would say that uh to a first approximation, these are features of any theory you wanna write down to, to interpret reality. And one important assumption, one needs to be transparent about is that the firms that will populate this model economy will operate in competitive factor markets. So I'm gonna assume away any monopoly power on, on, on labor markets or on capital markets. So in this context, then let me proceed with the identification of distortions and let me begin with idiosyncratic distortions because I think that I have gone a long way in explaining my identification strategy in the conceptual introduction. And the starting point of the strategy is basically the rule that breaks up the output maximizing rule. As you remember from before, when there are distortions like size-dependent taxes or financial frictions, the marginal revenue product of any given firm with productivity that will not be equalized to the marginal product of every other firm in the economy. So the question, what we want to learn about is how big is this tau set across all these firms. And for that, as you can see from, from the equation, we need information about the marginal revenue product of firms. If I were to be able to observe this marginal products, then I would be able to solve for the distortion from this equation. Now the point that Xian Klino in, in a very famous paper published in 20099 has told us is that indeed underrate standard assumptions, the marginal revenue product of a firm is nothing but the ratio of the revenue of a firm to the input bundle that the firm uses in producing its output, its goods or, or the services. And, and the key insight is that with firm level data, both the revenues and the inputs are observable. So then I can go to the firm level data, plug it into each side of this equation, and then solve for the er idiosyncratic distortion that satisfies the equality. Now, at the end of the day, this procedure provides us with one distortion for each firm. And I will choose in this presentation to summarize all that information through the lens of one summary statistic which I argue is the most important statistic characterizing distortions in a country, which is the extent to which the distortions correlate with the productivity of the firm. That is, I'm interested in assessing how much it's true in the data that countries that distortions in a country make the life harder of the productive firms compared to the less productive firms. And I'm gonna call this property correlatedness of distortion. So then, then let me put this strategy at work and show you evidence of correlated distortions around uh around my 21 countries. So I'm going to show you again estimates of the relationship between distortions and productivity. That's what I labeled here slope of the distortion to productivity profile, and I'm going to project those slopes against the income per capita of the country. And I want to begin focusing on these blue dots, which constitute the richest countries in my sample and I want to start with the richest countries because I want you to notice that the model does not find any significant systematic relationship between the size of the distortions and the productivity of the firm. Well, I think this is a reassurance check both of the theoretical approach and my choice of summary statistic because one would expect to find that in rich countries there's no such systematic relationship between distortions and productivity. We don't expect France and Finland to tax the productive firms more heavily than the less productive. So to me this is a reassuring property of both the theory and the summary statistic. However, when we populate the figure with estimates of the correlatedness of distortions around the world, we do find a, a striking pattern in which er as you go down in, in economic development, then you start to find a very prevalent correlated distortion. Now, the, the, the units don't mean much yet. I will, I will come to a more meaningful interpretation later, but I, I wanna, I wanna take away this conclusion that the, the, the, the choice of summary statistic being the degree of correlation between the distortion of productivity is really informative about the business environment in poor countries. Now at this point you might, if you've been sort of following, uh, you might wonder why do we think about anti-virus altogether. It looks like the evidence on idiosyncratic distortion is capable on its own to tie all the knots in the in the productivity puzzle. So why is that? Well, I've shown you theoretically that correlated distortions reduce the firm size. Remember the diagram showing that idiosyncratic distortions rotate the size distribution away from large firms. Furthermore, I've shown you empirically that poorer countries operate with smaller firms. And to top it all, poorer countries have more evidence of correlated distortions. So everything seems to close together and, and pushes us to not even think about entry barriers. What I argue then is that while that is Reasonable from a qualitative point of view, it's still a quantitative question the extent to which entry barriers can capture the cross-country differences in average sizes that I've shown you before in the data. So that's the question I'm going to address now. I'm going to start with my model of reality that I calibrated to replicate exactly the American economy. And then I'm going to use that model. Distortions that satisfy this correlatedness with productivity feeding the estimates of correlation from the data. And then I'm going to compute in the context of the model what would the average firm size be. And I'm going to plot that model based average size on the vertical axis. Now if the model is able to account for the data which is on the horizontal axis. Then we should expect to see a scatter plot with all the dots close to the 45 degree line. What we find instead is that for some countries, which are the rich countries for which distortions are not very prevalent in the first place, uh, the theory and the data align very well, but that's almost by definition. But for the majority of the countries for which we estimated prevalent, uh, correlated misallocation, we find a big divergence between the prediction of a model with only geosyncratic distortions. and the data. Let me illustrate this with the case of Peru. So Peru, Peru's manufacturing sector, conditional on plants with 10 workers or more, have an average size which is about 70% the average size of the United States. According to the theory, if idiosyncratic distortion had been the only distortion in Peru, then we would have expected Peruvian firms to be much smaller than they really are. So, what's missing from the idiosyncratic distortion story is that while it goes in the right direction, it like, it pushes the decline of the average firm size too far relative to where the data tells us firm size is. So what the model is missing then or what, what I extract as information from this limitation is that there is information in not having achieved the 45 degree line. There there is a countervailing force missing in the model. There is a force that is interacting with these financial frictions and these size-dependent policies. That is pushing the size distribution on the other direction. And if you recall my, my conceptual introduction, uh I'm, I'm repeating it here, as I said, misallocation rotates the size distribution inwards, so away from large firms, but entry barriers are exactly capable of accomplishing what I, what the data, what the model is missing to match the data. Because as you recall, I argued that entry barriers have the power or have the incentive of concentrating production into fewer and larger plants. So then, uh uh as you can see, this basically, um, Automatically transforms into an estimation strategy of entry barriers. What I'm essentially going to do then is explore possible barriers of entry barriers. Feed them into the model and interacting them with the misallocation I've already estimated. And I'm going to continue that exploration of the entry barrier space until the model is capable of bringing all the blue dots back to the 45 degree line. OK, so following this inference approach, what are the properties of the entry barriers that I that I identified? As before, let me begin by showing my estimate, and here the, the vertical axis is the model-based estimate of entry barriers plotted against the economic development of countries. Again, as a reassurance, the model is finding that the most advanced economies, Belgium is a little bit of an outlier, but for the most part, the advanced economies, the model does not find any evidence of entry barrier. And like before, this is both to me reassuring not only of the theory I'm using to confront the data, but also about the approach to back out the distortion. Now, when you populate the er or when you repeat the exercise for all the countries in the sample, you start identifying very big uh entry barriers in the poorest country. Again, units don't mean much yet. I will come back later to a more meaningful interpretation, but I wanted to, to draw your attention to this strong pattern by which as we go down in, in economic development, entry barriers start to show up as a prominent, uh, as a prominent barrier to, to doing business. So now, uh, again, I have sort of concluded the micro part, so I have, I have leveraged the micro insights to learn about distortions. Now let me close the loop and go back to macro and answer the question I, I posted at the beginning, which is what, how much can these microchannels account for the aggregate productivity differences in the data. So, uh, I'm gonna do that. I'm, I'm gonna use my model to ask a counterfactual question which is, assume that we can remove every distortion and liberalize every country from its entry barriers and idiosyncratic distortions. What are the productivity gains that each country is going to be able to reap? And those gains again are reported on the vertical axis, so a number of 1.5 means a 50% gain. And I'm again plotting that um against incorporate worker and as before, distortions don't have any bite in explaining why France and Italy are not yet at the frontier relative to the US. So distortions don't have any explanatory power for explaining these tiny differences in, in living standards among the, the rich countries. Now for the rest of the countries, we start to find large ugly productivity gains to be ripped. From reforms that dismantle distortions in the business environment. And these gains range all the way from 50% in Kenya, which you could argue is a little bit of an outlier, but on average, uh, lie somewhere between 15% and 20%. So, uh, I would say that, uh, back to the language I've used, uh, in the conceptual introduction, there's a lot of money on the table to be appropriated by identifying reforms that liberalize the, the, the, the economic environments of this country. Now, another way to portray this information is to translate these productivity gains in terms of what fraction of the productivity gaps I'm supposed to understand from the data can be explained by this this distortion channel. OK. So the, the fraction of the observed TFP gap is here on the vertical axis, and I'm plotting it against the actual gap. So uh for Ethiopia, for example, the United States is almost 10 times more productive than Ethiopia. It's around 7 times more productive than Bangladesh and Ghana. And what the model is saying is that for this. Very poor countries, the model can only explain up to 5% of the observed productivity gap. So you could argue that in this sense you could call it not a very successful. I would still argue that 5% of a tenfold difference, it's still a gain worth reaping. But leaving aside these, these cases, for the average country, the, the fraction of the GFP gap that you could explain from this distortion-based approach averaged somewhere 20%. So I, I, I would say that um the question I posted at the beginning that the microchannels are, are, are, are informative about, uh, are a promising avenue to keep exploring. No, um, Roberta, yes, Dion, just to flag that you have about 5 more minutes. OK, yeah, I think that that's what I need. Great. Um, yeah, so, uh, at this point, I think that, uh, uh, many of you might be reacting to what I've said so far by, you know, this is all very nice, Roberto, but, uh, what's behind all these distortions and how, how to fix them, and, and, yeah, when we go to the doctor, it doesn't matter how technologically advanced is the MRI machine, we just want to know how to, to heal, and I, I will have that discussion and I hope that discussion will continue in the Q&A. Uh, but before I do my own discussion, I, I just want to pause a little bit to appreciate the progress that has to happen to sort of corner the question at this point. And again, development accounting sounds like we've been around forever, but it's only a reasonable, it's only a recent um uh exercise that researchers are being able to, to perform. It's been, I think the, the, the first uh uh issue of the Pen World tables which is the statistical resource that researchers used to Performed the development accounting was published in the Economic Journal in 1978. So it's been only around for 40 years and it's still improving. But the, the, the opening of the black box is also another trivial exercise, you know, some theorists have to figure out how to integrate models of industrial organization into general equilibrium. Then we needed to find uh and gather from level data, and then to top it all, we need to figure out how to deal with these models quantitatively to derive the counterfactuals I, I showed you before. So, again, I'm gonna have a discussion about policies, but let's, let's not uh Let's not forget about the progress that's been made in the, in the diag diagnostic of the problem. So let me begin offering a discussion of what potential and what actual policies could underlie the entry barriers and the idiosyncratic distortion. And let me begin with entry barriers. Uh, one, very promising candidate that could underlie the entry barriers I backed out with the model is regulation. And for regulation we have the, we have this fantastic resource that the World Bank er collects and, and develops which is the, the, the doing business indicators which provide a measure of the costs of entry around the world and that's supposed to be a regulatory-based measure of the cost of starting a business. So one thing I can do is to say well how much of the model-based barrier can be explained by the regulatory component of barriers as proxy by doing business indicator. And again, the 45 degree line has been my tool to assess how close they, they match each other. So what we find is that, well, of course in countries for which the model finds no barriers. There's also no barriers, no regulatory hurdles in the, in the World Bank's indicators. So that's for France, Italy, so it's almost by definition that the model will do a good job at following the, the doing business indicators. But even for countries like Ghana and Bangladesh for which the model finds very large barriers, it's striking that they closely, they, they follow very closely regulated. So regulations seem to be at the, at the core of barriers to entry in, in Ghana and Bangladesh. But we have another chunk of countries for which the model barrier is far larger than the, the barrier implied by the world's banks indicated. So, um, This is saying that there is something else beyond regulation and that it's for all of us to, to figure out what, what, what else could it be, you know, predatory behavior of firms, taxes, whatever, that is really making it harder to enter this country. And to give you a sense of how much more money on the table is being left because of the total barriers compared to the regulatory barriers, I'm plotting here the differential gain in total factor productivity from removing. The, the, the entirety of entry barriers as measured by my model-based barrier versus having only removed the regulatory component. And again, uh, of course for the countries where the regulatory component and the model mimicked each other very closely, then the differential gains are very small, but notice that for the majority of the countries, there's an average 8% gain in productivity to be reaped by figuring out what else beyond regulation is making it harder for firms to enter in Colombia, Chile, India, Romania, etc. So, uh, that, that's what I have to say, uh, about, uh, uh, realistic, uh, policies that could explain what the model backs out as a, as a barrier to entry, and I hope we can come back to this in the Q&A. Now, in terms of idiosyncratic distortions, the literature has been around for longer, so other scholars have explored many other avenues that could explain what I back out as an idiosyncratic distortion, and this is my last slide. Uh, so for example, you'd imagine that labor regulation could be an underlying cause of labor misallocation, so we have uh the uh popular papers by Hoppenheim and Rogerson exploring the role of firing costs. More recently, we have Garicano, Le Large, and Van Reenen looking at a particular size-dependent labor policy in France. To a large extent, the finding of this literature is that they don't generate big misallocative effects. Another possible channel you could think of is size-dependent tax enforcement, and this is, I, I alluded to this channel earlier because that's something I worked on with, with my colleague Pierre Vajas and Anders Jensen, and we estimated from the data the extent to which larger firms are enforced taxes more prominently than smaller firms, and then we feed those empirical estimates into the model. And we find again very small losses coming from this single channel. And lastly, I think I would say the most promising of the policies that people have studied in, in generating big productivity losses is finance or financial frictions and again I'm, I'm not gonna be fair with the big literature. I'm just citing uh uh whereakaboke AR 2011 and Midrick and Schul AR 2014. These papers find that finance could be a big obstacle to growth and to productivity, but more so through technological adoption channels by, by explaining why countries cannot finance, uh, adopting more innovative technologies, but from an allocative point of view, financial frictions do not have a large effect. So my conclusion is that most likely misallocation or the idiosyncratic distortions, there's no silver bullet to understand them or explain them. They are more likely a combination of all of these sources and most likely the relative weight of all these channels is going to be very country specific. In some countries finance will be more relevant than labor and so on and so forth. But I still think it's a useful tool to count with for uh policymakers to help, to help policy policymakers rank reforms and prioritize reforms. So one thing that will be very interesting is if as the World Bank through our collaboration with, with authorities in the governments with which we work with, we could come up with some sort of glossary of the policies they do. And then we could understand what are, of course there will be some benefits to those policies. There's a reason why governments do them. And then we can find a way to bring them into this theoretical framework and assess what they are implying from, from for productive efficiency. I think that's, that's a good conclusion moving forward. So, let me stop here and now uh go to Mary. Thank you everyone. Uh you can find all the uh the replication files for, for the paper that underlies this talk in, in this repository here. Uh, of course, you will have access to the slides. And uh if you want to play around with the figures and the slides themselves, they're, they are posted in this other repository, so, um. Have fun with that. On to you, Mary. Thanks, Roberto. Um, thank you for what I thought was a really clear talk. So, um, I see there's a, there's a, there's a number of questions that are coming in in the chat. What I will do after Mary's, uh, uh, intervention and after giving Roberto a chance to maybe pick up on one or two of Mary's points if he feels like he wants to, I will call out your names and, um, and ask you to unmute yourself and ask your question, and we'll do that in sort of groups of 2 or 3 questions at a time. So Mary, over to you. Great. Uh, well, thank you very much, and indeed, uh, uh, congratulations to Roberto. Um there is an underlying paper which, as he says, goes through this formally, but the intuition here has been very clear. Uh, so I think, uh, for those who want to delve into more formal proofs, there, there is that, um, the link that you can, you can follow. Uh, so what I wanted to do was just pick up, um, on a few different, uh, elements of this. Um, sorry, ah, to be able to sort of highlight some things that I think are really useful about this, um, raise some of the issues where I think it would be interesting, ah, to delve a little bit deeper, some of which you have a little bit in the appendix, some may be in other, in other work, including potential future work. But I think what, what is really useful in this is you have motivated it with incredibly important differences and we know that trying to understand uh what the drivers are in the very large differences across country, in, in productivity, in income are critical for understanding development, and so what you've done in this is made some assumptions, um, but made a model that is sort of tractable to try and focus on key dimensions and bring them out, uh, and while a lot of the data is More cross section and static, you have tried to bring in some of that, ah, sort of dynamic dimensions, including this emphasis on entry. Um, and I think, you know, kudos to you both in your talk and in the paper, there is real transparency on some of those, um, assumptions, and obviously, it is a model that's trying to, to clarify dynamics within it that rather than necessarily assuming, um, that they are perfect, uh, summaries of what's happening, um, in the world. One of the things that I think is the, is the real contribution is trying to sort of look at different types of um sources of frictions and distortions and not assuming that they're necessarily all working in the same way, right? So, as you ended with the policy on the, on the sort of, on the resource sort of misallocation, there's a range of different potential policies that could be. Ah, but what you have done in this is sort of differentiate the kinds of things that may be skewing firms to be smaller from those that might be skewing them to be larger, and to get a sense of the relative importance of these two different sort of forces, ah, in being able to understand and explain some of the differences in performance across country, as well as making a case for the importance of looking at them together. Um, that if you take just sort of an isolation of one dynamic, you can, um, misunders, you can get misguided, uh, sense of the, the relative importance, and that the, the interaction between them, um, itself is something that's important. Also appreciate that while this is sort of a model that you really do take it to the data as you can to calibrate it, both by using the firm level data, ah, as well as then taking the doing business indicators as agreed, one of the certainly most used, um, Sort of measures of trying to understand uh the, the sort of the costs and extent of regulatory barriers across countries. Ah, it does an OK but not great job in terms of what you're able to show, um, and again, sort of a little bit careful on how we take some of our empirical measures of different sources of friction or distortion that they can be a proxy, ah, but a single measure is unlikely to be capturing, ah, the, the range of different, um, kinds of Distortions that there, there may be, and I, I'm gonna come back to that particular one, in, in just a minute. Ah, the other is, you know, really trying to take advantage of microdata and very much like this sort of micro to macro link back and forth, um, you know, you've been able to amass a, a, a pretty impressive number of firm-level data sets at the same time as my last point, on my last slide, there's a huge data agenda to be able to expand this and the sort of lack of data to be able to do this for more countries is itself, um, I think an important message. All right. Ah, in terms of some of the comments that I wanted to sort of pick up on and some of which you may be able to elaborate, um, in the Q&A is sort of interpreting the size of some of these barriers to entry in, into the sort of misallocation and what the implications for policy would be. So you sort of start with sort of a distinction between how much the differences are accounted for by factors versus TFP and that the, the correlation with TFP is, with, with differences in income is much, um, much higher. Um, that some of the gaps in the factors, ah, are quite different, but one of the huge questions is quality, um, and this matters both in the quality of capital, the quality of human capital, as well as the quality that's measured in, in the outputs. So, one of the things you are also sort of saying, if you look at the variation in firm size that indeed in lower-income countries, firms on average are smaller compared to high-income countries, and there's significant variation, but it is much smaller variation than there is in this sort of value added per worker or in, in incomes across country. So, You're using this um average size to try and help explain the other, but there's very different orders of sort of magnitude of, of variation that's being used there. And I would note just even in the countries that you have that the variation in firm size amongst the higher income countries is actually pretty considerable, and a number of high-income countries have the same or even lower average firm size than some in lower income countries. So there's a range of things going on and obviously you take this in different steps, um, and how much there might be distortions pushing, ah, In, in higher income countries, some of those distortions may be smaller, so there's sort of little need for offsetting to try and, and rematch it to the, the size, uh, distribution that you have in the data. But I think this issue of quality is one that comes up a lot in the literature. Ah, so Jan De Luker, as you mentioned in your papers, he has a series of papers, you know, within the bank, um, the flagship on, on productivity, uh, that, uh, Anna and Bill, um, so Casalito and Maloney have done, sort of take issue with this again. That a lot of what gets ascribed in the assumptions under the X Lina model really also it, it's attributing to all the differences in quality and market power and prices to frictions in the economy and that, that is therefore overestimating how much these sort of policy frictions there may be as opposed to things that are happening sort of internal to the firm. And to the extent for your paper that that's true, then in some sense, it's overestimating how much you need entry barriers to push back against that to give you the firm size distribution that you have, and so if you were to take more of some of these quality and market power differences into account, perhaps some of your entry barriers similarly might be um a little bit smaller um than what, what you're estimating. Ah, a last sort of point to me that would be really interesting, you've got all this firm level data, ah, and you use the sort of average firm size, but being able to use other moments in, in the distribution, how skewed they might be, as well as some of the differences across subsectors, um, might be able in other work to be able to tease out more of these different patterns and, and understand the, the role that they may be playing. So I'm just gonna pick up a little bit on, on some of these, um, because you're making a, a lot about how these different distortions are pushing average firm size in one direction or the other, but it would be interesting to know a bit more on how much it really is sort of the distribution that shifts versus a skewing of the distribution and, and where in that distribution, this, this potential skewedness is happening. And particularly for a lot of the dynamics um that we're interested in and what's driving a lot of the aggregate productivity is what happens in the upper right-hand tail, and so understanding how much these distortions are working, not so much on average, but at the upper right-hand tail would be very much of interest. So sometimes when people hear about size distribution, they think, oh, missing middle, you're not really talking about that. Ah, there's other sort of literature about the benefits of large firms, um, at the same time we know there can be difficulties if you have two large firms, um, particularly ones that may not be competitive and may be benefiting from protection of some sort or another or a lack of competition, ah, such that they are not in fact innovative and break down some of the sort of correlation between size and productivity. And so being able to disentangle a little bit of how the size distribution is interacting is something that I think would be really helpful for policymakers to understand what's happening on that upper tail on the right, uh, and the healthiness of some of the dynamics in, in those kinds of firms that are critical in driving, um, a lot of the, the, what you're going to end up seeing in aggregate because they contribute, um, so much to that. Uh, and then this is outside this particular paper, the data you have is not panel. Um, in the, in the paper, you're at, at various points, particularly when you're building it in the, in the more simplified version, you're having to take as exogenous various probabilities of, of some of the growth and, and exit. You do endogenize some of that in the, in the annex, but I think when we look at this in the empirics, there's, this is hugely important in terms of understanding what the some of the policy advice would be. Ah, so I recognize that's outside the scope of your paper, but when thinking about what the policy implications, there is a lot of work that is done on those dimensions that I think is, is really important to bring in as well. Ah, so turning to what we have is some of the, the policy measures, um, so the doing business is one, and, and you bring that to the data and you sort of look at how your estimates of entry barriers compare to it and find some significant gaps. I, I want to give doing business credit, um, that it is really in a very comparable and as transparent as possible way trying to measure these things, um. But I would say it is literally the costs of registering a business. There can be lots of other entry costs outside those literal registration costs that can be really critical. So the fact that it's underestimating it may well be true because it's not trying to measure the full other kinds of regulatory other barriers that might be there. Ah, I think in my own work I've also tried to sort of just to make a distinction between the de facto and the de jure, so it is largely measuring the de jure, what's on the books. What happens in practice can be quite different, uh, and similar to you, in the highest income countries, that correlation is fairly good. When you get into more middle, lower, middle, low income countries, the gap between what's on the books and what happens in practice is big, but in this case, Sort of in the opposite direction that it's, it's actually not as bad as it is in the books. Firms are able on average to do it more quickly and at lower cost. However, and it's not shown in, in this particular graph, the variation within country is much larger than the variation in averages across country. So there's enormous heterogeneity within countries as to how they experience the regulatory regime, and I think that dimension. is also something that, that matters and can help explain some of these frictions and differences in performance across firms, because all firms are not treated the same, size can be one, but it's not the only dimension um that can vary how ah firms are interacting with the, with the policy environment. And then I just wanted to bring in some other work I'm doing with uh colleagues, um, ah, in, in FCI that are looking at the services sector. So this is work with Garav Nayir and Elwyn Davies, and I'm gonna be drawing in particular on some of the background work that uh Elwyn Davies and Reya Saturito have been doing, using similarly firm-level data, um, but this time on the service sector, for which data is even harder to get, uh, than for manufacturing. But just sort of to give some more stylized facts, um, on what is an even larger section of the economy for, for most developing countries, and one thing that's true on, on the size of firms, as you show with, with manufacturing, the firms tend to be larger and higher income countries, um, but it's also, so that's true also comparing manufacturing to services, manufacturing firms are larger than services, and that the gradient at which firm size rises is Higher for um manufacturing than service sector. So there are some differences in how some of these kinds of distortions in policy environment may vary um different sectors. There are also differences within the sector as to how important uh size may be as a, as a measure of firm performance. Also that there's a lot of differences underneath these broad categories of either manufacturing or services. Ah, there are different kinds of scale economies that can matter, um, for which diff again and sensitivity to different types of frictions that may matter, and a lot of times when going empirically to the data, you know, going back to Rajan Zingalas and other kinds, we sort of think of natural rates of, of. Ah, needing access to finance or or the extent to which entry barriers may vary, but something that in the firm level data, you might be able to take again in other works sort of more advantage of using some of that difference across sectors to help tease out some of these differences and not just purely in the large aggregate. One other thing that we were sort of interested in was looking over the life cycle of, of firms where often there's a, a lot of emphasis on manufacturing as um sort of prime drivers of, of growth. This is looking at size unemployment, ah, the blue bars are manufacturing, and this is for 7 of the countries for which we have panel data, um. And the set of countries are sort of an eclectic mix because that's sort of where the, the data in fact is available. You do see in many cases manufacturing firms both being a little bit larger and growing over that initial life cycle, but you have differences across sector and in, in with services and ah within subsectors in services, so there's certainly potential there. And when you look at, and this is just purely value-added per worker, not trying to do more sophisticated, um, measures of productivity in this, that some of the service sectors actually perform um better than one might be expected, given a lot of the emphasis, uh, a lot of, a lot of the literature puts on, on sort of manufacturing being a driver of both productivity, um, and jobs. So I think there's a lot of interesting questions sort of broadening the sort of coverage of firms. One other last sort of point um here that's been interesting that we've been playing with is this link between size and productivity, ah, and obviously in the manufacturing literature and in a lot of the assumptions you have in your work, assuming very strong positive correlation between the two. But that extent of positive correlation in the service sector seems to be less strong, that the sort of potential for scale economies in scaling up to workers is quite different for a number of service sectors and other measures of quality of ah replication of establishments rather than a firm size, but that even some more micro firms can in fact be quite productive. So some of the Broadening of your approach outside of just the manufacturing sector to services, we need to take some of this, um, sort of differences in the internal dynamics and scale economies in some of the sectors would be something also, um, that might be interested, interesting to explore. So last, last slide, uh, is just a data agenda, so I, I think, as always, ah, researchers will come when we need more and better data, ah but I do think this is an area that is, is true and it's been true for years, ah, and working in the service sector underscores it even more, um, but really sort of the collaboration that you've mentioned with colleagues in, in the, in the region. And working with our, our clients to really bring this data out, to expand our ability to understand what is happening and some of the differences and nuances across countries is really critical and particularly if you can do this over time, that's where you really can get much more emphasis on the dynamics, how firms react, how they react to policy changes to be able to understand it. And I think the kinds of measures we need also need improvements, particularly on prices and quality. Uh, this is to be able to improve how we can measure productivity, um, but in a range of different sectors that, that dimension is, is really critical to be able to, to pin down more precisely, and I'm saying in services it's missing even more. Uh, when we look at sort of the expansion of digital technologies, I think it's raising even further, uh, challenges and estimation, more so probably in services and manufacturing when you have a lot of things that are quote free. Um, a lot of our estimation, uh, gets, gets more difficult. Ah, I also think, you know, and I think that doing business is, is a really important one. I think the work, um, that's being done on the enterprise surveys too to measure some of these different kinds at the firm level of distortions and barriers matter, um, what they face in practice. Not just sort of what's on the books, but I think this is an area again where the World Bank is very well positioned to expand our data efforts to be able to help us, ah, do better in, in informing and um bringing really rigorous evidence to our clients about how and why policy matters and how it's impacting firms in, in practice. Um, so thank you very much, uh, for this. I think it's a really important agenda and you're bringing some of both theoretical and some empirical, um, You know, heavy lifting and thinking to this agenda, so kudos to you. Thanks. Thanks, Mary, for those great comments, uh, both to the sort of the specifics of the, of the presentation and the content of the papers, but then also sort of this bigger picture about where some of this could go and, um, some of the things that it might be, that might be interesting to, to look at. So before opening it up to general Q&A, um, Roberta, do you have any kind of, a couple of points that you want, might want to respond to from Mary? I mean, she laid out a big agenda, so I don't expect you to go through the whole thing, but a couple of the key important ones if you, if you'd like to react to. Yeah, thanks, thanks, Dean. Just, just a couple of remarks. I, I, I, I was, um Ryan, if I could share again, because I, I thought about some of the extensions or, or follow-up questions that, that Mary asked and I have an actual answer for them, so maybe I should just focus on those and, and then we can move forward. But, uh, Mary, thank you so much. Yeah, I mean, it's amazing what, what, what your discussion and, and, and the agenda you are working on as well. So, um, I, I appreciate your comments. So, uh, again, I'm gonna focus on one of the questions you asked is what about looking at the size distribution differences across countries beyond just the average size, and that's something I've looked at and actually one can think that looking beyond the average size is like a measure of validation for my approach. Because by definition, the average size is going to be matched in the model thanks to the distortion I'm feeding in, but what about non-targeted moments? And uh I have a figure with, with that uh here in the end. So, here is what the, I mean, this is again evidence of validation. I'm looking at what the model implies for the share of firms at the top of the size distribution, meaning how many firms there are with more than 250 workers, and, and how many, and what's that share in the data. And of course the goodness of fit is, is not meant to be perfect because this wasn't a targeted moment, but I would argue from this figure that That, uh, when looking at, at, at the, at the right tail of the distribution in each country, the, the, the model is able to, to populate the right tail commensurably with, with, with what the, what the data are showing. And lastly, another, another attribute you mentioned it would be good to have and again contrast the, the model with, with data is what about the dynamic behavior of firms and, and, and you showed some life cycles of firms um For services and manufacturing, and that's also a piece of validation I explored, um, Here. So again, this is a non-targeted moment but because the model offers an endogenous innovation channel, firms that enter will endogenously grow over time as a function of how much they are encouraged to do so in, in, in, in the business where they live. And here is to show that if you think about the US and, and France, for example, in, in the model, you would expect that after 40 years, firms uh scale up in an order of 5-fold relative to the average size of an entering cohort, but in, in the, in the various other countries this again consistent with, with the evidence and at additional manufacturing of life cycles. Uh, again, the, the, the mix of distortions in the model can generate this flattening of life cycles. In other countries like, uh, you know, in India and Ghana being even more flat than, than, than India. So, just, just to mention those are elements I've thought about, but I agree with you that one can, one can, uh, 11 expand on that. Uh, I, I, I have many other reactions, uh, beyond, but um I think that, uh, uh, I don't want to crowd out uh the Are you hearing me? Yeah, we can hear you. Oh sorry, I, I thought I closed the window. Yeah, I don't want to crowd out the, um, the audience from, from asking questions, so I just thank Mary and, and I'm happy to take questions from the audience. Great. So what I'm gonna do is I'm gonna read out your first names, uh, in the order that they appeared in the chat. Uh, hopefully you're still around. I know Andre had to leave, so I won't call on, on Andre, but, um, if you don't mind unmuting yourself and, uh, posing your question, I'm gonna take the 1st 3 and then, um, we'll take it from there. If you don't, if you aren't able to respond relatively quickly, I'm gonna move on to the next person just so we don't get, get hung up and, and, um. On that. So first, I'm gonna call on Hector. Hector, are you still there and would you like to ask your question? Uh, yes, thank you very much, um, for the very interesting presentation. My question is with regard to the, uh, use of the USA as a benchmark case, um, as precisely against the background that there is a substantial literature by now on distortions in the US. Um, I think, uh, Thomas Philippo, uh, wrote a book, a recent book, uh, about this, uh, where you can find, uh, also extensive res references and just as a question whether another benchmark case might not be, um, with less allocative distortions in the US might be more appropriate. Thanks and thanks for keeping your, your question focused. I'm gonna ask the others to do the same, just so we can get through, through everybody. Um, next, I'm gonna call on Peter. Peter, I think it's Rundell, if I'm remembering correctly. Thanks very much and thank you very much indeed Roberto for a really interesting piece of work and, and particularly for your um recognition that distortions have reasons. Um, they're not purely a bad, they're good for somebody somewhere. And I'd be particularly interested in your thoughts on labor market frictions. Um, you alluded to the hiring and firing and other regulations, but there are other, uh, causes for imbalance in and frictions in labor markets related to physical mobility and other things like that. I'd be very interested to know how you feel those affect your analysis, particularly given that, uh, labor is your measure of firm size. Um, I am aware that it's an extremely controversial political topic. But it would be very helpful to understand your thoughts on it. Thank you. OK, and last question in this, uh, first round, uh, Neva, you had a question for clarification. Neva Southbourne, are you still there? OK. Um, Oh, I see you aren't around anymore. OK, I'm gonna go to the next person then, which is Carlos. Hi, thank you, Roberto, for a great presentation. Uh, I was just curious about, you know, finding this, uh, effect on, uh, entry barriers, um, and being entry barriers, uh, a manifestation of lack of competition. Um, how do you reconcile the fact that this, you know, lack of competition, uh, within a theoretical model where, uh, competition, I mean, this, this assumed to be, uh, Uh, competition. Uh, I, I was just, you know, trying to get my, my head around that, that fact and finding an important effect of, uh, uh, entry barriers and within a competitive model. Great, so Roberto, back to you. Uh, Mary, if you wanted to weigh in on any of these questions, um, just sort of wave to me physically and I'll, I'll, I'll, I'll catch your, your, your, I'll call on you. Yeah, please, Mary, help me out if you, if you have a good answer. So, uh, Hector, uh, I agree, so, um, uh, the, the At the root of all these strategies when you want to learn about uh frictions, you have to sort of uh start from some benchmark that you think is closest to, to an undistorted scenario and uh I acknowledge in my talk and I agree with you that the US uh especially recently, uh it's far from, from that. So, Um, 11 answer is that, well, I'm not sure there is a better alternative. And second is that everything I say about other countries being, uh, for example, when I, when I mentioned uh the lack of evidence of, of big distortions in the other developed countries, I am sort of netting out the degree of distortions that there are in the US. So, uh, when I, when I define the distortions everywhere else in the world, I am, I'm, I'm sort of differentiating them with distortions that the US exhibits. So this is residual distortion above and beyond the distorted in the, in, in the, in the US environment. But I agree, I mean, if you, if you have a better proposal uh that I could actually measure, uh, I would be, I'm happy to hear. Uh, to Peter, um, labor market policies, I, I, I discussed a couple of the best papers I've known in the literature that have, um, explored the role of labor market policies, uh, in a disciplined way, you know, so these are papers that were able to estimate the labor policy from some feature of the data in France in one case and in the other case, I think it's overall in, in Europe. And the finding, uh, uh, I mean, I, I think that the predominant view is that these are important, of course, but relative to the magnitude of, of misallocation that, that I showed you exists in, in many poorer countries, it doesn't seem that labor market frictions on their own are, are, are have a big bite. Uh, and, but I should say that there's a dimension of, of misallocation associated with, with the labor input that they have been silent about, but other scholars do have explored, which is spatial misallocation. And in that case, there is big evidence that um countries that where labor mobility within a country is hindered by, by transportation barriers or whatever that could leave on the table uh uh uh uh more, more, uh more, you know, more opportunities to, to gain. So I can point you to, to the literature I'm aware of in this regard, but uh thanks for asking that, that exists and I'm silent about. And lastly, Carlos, I'm not sure I understood, so my analysis, there is an explicit consideration of the link between entry bars and competition. So when entry barriers are high, the sense in which there is less competition is that wages fall and because wages fall, this allows the surviving firms to scale up and become too big. Um, so, that channel of, of lack of competition again is, is at the core of this rise in, in the frame size distribution that I am, uh, documenting. But again, I'm not sure I fully captured the, the, the question, uh, what you had in mind. Um, well, maybe this next question might allow you to, to elaborate. Um, uh, Alejandro Espinoza Wang, did you, you still there? Uh, yes, you know, I, I just want, I think Mary mentioned it too, and Roberto, thank you so much for the presentation. I, I just wanted to, to, to raise the issue that uh maybe some of the anti-competitive uh regulations like that, that are not measured by the Doing Business report, maybe you can look at data from the product market regulation database from the OECD to, to try to, uh, to look for more explanations on, on these frictions. So I just wanted to, to, to flag that that maybe looking at that data could, could help complement the picture that you're, you're presenting. Thank you. Thanks. And next, um, I'm gonna call on Sheammadas. I hope I'm getting that, uh, pronunciation correct. Um, I, I saw Sheammadas you had quite a few questions, so maybe if you could limit it to sort of the one or two most, uh, important ones in your own mind. Thanks. It looks like Shimaas may have left. OK, I'm checking. Yeah, no longer logged in. OK, so let's go to Giovanni. Are you still here? Uh, it looks like I Giovanni di Placido, but you're still, I see you're still here, but. Would you like to ask a question? I OK. And then, OK, I'll move on to the next person, Shahidul. Shahidul, are you still around? Hello, Shani hear me? Yes, we can hear you. We can hear you now. Yes, go ahead. OK, uh, let me show you some actually, I'm a PhD student in China. I'm originally from Bangladesh, so I have a couple of questions. Uh, one is, uh, you know, the developing countries are, uh, I mean, they have high informal sector. So entry barrier here, you know, uh, as you explained. Uh, that large informal sector is often associated with high entry cost and development. So from a policy point of view, your point, uh, your paper probably can shed some light on this, particularly linking these three issues, uh, entry cost, the AP gap, and size of informal sector. And another point is, hello. Yes, we can hear you. OK, my another question is on um intangible forms, you know. High entry cost may arise from high fixed cost of certain farms, uh, particularly farms, those heavily apply intangible assets. So their productivity performance, uh, is not necessarily bad, what we call them superst farm or winner takes all. So how do you respond is that if farm Uh, you know, need to invest a lot, uh, uh, particularly the platform Facebook, Google, and these kind of companies that, uh, we, we, we, we see these days. So there, there is a national entry barrier, but it's not necessarily bad in the sense that that. Fixed cost is very high. Uh, so how do you respond to these two issues? One is informality, the other one is on intangible asset funds. Thank you. OK, Roberto, back to you. Thanks, Dion, and thanks uh everyone. So, uh Alejandro, thank you, yeah, uh, you give me the opportunity to talk about the PMR, the, the product-market regulation. I definitely looked at the PMR, uh, as a potential indicator of regulations in entry. The reason I ended up, uh, preferring the doing business as, as, as, um, informative about the regulatory environment is the PMR is good for ranking countries, but the units in the PMR are difficult to interpret. And because it's an indicator, it's an index, it's therefore, it's, it's hard to plug back into a model and eventually translate the effects of a particular indicator value in the PMR in terms of productivity. Whereas the doing business has this nice attribute of expressing the, the costs in as a function of some observable, which is the income per capita of a country, for instance, and then one can convert those, those units into something that the model speaks about. So, definitely the, the, the, the PMR is useful but uh and I can show some correlations but from the point of view of telling you how much of the, of the gains in productivity you could reap by the PMR based indicator of entry regulation, I just cannot answer that question. Uh, so, Shahidul, you, uh, you, you raised very, very interesting points and thank you for uh giving me the opportunity to talk about informality. Um, so definitely the way I think about informality is, uh, as not so much important to have included it in the measure of average size I used to infer the distortion. But I think it's important to take into account as a consequence that could emerge in a very uh in, in a high entry barrier country. So, in, in this presentation, I, my focus was on showing you an inference strategy, but I'm, I'm working actually on follow-up work and giving collaboration with, with, with, with uh, with the country regions that precisely in that direction, how to extend the framework to have an endogenous informal sector and see how much of the informality that we, we can see in, in, in a country can be attributable to this much more meaningful measures of, of, of barriers to entry. Uh, so I, I agree. The, the other question you made is, is more complicated. I mean, I have an answer, but it's, it's longer. It has to do that, uh, yeah, there, there could be like technological barriers, but those barriers, I mean, those technological entry costs are also in the US. So if in the US firms in that uh intensive, intensive sectors is of a given size, why would they have to be so much smaller or so much larger elsewhere. I, I, I'm pretty sure I'm, I'm, I'm gonna leave you unsatisfied with the answer, but in this amount of time that as much as I can uh expand. Thanks, Roberta, and thanks everybody for an active Q&A. I, I, I, you know, this is, I've really enjoyed this policy research talk. Um, I'm gonna start bringing this to a close. Um, and Mary, just in case you have any last couple of comments you'd like to make before we close, over to you. No, so I really enjoyed this. I think these policy talks are great as a chance to showcase the work that DEC is, is doing. Um, no, I've just, uh, and Roberto, happy to have a follow-up conversation on some of the nittier grittier parts, that would be great. Um, no, I've just been thinking a little bit more of this sort of this use of, of the United States and, and as a policy non-distorted. You know, this, this has done a lot. Um, and, and compared to a lot of other countries, I think that assumption is not bad, not to say there aren't policy distortions, but in a relative, that's fine. What's true though is the production sort of function that's being used in the United States will not in fact be the sort of same as elsewhere. And you know, the United States is far more advanced. A lot of the manufacturing has been offshored, so, and far more mechanized, so your firm size as measured by a worker in the United States is going to be tilted smaller because of all that mechanization compared to some of the other countries that are going to be, they're doing, while it may be the same sector, they're doing very different part in that value chain within it, a more labor intensive work. Um, anyway, this. It's not a first order concern, but it, but just to say some of that, and then the data as a data point, you know, what counts as manufacturing, what counts as services, because a lot of the manufacturing in the United States, in fact, is services in the extreme. Apple is a manufacturer, you know, you make the iPhones and, and computers in China, the design is in the United States, that gets counted as manufacturing in the United States. It's a mislabel of the data. So, I mean, there's, there's There's more, as certification of manufacturing, particularly the higher end is happening, the data itself is getting messier at being able to make some of these um distinctions. Um, anyway, I think there's some more interesting things that one could delve into on that, but I think overall, um, this is great work and, and really have appreciated the, the discussion. So thanks for including me. Thanks Mary. Thanks for coming. Uh, Roberta, any last comment from you or are you, are you OK? No, I'm very grateful. I, I, I really enjoyed this. Uh, I was a bit anxious, but, uh, at the end I think it went well. Uh, I, I, I take away many, many questions and things to, to think about, and I. I am also really looking forward to this data agenda that Mary is, is putting forward, uh, on, on, and the elephant in the room is the service sector. It's like 70% of the majority of the countries and we are focusing on manufacturing, which is usually just the tiniest of the sectors, but, so if you can, again open that other black box, that would be great. Yeah, as researchers, we can't have a talk where we don't call for more data, so. Um, OK, just before closing finally, um, uh, I some of you may have seen Ryan put in the chat, our next policy research talk is on March 23rd and has the exciting title of Trade, Robots and Industrial Development. So look for an invitation to that and please sign up. Um, so with that, thank you, everybody, and we look forward to seeing you, uh, again next time. Bye-bye.
showAllTranscripts
no
duration
PT1H28M40S
scene7File
worldbank/FattalJaef_PRT
scene7Domain
https://worldbank.scene7.com/
scene7FileAvs
worldbank/FattalJaef_PRT-AVS
title
FattalJaef PRT
description
FattalJaef PRT
showTimestampAndTranscript
yes
col-xs-12
col-sm-12
col-md-3
col-lg-3
col-xs-12
col-sm-12
col-md-7
col-lg-7
  • add-style
  • lp-body-content
Differences in living standards around the world are substantial, with income per worker in the richest countries up to 60 times higher than in the poorest. Even as measures of the stock of physical and human capital have become more reliable over time, aggregate productivity still remains the biggest contributor to these striking income gaps. What, then, could explain these vast productivity differences across countries? In this Policy Research Talk on February 23, 2021, World Bank economist Roberto N. Fattal Jaef discussed the role of distortions in firms’ business environment that reduce competition, innovation, and allocative efficiency.
lp-heading-top-medium
lp-heading-bottom-medium
col-xs-12
col-sm-12
col-md-2
col-lg-2