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00:00 Welcome,

00:00 everyone.

00:01 Thanks for joining us for

00:03 a seminar on the

00:05 WDR 2025 uh seminar series.

00:10 Today,

00:10 we are very happy to have Jean-Baptiste Frazos,

00:13 who's professor at the Connional de Ponte Jose

00:15 and senior researcher at CNRS in Paris.

00:19 And uh

00:20 Jean Baptiste is a historian.

00:23 He's interested in science,

00:25 technology,

00:25 and the environment.

00:27 And we discovered a book which was very

00:30 useful for us,

00:32 uh,

00:32 when thinking about how standard emerge

00:35 and how standard can be used to foster innovation

00:38 and to foster the development of the market.

00:41 Which is a book that

00:42 Gian Baptiste wrote

00:44 a few years ago during his PhD and it was just recently published,

00:48 uh,

00:48 sorry,

00:48 recently translated.

00:51 In,

00:51 in English and it's called Happy Apocalypse,

00:54 A History of,

00:54 of Technological Risk.

00:57 Jean Baptiste has also written another very interesting book that I,

01:01 uh,

01:01 recommend you to,

01:02 to read,

01:03 which is more and more and more and all-consuming History of Energy

01:06 in which is

01:07 giving a

01:09 New perspective on what we call energy transition.

01:13 Um,

01:14 I'll leave the floor to you,

01:15 Jean Baptista,

01:16 the,

01:17 as usual,

01:18 we'll,

01:18 uh,

01:18 we'll have the speaker

01:20 speak for about half an hour

01:22 and we'll open up the floor to question and answer

01:25 after that OK.

01:28 Thank you,

01:29 Milo,

01:29 and thank you so much for having me on your,

01:32 on your seminar.

01:33 Um,

01:34 basically,

01:35 I wanted to present the paper but also to

01:37 give a broader context because the the paper I,

01:40 I,

01:40 I sent you

01:41 was part of a much broader project which was really a kind of history of risk,

01:46 uh,

01:47 during,

01:47 during industrialization with a comparison between France and,

01:50 and Britain.

01:51 And the context,

01:53 intellectual context at that time,

01:55 and we are talking about the early 2000s,

01:57 was the debate around risk society,

02:00 which was really a key topic in sociology and

02:02 social sciences where I was trained at the time.

02:06 It's a book by Ulrich Beck,

02:08 a famous German sociologist,

02:11 explaining that there had been a tremendous and profound shift

02:15 in

02:17 the organization of our societies that for a long time.

02:20 The main subject of

02:24 the economy was to produce more and more,

02:27 and now we are shifting to a rich society

02:29 where the key topic was the distribution of risk,

02:32 not so much the distribution of the goods that we produced,

02:35 but the distribution of risk.

02:37 And all the narrative,

02:39 all this

02:40 narrative was based on this idea that there had

02:42 been a profound change in the nature of risk,

02:45 that risk

02:46 had completely changed in terms of scales,

02:48 that

02:50 we were not confronted so much to risk but to uncertainties.

02:54 So it was really this discussion about real society or reflexive modernity.

02:58 It's another key topic at the time

03:01 that I wanted to

03:03 to enter and to address.

03:05 I thought that this narrative was far too optimistic

03:08 and far too

03:10 far too self-gratifying

03:12 about our contemporary moments,

03:15 that it was a way to explain that we were far better than our ancestors,

03:19 basically,

03:20 that we were just ruthless modern modernizers and and

03:25 and

03:26 they were kind of

03:28 productivist but not really environmentally aware.

03:31 So basically,

03:32 the

03:33 part of my work since the early 2000s has been to

03:36 historicize all these ideas of free society and reflexive modality.

03:41 I'm just going to give you before

03:43 describing and presenting the paper,

03:45 I just want to give you

03:46 a few elements of this broader

03:48 argument.

03:49 For instance,

03:50 the idea

03:51 that climate change

03:52 is a new

03:54 problem,

03:54 something radically new which really emerged only in the

03:58 last 40 years with the Rio conference of 1992.

04:03 In fact,

04:04 when you're interested in the history of science,

04:06 you know that the issue of climate change was

04:09 a very deep issue from a very early period.

04:12 Um,

04:13 for one simple reason,

04:14 I mean,

04:15 we have to

04:16 put ourselves

04:17 in a completely different frame of mind,

04:20 a kind of a creationist frame of mind.

04:24 For

04:25 people in the 18th and even 19th century

04:28 who were deeply religious,

04:29 the earth was a creation,

04:31 a divine creation.

04:33 And on this divine creation,

04:34 the forests had a role,

04:36 and

04:37 their role was to participate in the global cycle of water.

04:41 And this is

04:42 a late 17th century description of this global cycle of water.

04:46 The earth was thought as a system,

04:48 as a complex system

04:50 at that time.

04:51 And a system which was perfectly organized

04:54 for the greater good of humanity.

04:57 And

04:57 this providential global cycle of water played a key role

05:02 for agriculture,

05:04 and deforestation was

05:07 in a way putting in danger

05:09 this divine providential cycle.

05:11 So climate change connected to deforestation was a

05:14 key topic for a long period of time.

05:16 And many discourses about the collapse of civilization

05:20 from the 18th and 19th century are

05:23 completely obsessed about this idea of deforestation.

05:26 In a way,

05:26 it was the best way to explain the collapse of societies and past civilization.

05:32 The discovery of ruins like Babylon,

05:34 for instance,

05:35 in the middle of deserts

05:37 was really kind of stunning for these people,

05:40 and the best explanation they had was that people in the Middle East

05:44 had deforested too much.

05:46 They had transformed the climate and created their own collapse,

05:49 right?

05:49 So this is a very standard explanation.

05:51 It's not something

05:53 especially romantic or weird or whatever.

05:55 No,

05:55 it's really the basic explanation for the rise and fall.

05:59 Of Eastern civilization,

06:01 it is over deforestation.

06:04 The issue was serious enough for the French government to order

06:09 a general inquiry on deforestation and climate change in 1821.

06:13 So we've got

06:15 a government.

06:17 Organizing knowledge production on this key topic of deforestation

06:22 and climate change in the early 19th century,

06:24 and we've got the answer of this inquiry,

06:28 thousands of answers,

06:29 and for most people,

06:30 yes,

06:31 there is a link between deforestation and climate change.

06:34 It makes perfect sense

06:35 from their point of view.

06:38 So the global environment was already an issue

06:41 in the 18th or 19th centuries.

06:43 It was always something which was thought upon,

06:46 reflected upon.

06:48 More,

06:48 I mean,

06:49 more obviously the local environments were key

06:51 topics of conflicts and debates during industrialization,

06:57 even more so

06:59 because at that time

07:01 medicine was really

07:03 obsessed with the environment.

07:05 It is before bacteriology,

07:07 before pasteur,

07:08 before cock,

07:08 and so on.

07:09 So to explain epidemics,

07:11 the best way to explain epidemics was to invoke a change in the environment,

07:15 not a microbe,

07:16 not a virus,

07:17 but a change in the environment.

07:18 And in this medical context,

07:22 of course,

07:24 pollution,

07:24 industrialization,

07:25 and pollution was a key,

07:27 key problem.

07:28 And that's why when you've got

07:31 a factory which is set up in any.

07:34 Context,

07:35 you've got complaints,

07:37 people complaining,

07:38 writing petitions,

07:40 saying that if you authorize this uh manufacturer,

07:43 it could be a disaster.

07:45 So nevertheless,

07:47 through complex historical process that I'm not going to detail,

07:51 in the end,

07:52 the way the environment was managed,

07:54 especially in France,

07:55 it's quite clear,

07:56 is through financial compensation.

07:59 Basically,

08:00 the industrialists had to pay for the pollution.

08:03 It is a polluter-based principle.

08:07 From 1810 onwards,

08:09 the the the the industrialists,

08:11 the entrepreneurs in France have to compensate for the damages

08:15 they produce through pollution.

08:17 I think that's why I think history is important because many of

08:21 the things and solutions and regulations that seem to be new,

08:24 like the polluter pays principle

08:26 which is put forward by the OECD in the

08:28 1970s as the solution to optimize pollution and production,

08:33 basically,

08:34 it's a very old principle.

08:36 It is really ingrained in the judicial system of pollution regulation

08:41 from the 19th century onward.

08:44 In the same way

08:45 It is at the beginning of the 19th century that safety standards emerged.

08:50 So,

08:51 I mean,

08:51 I really want to emphasize that the basic,

08:54 really the,

08:54 the,

08:54 the,

08:55 the foundational,

08:56 the,

08:56 the basic principles of regulations for the environment,

09:00 for risk,

09:01 they are invented

09:03 like two centuries ago.

09:06 The,

09:06 I mean,

09:06 the idea of.

09:09 The safety norm,

09:10 the idea that you can create safety by defining the proper shape of an object,

09:14 when you think about it,

09:15 it's a radical idea.

09:18 It's,

09:18 it was a new way to conceive the production

09:21 of safety at the beginning of the 19th century.

09:25 Before that,

09:26 safety was more

09:27 produced

09:28 on a local basis

09:30 or by trade association,

09:32 trade by corporations,

09:33 by trade

09:34 organizations.

09:35 And it was more like a judicial system.

09:37 You would punish

09:39 the entrepreneurs,

09:40 the architects that would

09:42 build

09:43 a house that was not well built.

09:46 He would be punished for that.

09:48 He would pay the damages,

09:50 and it is rather through

09:52 the kind of jurisprudence that safety.

09:55 Safety norms or,

09:56 or,

09:56 or,

09:56 or

09:57 concept of safety emerge,

09:59 right?

09:59 It's rather like this

10:01 uh piece by piece uh

10:03 uh jurisprudential way of producing safety.

10:07 The idea of a safety norm,

10:09 basically you ask the scientists to define

10:14 the way to create a perfectly safe object is reinvented in France in the early 1820s.

10:21 Because

10:22 the French government reacted to the new technologies coming from Britain.

10:26 There were 2 technologies at stake.

10:28 The first one was the gas lighting.

10:31 It's a forgotten technology,

10:32 but it was really an important technology at the end of the 19th century.

10:36 It emerged at the beginning of the 19th century.

10:38 And it emerged because I mean it created a huge scandal in Paris in 1822,

10:44 1823

10:46 because gas holders,

10:47 this kind of

10:48 device,

10:49 were built in the middle of

10:51 a rich neighborhood

10:53 because gas was for theaters,

10:55 operas for rich neighborhoods,

10:56 and you couldn't transport gas on a long distance,

10:59 so you had to build these

11:01 instruments really close to

11:03 the wealthy neighborhood.

11:05 So it's different from the chemical industry,

11:07 for instance,

11:08 which most of the time was built far away from

11:10 the cities and far away from the,

11:12 from the

11:12 wealthy parts of the,

11:14 of the cities.

11:15 So

11:16 this

11:17 instrument was thought as terribly dangerous by the neighbors,

11:20 wealthy neighbors who had the capacity to,

11:22 you know,

11:23 create really

11:24 a kind of political movement against this,

11:26 uh,

11:27 against the gas holder.

11:28 And the safety norm emerged as a way to find a kind of compromise

11:33 between two kinds of bourgeoisie

11:35 the entrepreneurial bourgeoisie investing in

11:37 gaslighting and the classic bourgeoisie

11:41 who

11:41 were affected

11:43 by these new industries.

11:46 For instance,

11:46 this kind of

11:48 industry would of course reduce the rent

11:50 of the people possessing

11:53 lodgings in the neighborhood.

11:56 And that's why the government asked the Academie des Sciences,

11:59 so the most prestigious scientific institution in France,

12:02 to

12:04 define

12:05 safety norm

12:06 around this object

12:07 in 1822.

12:08 It was really one of the first safety norms.

12:12 The other safety norm that was invented at the same time

12:16 and that is the main topic of the background paper is about steam engine.

12:21 I mean.

12:23 High pressure steam engine is a new invention from the,

12:26 I mean,

12:27 appearing in France after Waterloo after 1815,

12:30 and they were thought as extremely dangerous.

12:33 And interestingly enough,

12:34 they are inventions

12:36 about mobilizing the horses in a new way because

12:39 people thought the steam engine was too dangerous.

12:42 There is even a boat,

12:43 which is,

12:44 I mean a series of boats which are built in the 1820s

12:47 that would replace the steam engine with a horse

12:50 because steam engine was thought as too dangerous

12:52 to be put on a boat,

12:53 right?

12:54 So really the high pressure steam engine was dangerous in a way,

12:58 and

12:58 I think strikingly enough,

13:00 the French government banned

13:02 high pressure steam engines from cities

13:04 in 1822.

13:05 That was a huge scandal among engineers

13:08 because they explained that high pressure steam engines had much better yields.

13:12 They were much more efficient,

13:13 so it was a way to economize coal,

13:16 right.

13:17 And so once again,

13:18 the government had to find a kind of compromise.

13:21 And this

13:23 this compromise was once again a safety norm.

13:26 The safety norm was devised by the academicians once again.

13:30 It is probably the first time that you have a mathematical equation defining

13:34 the thickness

13:36 of the boilers and the shape of the boiler.

13:39 The boiler was standardized in many different

13:41 respects the thickness of the boiler,

13:44 the size

13:45 of the safety valve.

13:47 There was also a self-fuusing plate,

13:50 a little bit,

13:50 a little

13:51 piece of metal that would melt at a certain temperature which was below

13:56 the temperature,

13:57 the maximum temperature allowed.

13:59 So it was really

14:01 extremely detailed.

14:02 Interestingly enough,

14:03 the safety norm was based on the idea that

14:07 if there was an explosion,

14:08 it was because

14:11 the engine man had made a mistake.

14:13 And for instance,

14:14 the safety norm made compulsory

14:17 this kind of safety valves which were not accessible.

14:21 To

14:22 the engine man,

14:24 the engine man,

14:25 I don't know,

14:25 I mean

14:27 the worker,

14:28 the idea was that the worker would overload the safety valve

14:32 to get more pressure and more power from the machine,

14:34 right,

14:34 so it was dangerous.

14:35 So you had to forbid this action,

14:37 make it impossible by creating

14:39 a protected safety valve.

14:43 Despite all the regulations,

14:46 all the

14:47 all the safety devices which were invented to

14:50 make the steam engine kind of an automaton,

14:53 steam engines always exploded.

14:56 I mean

14:56 there are many different reasons why steam engines explode.

14:59 There is even like

15:01 a kind of scientific field which is developed around

15:04 the discovery of why safety,

15:06 why

15:07 steam engines explodes,

15:08 I mean why steam boiler explodes.

15:11 I'm not going to enter many details,

15:13 but there are always issues about the safety norm that

15:18 the safety norm could not have anticipated anyway

15:21 when the when the when the steam boiler exploded in France.

15:27 The tricky situation

15:30 was that normally the safety,

15:33 normally the steam engine could not have exploded because it had been

15:36 normalized and because there was a mining engineer

15:40 who had certified the safety

15:42 of the engine.

15:44 And that has an interesting political dimension because

15:48 the mining engineer in charge of the safety of steam boiler

15:53 had a tendency to shift the blame on the worker,

15:56 and there is a striking discrepancy between

15:59 the way liability is organized in Britain and

16:02 the way liability is organized in France.

16:05 In Britain,

16:07 most of the time when there is an explosion,

16:10 what is what is blamed is the poor maintenance of the boiler.

16:15 And in front,

16:15 it's rather the bad behavior

16:18 of the worker.

16:20 And this is because of the safety norm,

16:22 because

16:22 of the guarantee that the government had provided of the safety of the boiler,

16:27 right.

16:28 If the boiler was poorly maintained in a way the

16:32 mining engineer was in part responsible for the explosion,

16:35 that's why they reporter need to shift the blame

16:37 to the worker.

16:40 OK,

16:40 now

16:41 what happens in Britain?

16:43 The British government and the British entrepreneurs,

16:46 more than the British government,

16:48 were very skeptical about the efficiency of safety norm

16:52 of standards.

16:53 They thought it was a way to,

16:55 it would stifle innovation.

16:57 It would create interference from inspectors

17:01 in their,

17:02 in their business,

17:03 and they didn't want that.

17:05 So

17:06 I mean what is striking is whereas in France there is a safety norm as early as 1822,

17:12 in Britain at several times in the 19th

17:15 century after a series of explosions there were

17:17 inquests,

17:18 parliamentary inquests on the safety of steam boilers and

17:23 The the the the the the safety norm,

17:25 the standard was refused,

17:26 was rejected.

17:27 One has to wait

17:29 1852 for maritime steam boiler to be normalized.

17:33 In 1902

17:35 for

17:37 industrial steam boiler to be normalized,

17:39 so one century,

17:41 almost a century delay,

17:42 right?

17:44 It doesn't mean that nothing is done about safety,

17:47 the safety of boilers in Britain.

17:50 after 1852,

17:54 there is a series of explosions in Britain.

17:57 And

17:59 a major engineer called Fairbairn.

18:02 really thought the,

18:03 the,

18:03 the,

18:03 the,

18:03 the the British uh entrepreneurs had to act,

18:07 otherwise,

18:08 there would be

18:09 a,

18:09 a kind of

18:10 safety norm

18:11 imposed

18:12 in Britain.

18:14 And the solution was self-regulation.

18:17 The solution was to say we have to create

18:20 an inspection system.

18:23 In many ways it was a way for like elite entrepreneurs to gain control

18:28 on

18:29 less,

18:30 uh,

18:31 I mean

18:31 less wealthy

18:33 steam boiler owners

18:34 because I mean the explosion took place

18:37 not necessarily in the like the the most important

18:41 manufacturers,

18:41 right?

18:42 It was rather in the kind of

18:43 less prosperous manufacturers.

18:46 Um,

18:48 The,

18:49 the,

18:49 the,

18:49 the first solution of a steam bowlers steam

18:53 bowler Owner Association was a failure,

18:56 and in 1969.

18:59 There is the creation of the first steam boiler insurance company

19:03 or early 1960s,

19:04 the steam boiler insurance companies.

19:08 I mean,

19:08 this,

19:08 this was a huge success.

19:10 In a very,

19:11 in a few years,

19:12 there were

19:14 several

19:15 like

19:16 40,000 boilers that would be insured,

19:18 you know,

19:18 like a significant amount,

19:20 like half of the steam of the steam boilers in Britain would be insured.

19:24 And the insurance companies.

19:27 Their objective was to reduce

19:29 the number of explosions,

19:31 so it's not so much to compensate for the accidents.

19:34 They really

19:36 had a very impressive way of

19:38 proposing services of maintenance of steam boilers.

19:42 They had really a different culture about accidents,

19:45 as I told you,

19:46 when an explosion occurred

19:48 in France,

19:49 most of the time,

19:49 the answer was the safety norm was not respected.

19:53 When the when an explosion

19:56 occurred in Britain,

19:56 it was rather

19:58 the maintenance of the steam boiler was,

20:00 was not really,

20:01 uh,

20:01 was not really good.

20:03 And it was really a way of seeing the object

20:05 through um

20:07 through time.

20:08 I mean,

20:08 the,

20:09 the premium of the insurance would increase very quite steeply with the aging,

20:14 with the age of boilers.

20:16 In France,

20:18 the idea was that if the steam boiler respected the safety norm,

20:21 it had to be safe for all its lifetime.

20:23 That's why there were such thick

20:26 plates on French steam boilers at one point.

20:28 It was to anticipate

20:29 the wear and tear

20:33 of boilers.

20:35 So

20:36 actually the steam boilers were quite good.

20:39 The steam boilers were quite good at reducing the risk.

20:43 I mean this is

20:45 a statistics

20:46 about steam boiler explosions,

20:48 the number of explosions in Britain,

20:50 and the number of casualties.

20:52 As you can see,

20:53 there is a strong increase

20:56 in the 1950s that creates

20:59 the incentive to put in place

21:02 steam boiler

21:04 insurance.

21:05 And

21:06 after the 1870s when the steambolar insurance starts to have

21:10 a major impact,

21:12 that really creates a drastic reduction in terms of the risk

21:17 of steambolar explosions.

21:20 Another graph which

21:22 shows more or less the same thing with a comparison with France.

21:26 Basically,

21:26 the risk in France and Britain was quite similar

21:29 in the first part of the 19th century,

21:31 around 6 to 7

21:33 explosions per 10,000 boilers.

21:36 And then

21:37 after the 1870s,

21:39 you can see the effect of steam boiler insurance.

21:43 Basically in Britain,

21:44 you had two kinds of um.

21:47 Two populations of boilers,

21:48 the one which were insured,

21:49 which were really safe,

21:51 and the ones which were not insured,

21:52 which were not that safe.

21:54 And in France with the safety norm,

21:56 you had a kind of average

21:58 situation,

21:58 right?

21:59 That's why the risk was quite similar,

22:01 but probably with far more discrepancy in Britain and

22:05 like a more average situation in France.

22:08 But

22:09 after the 1860s and 1870s,

22:12 more and more the French government

22:14 Understand that the safety norm is obsolete,

22:17 that it has not really succeeded in creating safety.

22:20 There are too many boilers for the French

22:23 mining administration

22:25 to inspect all the boilers,

22:26 basically.

22:29 The inspection,

22:30 I mean the official inspection could have worked when

22:32 there were like a few thousands of boilers,

22:34 but after the 1860s you had,

22:36 I mean,

22:36 like

22:37 60,000 boilers

22:40 which are starting to make too much work in a way.

22:43 You had like also private engineers who were expert on safety on steam boilers,

22:49 you know,

22:49 probably better expert than the mining engineers which were civil servants.

22:55 And so in the 1860s there is a local association from the eastern part of France

23:03 who kind of mimicked the British way and also the German way actually,

23:07 which created an association of

23:10 of owners of steam boilers

23:12 who would self regulate.

23:15 And this is really like the convergence of both systems in a way.

23:19 At the end of the 19th century,

23:21 the French system and the British system were roughly similar.

23:25 There were,

23:26 I mean,

23:26 the regulation was,

23:27 was really similar.

23:29 Um,

23:31 I want to conclude on the fact that

23:35 We should perhaps,

23:36 uh,

23:37 you know.

23:38 I mean,

23:38 I have

23:40 the need to explain that regulation had effect at this effect or that effect.

23:44 Um,

23:45 we should also study steam boilers in their very local context.

23:48 And that's probably one of the major reasons

23:51 for the huge discrepancy of the number of explosions

23:54 in the US and in Europe.

23:57 A fact which is not very well known,

23:59 but in the US,

24:01 more timberers were used in the countryside and in the forests than in cities.

24:07 For in the end of the,

24:08 at the end of the 19th century,

24:09 you had really,

24:11 I mean,

24:13 More than,

24:13 I mean they are not good statistics,

24:15 but we know that

24:16 more than 8 or 9000

24:19 agricultural steam boilers were produced per year.

24:22 So we can imagine really a huge number of steam boilers working in the fields

24:27 for agricultural reasons,

24:29 in the forestry in the same way,

24:30 and they were much less safe.

24:31 That's why there is such a huge discrepancy between

24:33 the explosions in the US and in Europe.

24:36 So the local contexts play a key role.

24:39 And the last thing I wanted to say is to emphasize that the

24:44 fact that workers had also their own ideas about how to regulate properly

24:48 steam boilers.

24:49 And for them,

24:50 the issue was to

24:52 really,

24:53 it was about power.

24:55 It was really about who has the power to decide

24:58 how you use the steam boiler.

25:02 Workers were considered as responsible in case of accidents in many,

25:07 many trials,

25:08 in many

25:09 after many accidents,

25:10 so they explained that if we're responsible,

25:12 we have to be in charge and really in charge.

25:15 And so there are really different ways of

25:19 discussing about how to produce safety,

25:21 and

25:22 I think

25:23 we should not overestimate the impact of this or that regulation.

25:27 In the end it's about the pressure,

25:30 the local pressure on the steam engine and who has the power

25:32 in

25:34 in the factory.

25:36 OK.

25:36 I will stop here.

25:37 I will.

25:37 I hope I was clear enough.

25:40 And I'm happy to,

25:41 to try to answer your questions.

25:46 Thanks a lot,

25:47 Jean Baptiste.

25:47 Let me.

25:49 Open the floor to question if

25:59 Yeah,

25:59 Say.

26:02 Hi,

26:02 thank you.

26:03 Yeah,

26:03 uh,

26:04 thank you,

26:04 Professor,

26:04 for this,

26:05 uh,

26:05 uh,

26:06 great presentation and,

26:07 and,

26:07 and for the,

26:07 uh,

26:09 You know,

26:09 for the first facts about,

26:10 um,

26:11 you know,

26:12 what,

26:12 what determined,

26:13 uh,

26:14 climate change and,

26:15 you know,

26:15 the link between climate change and deforestation and,

26:18 and,

26:18 uh,

26:19 and sort of,

26:19 uh,

26:20 you know,

26:20 the,

26:20 the,

26:21 the environmental damage.

26:22 But,

26:22 but let me,

26:23 let me focus on the,

26:24 uh,

26:26 On the,

26:27 on the boilers,

26:28 uh,

26:29 example.

26:30 So,

26:30 so I guess the,

26:31 the first question is,

26:35 Why do you think the,

26:36 the,

26:37 um,

26:38 In England,

26:40 they did not,

26:41 you know,

26:41 when,

26:41 when the

26:43 owner association got together and decided to,

26:46 to basically use insurance as a,

26:49 as a,

26:49 as a mechanism to,

26:50 to,

26:51 to enforce safety,

26:52 why did,

26:53 why was it voluntary and not,

26:56 and not,

26:56 uh,

26:57 compulsory,

26:58 um,

26:59 uh,

27:01 you know,

27:01 creating this,

27:02 this dichotomy between the older,

27:05 the older systems and the,

27:06 and the newer systems,

27:07 um.

27:08 So,

27:08 that,

27:08 and then,

27:09 and then basically when France transitioned,

27:12 you know,

27:12 from,

27:13 from using inspectors to using

27:16 insurance,

27:16 uh,

27:17 you know,

27:17 insurance agents,

27:19 um,

27:19 you know,

27:19 was it,

27:20 was it also voluntary or was it then

27:23 mandatory in,

27:24 in France and,

27:25 and,

27:25 and so,

27:25 why,

27:26 why,

27:26 why that?

27:27 And then,

27:27 and then a clarification,

27:29 professor.

27:29 So,

27:30 um,

27:32 So I'm,

27:32 so I'm a bit,

27:33 so I'm a bit confused,

27:34 right,

27:34 because,

27:34 so on the one hand,

27:36 um,

27:37 you know,

27:37 the insurance premium

27:39 raises,

27:40 you know,

27:40 increases steeply with the age of the boiler,

27:43 uh,

27:44 but at the same time,

27:46 I,

27:46 I think you're saying that.

27:48 Maintenance is key,

27:49 right?

27:49 And so,

27:50 and in fact,

27:50 the insurance company offered plans for,

27:53 for the maintenance.

27:54 So they,

27:54 they came in and inspected

27:56 and made sure that everything was clean.

27:58 So,

27:59 so if maintenance is that important,

28:01 then why,

28:02 why is the age of the boiler?

28:03 I mean,

28:03 are,

28:03 are you saying that

28:05 older systems require more maintenance,

28:07 or,

28:07 you know,

28:08 what,

28:08 what,

28:08 what's the,

28:09 you know,

28:09 because I mean if it's about cleaning and oiling and stuff.

28:13 I mean,

28:13 I would,

28:14 I would imagine that then maybe age,

28:16 you know,

28:16 you know,

28:17 an older boiler could,

28:18 could last longer.

28:19 So anyway,

28:20 sorry,

28:20 I,

28:20 I,

28:21 you know,

28:21 as you can see,

28:22 I'm not a,

28:23 I'm not an engineer,

28:24 so I have no idea what the,

28:26 what the trade-offs are there.

28:27 But,

28:27 um,

28:28 oh sorry,

28:28 and you know,

28:29 sorry,

28:30 one last question,

28:31 and you know you take them as you want,

28:33 but basically,

28:34 would it be fair to say that

28:37 Um,

28:38 early on in France,

28:40 there was more of a focus on,

28:43 on safety,

28:43 and so,

28:44 you know,

28:44 you had really engineers and you had scient scientists,

28:48 you know,

28:48 thinking about

28:50 safety features,

28:51 uh,

28:52 and so that the baseline was maybe

28:55 the design and,

28:56 and,

28:57 and,

28:57 and the design and construction of

28:59 maybe safer boilers and so,

29:01 and if that's the case then.

29:03 Did these features eventually find their way

29:07 into the UK,

29:08 right?

29:08 And so,

29:09 you know,

29:09 was there like a sort of a knowledge of,

29:11 a,

29:11 a transfer of knowledge

29:13 from France to the UK saying,

29:15 look,

29:15 I mean,

29:15 these guys are actually,

29:17 you know,

29:17 the safety feature that's

29:19 You know,

29:19 easy to adapt and easy to,

29:21 easy to implement in our boilers.

29:24 Maybe we should do it because,

29:25 you know,

29:25 that,

29:26 that sort of,

29:26 you know,

29:27 uh,

29:27 you know,

29:28 kind of,

29:28 you know,

29:28 it reduces

29:29 accidents.

29:30 And so,

29:31 so,

29:31 so,

29:31 you know,

29:31 yeah,

29:32 in other words,

29:32 was innovation in France,

29:35 you know,

29:35 sort of imported into,

29:36 into England,

29:37 at least,

29:37 you know,

29:38 at least the,

29:39 the,

29:39 the know-how,

29:40 right,

29:40 to,

29:40 to,

29:40 to,

29:41 to improve safety of boilers.

29:44 So that's,

29:44 you know,

29:45 OK,

29:45 you know,

29:45 sorry,

29:46 all over the place,

29:47 but,

29:47 but,

29:47 you know,

29:48 take it,

29:48 take them as you,

29:49 as you,

29:49 as you wish.

29:51 I'm going to take them in order.

29:52 So about the voluntary,

29:54 uh,

29:54 I mean,

29:55 is it voluntary or not?

29:56 Um,

29:57 for the case of Britain,

29:58 it's certainly not compulsory.

30:00 That's clear because,

30:01 I mean,

30:02 insurance companies keep complaining

30:04 about the problem that they only cover at the end of the 19th century,

30:07 only half of the borders.

30:09 So it's true that it is not compulsory.

30:11 Uh,

30:12 and they are fighting for to,

30:13 to make it compulsory,

30:14 right,

30:14 but they failed.

30:15 I,

30:15 I,

30:15 I don't know why,

30:16 but sorry,

30:17 professor,

30:17 yeah,

30:17 professor,

30:18 just,

30:18 just to be clear,

30:19 so

30:19 basically because of the,

30:21 because of the,

30:22 of the.

30:24 The premiums,

30:25 right,

30:25 because of the premiums increase a lot with age.

30:28 So I guess what kind of,

30:30 you know,

30:30 what kind of boilers were not insured typically the older ones,

30:33 right,

30:33 the more expensive ones to insure,

30:35 or what,

30:35 or

30:36 do you have a sense of,

30:37 you know,

30:38 I,

30:38 my sense is I,

30:39 I,

30:39 I,

30:40 I,

30:40 I can't really know,

30:41 but I guess it's where it's the entrepreneurs

30:43 with less.

30:45 I mean,

30:45 I think that there is at the beginning,

30:47 in the 18th when

30:49 the system is created.

30:51 In the 1850s,

30:53 it's really like a kind of bunch of elite engineers.

30:58 William Fairbairn is really like a key specialist about material fatigue,

31:01 for instance.

31:02 He's really a major engineer.

31:03 He has a construction company,

31:04 so

31:05 it's really an elite engineer

31:06 who said that we have to do things properly as we do

31:10 ourselves,

31:10 right?

31:12 And we have to,

31:13 uh,

31:14 to,

31:14 to diffuse the best practices on,

31:17 on poorer or less

31:20 well equipped,

31:20 equipped

31:22 companies,

31:22 factories,

31:23 right?

31:23 So I think

31:24 uh it's,

31:25 it's rather this divide.

31:28 I would say

31:29 end of the 19th century or 1880s,

31:32 like half of the boilers are insured and the other half is not,

31:34 and it's really

31:36 a problem.

31:36 I mean,

31:37 people like,

31:37 I mean,

31:39 insurance companies are complaining about that,

31:41 saying it should be made compulsory,

31:42 but it is not.

31:43 I can't tell you why.

31:44 I've,

31:45 I mean,

31:45 I should check in the parliamentary debates.

31:47 Perhaps there are some,

31:48 I mean,

31:49 they would explain why

31:50 the government did not choose to make it compulsory.

31:54 I think

31:55 we should not

31:56 underestimate the

31:59 I mean

32:00 when the safety norm is invoked

32:03 in the British parliamentary

32:05 discussion.

32:07 The idea that the government could even enter

32:10 the factory

32:11 is a big issue.

32:12 Just entering the factory,

32:13 right?

32:14 So we should not underestimate the,

32:15 the,

32:15 the very strong

32:16 importance of respecting private property.

32:20 Uh,

32:20 that,

32:20 that was really uh striking.

32:23 Um

32:25 And uh once again the,

32:27 the,

32:27 the insurance company was a way to

32:29 protect from the government from the interference of the government.

32:32 It was presented like that,

32:33 right?

32:35 But but safety,

32:35 safety is a public,

32:36 you know,

32:37 safety is,

32:37 uh,

32:37 is in the realm of the,

32:39 of the government,

32:39 right,

32:40 such as pollution might be right.

32:42 So environmental concerns,

32:43 you know,

32:44 London was super polluted and actions were taken.

32:47 Yeah,

32:48 so

32:49 the first time there is something about pollution in in Britain,

32:52 it's in 1862.

32:54 It's the Alkali Act,

32:55 so it's quite late,

32:56 you know.

32:57 We are talking about the second part of the 19th century.

33:00 Sorry,

33:00 was that,

33:00 was that,

33:01 was that when,

33:01 I'm sorry,

33:02 I,

33:02 I,

33:03 I know London,

33:03 London at the peak

33:05 was far more polluted than now is Delhi,

33:08 right?

33:08 Or,

33:08 or that Delhi ever was.

33:09 So,

33:10 so sorry,

33:10 when,

33:10 when is that relative to the act?

33:12 I'm sorry,

33:13 I,

33:13 I just,

33:13 the alkali Act is not about London.

33:17 It's about,

33:18 uh,

33:18 the alkali manufacturer.

33:20 It's Whitney's in Saint Helens near Manchester,

33:22 basically,

33:23 or between,

33:24 or between.

33:25 I mean it's like small villages that's

33:27 really transforming the hub of alkali production.

33:30 Alkali is a key,

33:32 I mean is a key chemicals.

33:34 It allows you to make all sorts of things,

33:36 so it's really a massive industry,

33:38 and they produce

33:39 more alkali here than anywhere in Europe in the 1860s,

33:42 and the pollution is absolutely horrific.

33:46 I mean there are no trees miles around,

33:48 right?

33:48 We're talking about really massive transformation of the landscape.

33:52 The canals are so acid that the hulls of the

33:54 ship are attacked by the acidity of the water.

33:57 So I mean really,

33:58 really enormous pollution,

33:59 and it is only at that time,

34:00 you know,

34:01 that the government start to do something,

34:03 right?

34:03 So I mean

34:04 really the,

34:05 the,

34:05 the,

34:06 the absence of governments in Britain is really striking.

34:12 Um,

34:13 for the safety of workers,

34:15 the first norm which has never been reapplied is 1842.

34:19 It's about protecting some,

34:20 um,

34:22 some,

34:22 uh,

34:23 you know,

34:23 um,

34:23 moving pieces of machines need to have a kind of protection,

34:27 right?

34:28 So it's quite late.

34:29 I mean,

34:29 it's not that late 1842,

34:30 but

34:31 I mean,

34:32 interestingly enough,

34:32 actually,

34:32 the workers complain about norms

34:35 because they are paid by piece.

34:37 It's piecework.

34:39 So if it's slow.

34:40 If it's slow their,

34:41 uh,

34:41 the,

34:42 the production,

34:43 uh,

34:44 they see that as a kind of reduction of,

34:46 of their,

34:46 of their wages,

34:47 right?

34:47 So,

34:47 I mean,

34:47 it's,

34:48 uh,

34:49 it's a complex,

34:50 uh,

34:50 it's a complex issue here.

34:52 So,

34:52 uh,

34:53 just to finish about voluntary or not,

34:55 uh,

34:55 in France,

34:56 it was,

34:57 there was a law

34:58 in 1882 which makes inspection compulsory,

35:01 be it from civil servant,

35:04 mining engineer or

35:06 Uh,

35:07 uh,

35:07 a boiler owner associations

35:09 or an insurance,

35:10 uh,

35:10 a boiler insurance company,

35:12 it is compulsory,

35:13 right?

35:13 So it

35:14 once again there's a,

35:15 uh,

35:15 uh,

35:16 quite a difference,

35:17 um.

35:19 About the age of boiler,

35:20 that's a good question.

35:21 I,

35:22 I think

35:23 I,

35:23 I,

35:23 I should have to check again.

35:24 I think the,

35:25 the,

35:26 the rise of the premium is

35:28 uh

35:29 when you enter

35:30 the insurance scheme.

35:31 So your boiler is old,

35:32 you pay a much higher,

35:34 uh,

35:35 but then when it is properly maintained,

35:37 the premium reduces,

35:38 OK?

35:40 For,

35:41 uh,

35:44 for safety,

35:44 there is a third question and I forgot

35:46 about innovation,

35:48 uh,

35:49 the transfer of knowledge,

35:50 yeah,

35:50 for the safety valve that was developed in France,

35:54 whether the safety valves are not.

35:56 I'm not sure.

35:56 I mean,

35:57 basically there is a safety valve in Britain.

35:58 There is a safety valve in France.

36:00 It doesn't mean,

36:00 I mean,

36:00 it's not because it's not

36:02 compulsory by law that it is not used in Britain.

36:05 I mean the same kind of devices are used in Britain

36:07 like the safety valve is used in most of the boilers.

36:09 It's something

36:10 I mean it's indispensable in a way,

36:12 but you,

36:13 I mean.

36:14 What is true is that the British are very impressed by

36:18 the knowledge production around steam

36:21 and the behavior of steam

36:23 by the French Academy of Science.

36:24 You know,

36:24 you've got like famous scientists making very minute

36:28 measurements.

36:28 It's not very useful,

36:29 but

36:30 they do that,

36:30 so this is impressive.

36:32 You've got examples of safety devices.

36:35 I'm not going to enter into too many details,

36:36 but for the

36:37 gas lighting.

36:39 There is a device

36:40 which allows the pressure on the pipe

36:42 that transports the gas to be stable.

36:46 It's called gaso compensator,

36:47 and it is something which then is exported to Britain.

36:50 So you've got like,

36:51 there are many other devices coming from Britain

36:53 and most of the innovations came from Britain.

36:55 So

36:56 I don't want to,

36:57 you know,

36:57 enter into

36:58 at the end of the 19th century,

36:59 it is true that.

37:02 There is a specific

37:04 design of boilers which are supposed to be

37:08 which cannot explode,

37:09 which are invented in France and have quite a

37:10 significant success for maritime boilers around the world.

37:13 So I mean,

37:14 but I don't want to say this is about,

37:16 you know,

37:16 the safety norm.

37:17 It's probably other reasons.

37:18 They are more efficient as well.

37:20 And there was another question about safety design versus

37:25 No,

37:25 perhaps I answered all the questions.

37:26 That's right.

37:27 That's it,

37:27 yeah,

37:27 yeah,

37:27 yeah,

37:27 yeah.

37:29 Yeah.

37:29 Sorry.

37:30 Well,

37:30 if,

37:30 if I may follow up,

37:31 uh,

37:31 uh,

37:32 so,

37:32 on friends,

37:34 uh,

37:34 and,

37:34 and again,

37:35 maybe you,

37:35 you don't have the data,

37:36 but it would be very nice.

37:39 So if you take France and the transition from,

37:42 you know,

37:42 inspectors,

37:43 you know,

37:44 government inspectors,

37:45 safety inspectors to the

37:47 inspectors coming from the,

37:49 from the industry,

37:50 uh,

37:50 right,

37:51 you know,

37:51 so once you transition from,

37:53 say,

37:53 the public,

37:54 you know,

37:54 the public,

37:55 uh,

37:56 uh,

37:56 sector to the private sector,

37:58 that,

37:58 that,

37:58 that can basically,

38:00 uh,

38:00 stimulate the growth of boilers,

38:02 whether that actually

38:03 if you have the number of boilers.

38:06 Whether that kind of,

38:07 you know,

38:07 so whether that unleashes,

38:08 right,

38:08 I mean,

38:09 you know,

38:09 part of the problem,

38:10 part of the,

38:11 part of the reason for why you wanna,

38:13 why France transition into,

38:16 into insurance and,

38:17 and the private sector is because they,

38:19 you know,

38:19 there,

38:19 there was no capacity

38:21 to,

38:21 to,

38:21 to,

38:22 to monitor all these,

38:23 all these boilers,

38:24 right?

38:24 And so,

38:25 and so the question is basically once they allow for insurance.

38:28 Uh,

38:29 you know,

38:29 the,

38:29 the,

38:29 the insurance inspectors to actually,

38:31 uh,

38:32 you know,

38:32 track compliance and safety

38:34 whether there was actually an explosion of,

38:36 of,

38:36 of boilers,

38:38 uh,

38:38 around that time and,

38:39 you know,

38:39 whether that's something that,

38:40 you know,

38:41 there would be data to actually track that and,

38:43 and,

38:43 I mean,

38:43 and see that

38:45 the,

38:45 um,

38:45 the causality is really the number of boilers expand

38:48 because of economic growth basically and catch up after

38:52 1870,

38:53 uh,

38:55 and.

38:56 And then you've got the private system coming because there are too many

38:59 boilers and actually the safety norm was not respected anymore after the 1860s,

39:03 like the thickness of the boilerplate,

39:05 all that was not even respected.

39:07 It was not,

39:07 I mean,

39:08 the,

39:09 the industry would not comply to the safety norm.

39:12 So it is under Napoleon III,

39:13 1865 that there is a kind of,

39:16 you know,

39:17 they cut down many aspects of the safety

39:20 of the old regulations.

39:22 Right,

39:22 so it's at the same time that insurance companies enter.

39:25 I see.

39:27 Um,

39:29 so,

39:29 I mean,

39:30 basically,

39:30 what was it,

39:31 I think we should not overemphasize the importance of this

39:35 way of regulation on the economy.

39:36 It's rather the economy that is the driving force and the regulation try to adapt.

39:41 So that's why the case of France in the 1820s is strange,

39:45 you know,

39:45 because they're,

39:46 I mean,

39:46 why they could do that is because there were so few steam boilers at that time.

39:50 You know,

39:50 we are talking about a couple of hundreds of boilers,

39:53 like 200 or something like that.

39:55 It's very easy to regulate,

39:56 you know,

39:56 you can,

39:57 you have the staff to regulate 200 boilers.

39:59 You don't have the staff to regulate 60,000 boilers.

40:02 I mean,

40:02 once again,

40:03 the mining engineers,

40:04 they are very elite.

40:06 They come from Ecole

40:07 Polytechnique.

40:08 Uh,

40:09 they,

40:09 there are very few of them

40:11 in each department.

40:12 You've got,

40:12 uh,

40:12 I don't know,

40:13 4 or 5 mining engineers.

40:14 So

40:15 for,

40:16 for if,

40:17 if it's like an industrialized part of France,

40:19 you don't have the staff to,

40:21 to,

40:21 to really look after the borders basically.

40:25 Thank you so much.

40:27 Thank you,

40:27 Philip.

40:31 Yeah,

40:31 thank you so much for,

40:32 for the excellent presentation.

40:34 Um,

40:35 I'd like one question,

40:36 and,

40:36 and I'm sorry if,

40:37 um,

40:38 if you may have explained it.

40:39 I actually like um uh joined a little bit late,

40:42 but I'm curious about the role of standards

40:44 for the inspections itself.

40:46 So like when the insurance companies send inspectors,

40:50 like how important were standards that they all follow the same kind of like,

40:54 you know,

40:55 technical guidelines on how to inspect,

40:58 that's on the one hand,

40:59 and on the other one is

41:01 um

41:03 Were there any schemes in place to

41:06 lower premiums if firms followed standards for maintenance,

41:10 for example,

41:11 or if they actually used

41:13 boilers as per specific specifications so that then,

41:16 you know,

41:17 the insurance was lower or like the

41:19 inspection intervals were like um less frequent.

41:22 Um,

41:23 so I'm like interested in kind of like the

41:24 interaction of standards with the inspection scheme um regime.

41:29 That's.

41:30 Basically,

41:32 the insurance company would not apply standards.

41:35 They would rather check the maintenance,

41:36 and

41:37 it's not like the same thing as just,

41:39 you know,

41:39 checking boxes,

41:40 and it's really about the kind of water you use,

41:44 if the boiler is clean and well maintained,

41:46 if there is the calcite deposit inside the boiler.

41:50 I mean,

41:50 one reason why it's,

41:52 sorry,

41:52 I knew actually why

41:53 the answer to your question,

41:54 why

41:55 inspection was not made compulsory,

41:57 it's because it's annoying.

41:58 You have to stop

42:00 the factory while

42:01 the boiler is inspected because you have to inspect inside the boiler.

42:04 So you have,

42:04 you have to,

42:05 to shut down everything and open it,

42:06 you know,

42:06 so it's,

42:07 it's,

42:07 yeah,

42:07 it's an interference and the,

42:09 and the inspections in Britain,

42:11 there are at least 5 times a year

42:13 and there are 1 or 2 interior inspections per year.

42:16 So it's,

42:16 it's,

42:17 I mean,

42:18 it has an impact on,

42:19 on the,

42:19 on the,

42:20 on the production.

42:21 Uh,

42:23 and,

42:24 no,

42:24 basically the

42:26 The,

42:27 the insurance company,

42:28 they insist more on the quality of the metal.

42:30 It's,

42:31 it's more qualitative.

42:32 It's not like the thickness of the plate.

42:33 It's more qualitative,

42:36 and they,

42:36 they really insist on proper good care,

42:39 proper maintenance,

42:40 very,

42:40 I mean,

42:41 kind of,

42:42 you know,

42:42 not very clear

42:44 standards.

42:44 That's really the major difference with France,

42:46 but you've got

42:47 a minimum thickness to respect.

42:49 You've got the diameter of safety valve,

42:50 which is defined by law,

42:52 etc.

42:52 etc.

42:54 Thank you.

42:56 I mean,

42:56 one last thing that I didn't say,

42:58 uh,

42:58 what I

42:59 found interesting or

43:01 I mean surprising.

43:04 The insurance company

43:05 really defended the worker

43:07 in case of accidents.

43:09 Why?

43:10 Because their aim was to sell

43:12 insurance policies

43:14 to entrepreneurs,

43:15 so they had to make the entrepreneur responsible.

43:18 So after accidents in Britain in the 1850s,

43:21 you've got like pamphlets published by the,

43:24 by the insurance companies.

43:25 1860s rather

43:27 explained that you know this is really unfair to

43:29 blame the worker where they are never responsible.

43:32 What is what is at stake is really the maintenance

43:35 of the border and therefore the responsibility of the entrepreneur.

43:38 So by my insurance company,

43:40 by my insurance policy,

43:41 right?

43:41 So

43:42 that's why there is such a discrepancy between

43:45 the way

43:46 the judicial.

43:48 Deal with accidents in France and in Britain in the 1860s

43:51 where you've got mining engineers trying to protect themselves,

43:54 saying that it's the fault of the worker.

43:57 He was drunk.

44:00 He was not paying attention,

44:01 so the boiler got empty,

44:02 and then when the boiler is empty,

44:04 it starts to heat

44:06 very quickly.

44:07 And if you open the valve and

44:09 insert water at that moment,

44:11 of course the water just evaporates suddenly.

44:13 It creates a lot of pressure and the boiler explodes.

44:15 That's one of the theory

44:16 for boiler explosion.

44:18 And in Britain,

44:18 it was,

44:19 it was really the maintenance and the,

44:21 and the,

44:22 and the,

44:22 and the owner of the boiler which was really under

44:26 to blame.

44:28 Um,

44:29 Professor Ley.

44:36 I think she has a question.

44:37 Yes,

44:38 I'm,

44:38 am I here?

44:39 Yes,

44:39 OK.

44:40 Uh,

44:41 yes,

44:41 thanks so much for this.

44:42 This is really fascinating research,

44:44 and I'm,

44:45 um.

44:47 Also enjoyed very much your opening comments

44:50 about climate risk and the long history

44:53 of concerns about that.

44:55 Um,

44:55 in your paper,

44:56 you,

44:57 uh,

44:58 mentioned a couple of times the United States'

45:01 experience with

45:03 safety standards,

45:04 steam boiler regulation in particular.

45:07 Um,

45:07 and I would

45:08 be,

45:09 this is just a comment,

45:10 I would,

45:10 uh,

45:12 Certainly encourage you to try and expand

45:14 the research you've done on Britain and France

45:17 in the 19th century to include the United States and I would say also Germany.

45:22 Um,

45:23 I've,

45:23 that I think would make a really interesting 4-part,

45:27 um,

45:27 comparison

45:29 and,

45:29 and my question is,

45:31 uh,

45:31 actually related to what

45:33 the background,

45:34 uh,

45:35 for,

45:35 for,

45:36 uh,

45:36 encouraging you to expand the comparative study.

45:40 Um,

45:40 is about the

45:42 difference in political structures,

45:45 uh,

45:46 in your case here,

45:47 Britain and France.

45:48 The early regulations

45:50 in France are coming out of the ministries.

45:53 Um,

45:53 in,

45:54 in Britain,

45:56 throughout the story,

45:57 it seems like it's a

45:58 legislative matter,

46:00 a parliamentary matter,

46:02 um,

46:02 and I wonder if you have some thoughts about what difference

46:05 that makes to the,

46:07 um,

46:08 nature of the standards

46:09 and the political process

46:11 around which standards are created or not.

46:14 Yeah,

46:15 um.

46:17 About the,

46:18 I mean,

46:19 it's not so much the nature of the study,

46:20 but rather

46:21 the nature of the expertise

46:23 which is quite different and

46:25 I was,

46:26 I mean,

46:26 I've studied in detail how

46:29 expertise was produced

46:31 in France and Britain for,

46:33 you know,

46:33 trying to define standards,

46:35 and basically what was striking was that in the

46:37 case of the parliament it was oral procedure.

46:41 So

46:42 the department would interview witnesses,

46:45 and there would be a great variety of witnesses,

46:49 entrepreneurs,

46:49 technicians,

46:50 engineers,

46:51 neighbors who would complain against gas holders

46:55 or steam engines.

46:57 And in France you don't have this variety of people

47:00 because the way it is organized is

47:03 the government orders a report to the Academie des Sciences,

47:07 to the National Academy of Science.

47:10 And it's just scientists who write the report and

47:12 that creates a very different kind of expertise.

47:15 There is much more uncertainty about what to be done

47:18 when you read

47:19 the House of Commons or the parliamentary inquest.

47:23 Than when you read the Academie descience report

47:26 because there is a much greater variety of people,

47:28 you know,

47:29 speaking about the dangers or what I mean,

47:31 is it really a good idea to to to to to to make standards?

47:36 What you really have to regulate,

47:38 what is really the key thing to produce safety?

47:40 All this

47:41 is very blurred when you study the,

47:44 when you read the,

47:45 when you read the parliamentary inquest

47:48 because there is this oral procedure and this

47:49 great variety of witnesses that are interviewed.

47:58 OK.

47:58 OK.

47:59 James Anderson.

48:03 Thanks.

48:04 Uh,

48:04 yeah,

48:05 thanks for the presentation.

48:06 I,

48:06 I read the paper and enjoyed it last week.

48:09 And,

48:09 uh,

48:10 one of the takeaways

48:12 for me are,

48:13 I guess,

48:13 two related takeaways.

48:14 It's very

48:15 closely related to the,

48:16 the response you just gave and the,

48:18 and the previous question,

48:19 but,

48:19 uh,

48:20 one of the main takeaways was about the,

48:22 um,

48:23 The fact that the technology was developed first in Britain and then

48:27 in a way,

48:28 uh,

48:28 France had the,

48:29 the benefit of being the second mover

48:32 and seeing,

48:33 um,

48:34 you know,

48:34 the dangers and risks and,

48:36 and learning from the engineering,

48:38 etc.

48:39 um,

48:39 but I,

48:40 I was also interested in the,

48:41 um.

48:42 Uh,

48:43 activity of interest groups,

48:44 the,

48:45 the industrial groups,

48:46 and,

48:46 um,

48:47 I,

48:47 I guess that insurance as well,

48:49 um,

48:50 and how that might have played out differently in the two,

48:53 the two different

48:54 political systems.

48:55 Thanks.

48:57 OK,

48:58 um.

49:00 I mean,

49:01 insurance companies in France played a very important role

49:05 in the 1880s.

49:08 I mean,

49:08 starting from the 1880s,

49:09 they put for,

49:10 I mean they really defended the idea of

49:12 providing professional insurance for

49:15 workers' accidents.

49:17 And it was really important for them to make.

49:21 This special insurance for workers' accidents

49:25 compulsory because it was the only way

49:27 to get access to this huge markets

49:29 of the of the safety of workers.

49:31 It was not very interesting to try to sell insurance policies,

49:36 worker per worker,

49:36 of course,

49:37 because they had not the money to buy the engine.

49:39 It was a small,

49:40 small business.

49:41 But if you could create this market of

49:43 professional safety,

49:44 that,

49:44 that would be interesting.

49:46 And so there is really a rereading,

49:49 I think,

49:49 to be done of the

49:51 of the law on

49:53 on the kind of,

49:54 you know,

49:54 the first law about social security.

49:55 It's about

49:57 professional insurance,

49:58 workers' insurance.

49:59 It starts in Germany under Bismarck,

50:01 and then in France it's quite late.

50:03 It's 1898.

50:05 And most of the time it is seen as the

50:07 really the first building block of the welfare state.

50:11 It was the classic reading by

50:15 by historians.

50:17 But when you look at,

50:18 you know,

50:18 what was the incentive,

50:20 I mean,

50:20 all these laws were not so the workers didn't really want

50:23 this law

50:25 because they thought it would.

50:27 I,

50:27 I,

50:27 I,

50:27 I mean,

50:27 I,

50:28 I should say that after the 1860s,

50:30 the jurisprudence tended to be more in favor of workers

50:34 when there was an accident.

50:35 I'm not talking,

50:36 I'm not talking only about steam boilers explosure,

50:38 about

50:40 professional industrial accidents in general.

50:43 And

50:44 the fact that judges started to,

50:47 you know,

50:47 grant

50:48 indemnities,

50:50 compensation

50:51 after worker accidents was really a threat to small businesses.

50:57 And

50:58 insurance

50:59 said we have the solution.

51:01 You're going to pay on a regular basis

51:05 some some money

51:06 that would provide

51:08 for the compensation in case of accidents.

51:11 So here I mean there is clearly a kind of

51:13 lobbying being made by insurance companies from the 1880s onwards,

51:17 and it takes time for the law to be passed in 1898.

51:23 In the case of Britain,

51:24 I don't know.

51:24 I haven't studied the topic for the case of Britain,

51:26 but I know there is also a kind of law for workers'

51:30 accidents which is passed at the end of the 19th century.

51:34 It is probable that you got the same kind of flobbing as well,

51:38 but I haven't really studied the topic,

51:40 so I can't really answer for with great confidence.

51:46 All right,

51:47 I.

51:48 Maybe I'll take the,

51:49 the,

51:49 the last question,

51:50 um,

51:51 and this is a little bit outside your,

51:52 your,

51:53 your book and the presentation,

51:54 so.

51:55 Apologize for this,

51:56 but

51:57 I,

51:57 I was thinking about,

51:59 you know,

51:59 technology risk or technological risk and safety standard today,

52:04 and uh.

52:05 You know,

52:06 there are a lot of aspects,

52:07 uh,

52:07 in the French,

52:08 uh,

52:09 in the French

52:11 case that you described that,

52:12 that,

52:13 that strikes me like

52:15 the fact that,

52:15 you know,

52:16 wealthy people were,

52:17 were pushing for standards for safety and that

52:19 a rich entrepreneur were also pushing for standards,

52:22 uh,

52:22 for safety.

52:24 The industry in general benefits from,

52:26 from standard also from,

52:28 from a legal perspective saying,

52:29 you know,

52:29 we comply with the standard

52:31 and

52:32 uh we are not liable or,

52:33 or,

52:33 or,

52:34 you know,

52:34 we did the best that we could to ensure safety and then,

52:37 you know,

52:38 uh,

52:38 in,

52:38 in a sense that if accident happens,

52:40 we,

52:41 we,

52:41 we,

52:41 we,

52:41 we did the best that we could and,

52:43 and on top of that,

52:44 you know,

52:44 scientists were put in charge of designing,

52:47 uh,

52:48 you know,

52:51 The standard,

52:51 you know,

52:52 giving power to science and,

52:53 and,

52:53 and to knowledge.

52:54 Now,

52:54 if I think about,

52:56 you know,

52:56 technology risks today and,

52:57 and how much we are willing to,

52:59 to

53:00 To invest in,

53:01 in safety standard.

53:03 I think the perspective is pretty different,

53:04 you know,

53:04 the,

53:06 we,

53:07 we tend to view standard

53:08 or,

53:09 you know,

53:09 regulation even more generally as,

53:11 as a barrier to,

53:12 to innovation and to the development of,

53:14 of new technologies.

53:15 So,

53:16 um,

53:17 I was wondering,

53:18 you know,

53:18 if you have any view on,

53:20 you know.

53:22 Why we view things so differently today and,

53:25 and whether you have any view on

53:27 the type of risk that we are exposing ourselves with new technologies that,

53:31 that we are choosing not to

53:32 uh

53:33 regulate,

53:34 so to speak,

53:34 or not to impose standards on.

53:37 OK,

53:37 uh,

53:37 I,

53:37 I can answer to the first part of the question.

53:40 I think the situation was very different and,

53:42 and things were seen differently in the 1820s France

53:46 because standard was a way to involve

53:48 the scientists.

53:50 In,

53:51 in technology.

53:53 It was a way to really say that uh because we've got good scientists,

53:57 we will catch up

53:58 Britain.

53:59 We will make better,

54:00 you know,

54:00 they invented the high pressure steam engine.

54:02 Never mind,

54:02 we will do better

54:04 high pressure steam engine because

54:05 the scientists will be involved

54:07 and actually the people involved in designing standards,

54:09 they are not

54:11 only doing standard,

54:12 they're also studying the law of pressure of high pressure

54:15 at high temperature to to

54:16 to make steam engines more efficient,

54:18 to economize coal,

54:20 you know.

54:20 So it's really a more general project of

54:24 perfection,

54:24 which is really a key topic in all this literature.

54:27 And we have to take it,

54:28 I think,

54:28 literally.

54:29 It's about making the machine perfect.

54:31 We,

54:32 you know,

54:32 there is this utopia of through mathematics,

54:35 applied mathematics,

54:36 we're going to make.

54:38 The perfect

54:39 symbo,

54:40 like the best symboler possible,

54:42 right?

54:43 And the safety standard is part of this kind of utopia,

54:46 you know,

54:46 of really a kind of elite science which can

54:52 improve

54:54 objects that were invented in Britain by,

54:56 you know,

54:56 mechanics,

54:57 not really by really good scientists,

54:59 you know.

55:00 So I think that's why the,

55:01 the,

55:01 the,

55:01 the,

55:01 the,

55:02 the situation was very different in France in the 1820s.

55:06 I mean now we are much more in the situation of Britain in the

55:11 In the,

55:11 in the 1850s,

55:12 you know,

55:12 there are so many objects,

55:14 they are so complex,

55:15 they are so,

55:17 you know,

55:18 that the idea that you can have like the,

55:21 that standards are going to be

55:24 outmoded quickly.

55:26 All these,

55:26 uh,

55:27 all these,

55:27 uh,

55:28 all these arguments,

55:30 which is also,

55:30 of course,

55:31 a rhetoric as well,

55:32 uh,

55:32 are very powerful today given the complexity of the objects we are talking about.

55:36 And,

55:36 and,

55:36 uh,

55:37 and if ever we had to standardize,

55:40 uh,

55:41 Uh,

55:42 something as complex as,

55:44 I mean,

55:44 I,

55:45 I've studied also the case of railways.

55:47 In that case,

55:48 France never

55:49 imagined putting standards on all the pieces of the railway system.

55:53 It would be far too

55:54 too complex,

55:55 too impossible.

55:56 So what was,

55:57 uh,

55:59 what was decided was whether we will have a kind of a,

56:02 a posterior regulation.

56:04 When there is an accident,

56:05 we will punish

56:06 the companies.

56:08 So it's a,

56:09 it was a really,

56:09 you know,

56:10 I think the complexity of the objects makes,

56:12 make that standard are probably,

56:14 uh,

56:14 you know,

56:14 not,

56:15 not easily access.

56:16 I mean,

56:17 they're very different nowadays,

56:19 very different situation.

56:23 All right,

56:23 let me,

56:24 uh,

56:25 conclude here,

56:26 Lester.

56:28 Other question and

56:29 so,

56:29 so let me thank my,

56:31 uh,

56:31 let me conclude by thanking,

56:33 uh,

56:33 Professor Frizos for the

56:35 very interesting,

56:36 uh,

56:37 presentation and,

56:37 and all of you for the,

56:39 uh,

56:40 question and for the,

56:40 for participation.

56:42 Um,

56:43 thanks a lot

56:44 and

56:45 thank you very much.

56:47 Thank you.

56:48 Goodbye.

56:48 Thank you.

56:49 Thank you.

56:49 Bye-bye.

showAllTimestamps
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transcript
Welcome, everyone. Thanks for joining us for a seminar on the WDR 2025 uh seminar series. Today, we are very happy to have Jean-Baptiste Frazos, who's professor at the Connional de Ponte Jose and senior researcher at CNRS in Paris. And uh Jean Baptiste is a historian. He's interested in science, technology, and the environment. And we discovered a book which was very useful for us, uh, when thinking about how standard emerge and how standard can be used to foster innovation and to foster the development of the market. Which is a book that Gian Baptiste wrote a few years ago during his PhD and it was just recently published, uh, sorry, recently translated. In, in English and it's called Happy Apocalypse, A History of, of Technological Risk. Jean Baptiste has also written another very interesting book that I, uh, recommend you to, to read, which is more and more and more and all-consuming History of Energy in which is giving a New perspective on what we call energy transition. Um, I'll leave the floor to you, Jean Baptista, the, as usual, we'll, uh, we'll have the speaker speak for about half an hour and we'll open up the floor to question and answer after that OK. Thank you, Milo, and thank you so much for having me on your, on your seminar. Um, basically, I wanted to present the paper but also to give a broader context because the the paper I, I, I sent you was part of a much broader project which was really a kind of history of risk, uh, during, during industrialization with a comparison between France and, and Britain. And the context, intellectual context at that time, and we are talking about the early 2000s, was the debate around risk society, which was really a key topic in sociology and social sciences where I was trained at the time. It's a book by Ulrich Beck, a famous German sociologist, explaining that there had been a tremendous and profound shift in the organization of our societies that for a long time. The main subject of the economy was to produce more and more, and now we are shifting to a rich society where the key topic was the distribution of risk, not so much the distribution of the goods that we produced, but the distribution of risk. And all the narrative, all this narrative was based on this idea that there had been a profound change in the nature of risk, that risk had completely changed in terms of scales, that we were not confronted so much to risk but to uncertainties. So it was really this discussion about real society or reflexive modernity. It's another key topic at the time that I wanted to to enter and to address. I thought that this narrative was far too optimistic and far too far too self-gratifying about our contemporary moments, that it was a way to explain that we were far better than our ancestors, basically, that we were just ruthless modern modernizers and and and they were kind of productivist but not really environmentally aware. So basically, the part of my work since the early 2000s has been to historicize all these ideas of free society and reflexive modality. I'm just going to give you before describing and presenting the paper, I just want to give you a few elements of this broader argument. For instance, the idea that climate change is a new problem, something radically new which really emerged only in the last 40 years with the Rio conference of 1992. In fact, when you're interested in the history of science, you know that the issue of climate change was a very deep issue from a very early period. Um, for one simple reason, I mean, we have to put ourselves in a completely different frame of mind, a kind of a creationist frame of mind. For people in the 18th and even 19th century who were deeply religious, the earth was a creation, a divine creation. And on this divine creation, the forests had a role, and their role was to participate in the global cycle of water. And this is a late 17th century description of this global cycle of water. The earth was thought as a system, as a complex system at that time. And a system which was perfectly organized for the greater good of humanity. And this providential global cycle of water played a key role for agriculture, and deforestation was in a way putting in danger this divine providential cycle. So climate change connected to deforestation was a key topic for a long period of time. And many discourses about the collapse of civilization from the 18th and 19th century are completely obsessed about this idea of deforestation. In a way, it was the best way to explain the collapse of societies and past civilization. The discovery of ruins like Babylon, for instance, in the middle of deserts was really kind of stunning for these people, and the best explanation they had was that people in the Middle East had deforested too much. They had transformed the climate and created their own collapse, right? So this is a very standard explanation. It's not something especially romantic or weird or whatever. No, it's really the basic explanation for the rise and fall. Of Eastern civilization, it is over deforestation. The issue was serious enough for the French government to order a general inquiry on deforestation and climate change in 1821. So we've got a government. Organizing knowledge production on this key topic of deforestation and climate change in the early 19th century, and we've got the answer of this inquiry, thousands of answers, and for most people, yes, there is a link between deforestation and climate change. It makes perfect sense from their point of view. So the global environment was already an issue in the 18th or 19th centuries. It was always something which was thought upon, reflected upon. More, I mean, more obviously the local environments were key topics of conflicts and debates during industrialization, even more so because at that time medicine was really obsessed with the environment. It is before bacteriology, before pasteur, before cock, and so on. So to explain epidemics, the best way to explain epidemics was to invoke a change in the environment, not a microbe, not a virus, but a change in the environment. And in this medical context, of course, pollution, industrialization, and pollution was a key, key problem. And that's why when you've got a factory which is set up in any. Context, you've got complaints, people complaining, writing petitions, saying that if you authorize this uh manufacturer, it could be a disaster. So nevertheless, through complex historical process that I'm not going to detail, in the end, the way the environment was managed, especially in France, it's quite clear, is through financial compensation. Basically, the industrialists had to pay for the pollution. It is a polluter-based principle. From 1810 onwards, the the the the industrialists, the entrepreneurs in France have to compensate for the damages they produce through pollution. I think that's why I think history is important because many of the things and solutions and regulations that seem to be new, like the polluter pays principle which is put forward by the OECD in the 1970s as the solution to optimize pollution and production, basically, it's a very old principle. It is really ingrained in the judicial system of pollution regulation from the 19th century onward. In the same way It is at the beginning of the 19th century that safety standards emerged. So, I mean, I really want to emphasize that the basic, really the, the, the, the foundational, the, the basic principles of regulations for the environment, for risk, they are invented like two centuries ago. The, I mean, the idea of. The safety norm, the idea that you can create safety by defining the proper shape of an object, when you think about it, it's a radical idea. It's, it was a new way to conceive the production of safety at the beginning of the 19th century. Before that, safety was more produced on a local basis or by trade association, trade by corporations, by trade organizations. And it was more like a judicial system. You would punish the entrepreneurs, the architects that would build a house that was not well built. He would be punished for that. He would pay the damages, and it is rather through the kind of jurisprudence that safety. Safety norms or, or, or, or concept of safety emerge, right? It's rather like this uh piece by piece uh uh jurisprudential way of producing safety. The idea of a safety norm, basically you ask the scientists to define the way to create a perfectly safe object is reinvented in France in the early 1820s. Because the French government reacted to the new technologies coming from Britain. There were 2 technologies at stake. The first one was the gas lighting. It's a forgotten technology, but it was really an important technology at the end of the 19th century. It emerged at the beginning of the 19th century. And it emerged because I mean it created a huge scandal in Paris in 1822, 1823 because gas holders, this kind of device, were built in the middle of a rich neighborhood because gas was for theaters, operas for rich neighborhoods, and you couldn't transport gas on a long distance, so you had to build these instruments really close to the wealthy neighborhood. So it's different from the chemical industry, for instance, which most of the time was built far away from the cities and far away from the, from the wealthy parts of the, of the cities. So this instrument was thought as terribly dangerous by the neighbors, wealthy neighbors who had the capacity to, you know, create really a kind of political movement against this, uh, against the gas holder. And the safety norm emerged as a way to find a kind of compromise between two kinds of bourgeoisie the entrepreneurial bourgeoisie investing in gaslighting and the classic bourgeoisie who were affected by these new industries. For instance, this kind of industry would of course reduce the rent of the people possessing lodgings in the neighborhood. And that's why the government asked the Academie des Sciences, so the most prestigious scientific institution in France, to define safety norm around this object in 1822. It was really one of the first safety norms. The other safety norm that was invented at the same time and that is the main topic of the background paper is about steam engine. I mean. High pressure steam engine is a new invention from the, I mean, appearing in France after Waterloo after 1815, and they were thought as extremely dangerous. And interestingly enough, they are inventions about mobilizing the horses in a new way because people thought the steam engine was too dangerous. There is even a boat, which is, I mean a series of boats which are built in the 1820s that would replace the steam engine with a horse because steam engine was thought as too dangerous to be put on a boat, right? So really the high pressure steam engine was dangerous in a way, and I think strikingly enough, the French government banned high pressure steam engines from cities in 1822. That was a huge scandal among engineers because they explained that high pressure steam engines had much better yields. They were much more efficient, so it was a way to economize coal, right. And so once again, the government had to find a kind of compromise. And this this compromise was once again a safety norm. The safety norm was devised by the academicians once again. It is probably the first time that you have a mathematical equation defining the thickness of the boilers and the shape of the boiler. The boiler was standardized in many different respects the thickness of the boiler, the size of the safety valve. There was also a self-fuusing plate, a little bit, a little piece of metal that would melt at a certain temperature which was below the temperature, the maximum temperature allowed. So it was really extremely detailed. Interestingly enough, the safety norm was based on the idea that if there was an explosion, it was because the engine man had made a mistake. And for instance, the safety norm made compulsory this kind of safety valves which were not accessible. To the engine man, the engine man, I don't know, I mean the worker, the idea was that the worker would overload the safety valve to get more pressure and more power from the machine, right, so it was dangerous. So you had to forbid this action, make it impossible by creating a protected safety valve. Despite all the regulations, all the all the safety devices which were invented to make the steam engine kind of an automaton, steam engines always exploded. I mean there are many different reasons why steam engines explode. There is even like a kind of scientific field which is developed around the discovery of why safety, why steam engines explodes, I mean why steam boiler explodes. I'm not going to enter many details, but there are always issues about the safety norm that the safety norm could not have anticipated anyway when the when the when the steam boiler exploded in France. The tricky situation was that normally the safety, normally the steam engine could not have exploded because it had been normalized and because there was a mining engineer who had certified the safety of the engine. And that has an interesting political dimension because the mining engineer in charge of the safety of steam boiler had a tendency to shift the blame on the worker, and there is a striking discrepancy between the way liability is organized in Britain and the way liability is organized in France. In Britain, most of the time when there is an explosion, what is what is blamed is the poor maintenance of the boiler. And in front, it's rather the bad behavior of the worker. And this is because of the safety norm, because of the guarantee that the government had provided of the safety of the boiler, right. If the boiler was poorly maintained in a way the mining engineer was in part responsible for the explosion, that's why they reporter need to shift the blame to the worker. OK, now what happens in Britain? The British government and the British entrepreneurs, more than the British government, were very skeptical about the efficiency of safety norm of standards. They thought it was a way to, it would stifle innovation. It would create interference from inspectors in their, in their business, and they didn't want that. So I mean what is striking is whereas in France there is a safety norm as early as 1822, in Britain at several times in the 19th century after a series of explosions there were inquests, parliamentary inquests on the safety of steam boilers and The the the the the the safety norm, the standard was refused, was rejected. One has to wait 1852 for maritime steam boiler to be normalized. In 1902 for industrial steam boiler to be normalized, so one century, almost a century delay, right? It doesn't mean that nothing is done about safety, the safety of boilers in Britain. after 1852, there is a series of explosions in Britain. And a major engineer called Fairbairn. really thought the, the, the, the, the the British uh entrepreneurs had to act, otherwise, there would be a, a kind of safety norm imposed in Britain. And the solution was self-regulation. The solution was to say we have to create an inspection system. In many ways it was a way for like elite entrepreneurs to gain control on less, uh, I mean less wealthy steam boiler owners because I mean the explosion took place not necessarily in the like the the most important manufacturers, right? It was rather in the kind of less prosperous manufacturers. Um, The, the, the, the first solution of a steam bowlers steam bowler Owner Association was a failure, and in 1969. There is the creation of the first steam boiler insurance company or early 1960s, the steam boiler insurance companies. I mean, this, this was a huge success. In a very, in a few years, there were several like 40,000 boilers that would be insured, you know, like a significant amount, like half of the steam of the steam boilers in Britain would be insured. And the insurance companies. Their objective was to reduce the number of explosions, so it's not so much to compensate for the accidents. They really had a very impressive way of proposing services of maintenance of steam boilers. They had really a different culture about accidents, as I told you, when an explosion occurred in France, most of the time, the answer was the safety norm was not respected. When the when an explosion occurred in Britain, it was rather the maintenance of the steam boiler was, was not really, uh, was not really good. And it was really a way of seeing the object through um through time. I mean, the, the premium of the insurance would increase very quite steeply with the aging, with the age of boilers. In France, the idea was that if the steam boiler respected the safety norm, it had to be safe for all its lifetime. That's why there were such thick plates on French steam boilers at one point. It was to anticipate the wear and tear of boilers. So actually the steam boilers were quite good. The steam boilers were quite good at reducing the risk. I mean this is a statistics about steam boiler explosions, the number of explosions in Britain, and the number of casualties. As you can see, there is a strong increase in the 1950s that creates the incentive to put in place steam boiler insurance. And after the 1870s when the steambolar insurance starts to have a major impact, that really creates a drastic reduction in terms of the risk of steambolar explosions. Another graph which shows more or less the same thing with a comparison with France. Basically, the risk in France and Britain was quite similar in the first part of the 19th century, around 6 to 7 explosions per 10,000 boilers. And then after the 1870s, you can see the effect of steam boiler insurance. Basically in Britain, you had two kinds of um. Two populations of boilers, the one which were insured, which were really safe, and the ones which were not insured, which were not that safe. And in France with the safety norm, you had a kind of average situation, right? That's why the risk was quite similar, but probably with far more discrepancy in Britain and like a more average situation in France. But after the 1860s and 1870s, more and more the French government Understand that the safety norm is obsolete, that it has not really succeeded in creating safety. There are too many boilers for the French mining administration to inspect all the boilers, basically. The inspection, I mean the official inspection could have worked when there were like a few thousands of boilers, but after the 1860s you had, I mean, like 60,000 boilers which are starting to make too much work in a way. You had like also private engineers who were expert on safety on steam boilers, you know, probably better expert than the mining engineers which were civil servants. And so in the 1860s there is a local association from the eastern part of France who kind of mimicked the British way and also the German way actually, which created an association of of owners of steam boilers who would self regulate. And this is really like the convergence of both systems in a way. At the end of the 19th century, the French system and the British system were roughly similar. There were, I mean, the regulation was, was really similar. Um, I want to conclude on the fact that We should perhaps, uh, you know. I mean, I have the need to explain that regulation had effect at this effect or that effect. Um, we should also study steam boilers in their very local context. And that's probably one of the major reasons for the huge discrepancy of the number of explosions in the US and in Europe. A fact which is not very well known, but in the US, more timberers were used in the countryside and in the forests than in cities. For in the end of the, at the end of the 19th century, you had really, I mean, More than, I mean they are not good statistics, but we know that more than 8 or 9000 agricultural steam boilers were produced per year. So we can imagine really a huge number of steam boilers working in the fields for agricultural reasons, in the forestry in the same way, and they were much less safe. That's why there is such a huge discrepancy between the explosions in the US and in Europe. So the local contexts play a key role. And the last thing I wanted to say is to emphasize that the fact that workers had also their own ideas about how to regulate properly steam boilers. And for them, the issue was to really, it was about power. It was really about who has the power to decide how you use the steam boiler. Workers were considered as responsible in case of accidents in many, many trials, in many after many accidents, so they explained that if we're responsible, we have to be in charge and really in charge. And so there are really different ways of discussing about how to produce safety, and I think we should not overestimate the impact of this or that regulation. In the end it's about the pressure, the local pressure on the steam engine and who has the power in in the factory. OK. I will stop here. I will. I hope I was clear enough. And I'm happy to, to try to answer your questions. Thanks a lot, Jean Baptiste. Let me. Open the floor to question if Yeah, Say. Hi, thank you. Yeah, uh, thank you, Professor, for this, uh, uh, great presentation and, and, and for the, uh, You know, for the first facts about, um, you know, what, what determined, uh, climate change and, you know, the link between climate change and deforestation and, and, uh, and sort of, uh, you know, the, the, the environmental damage. But, but let me, let me focus on the, uh, On the, on the boilers, uh, example. So, so I guess the, the first question is, Why do you think the, the, um, In England, they did not, you know, when, when the owner association got together and decided to, to basically use insurance as a, as a, as a mechanism to, to, to enforce safety, why did, why was it voluntary and not, and not, uh, compulsory, um, uh, you know, creating this, this dichotomy between the older, the older systems and the, and the newer systems, um. So, that, and then, and then basically when France transitioned, you know, from, from using inspectors to using insurance, uh, you know, insurance agents, um, you know, was it, was it also voluntary or was it then mandatory in, in France and, and, and so, why, why, why that? And then, and then a clarification, professor. So, um, So I'm, so I'm a bit, so I'm a bit confused, right, because, so on the one hand, um, you know, the insurance premium raises, you know, increases steeply with the age of the boiler, uh, but at the same time, I, I think you're saying that. Maintenance is key, right? And so, and in fact, the insurance company offered plans for, for the maintenance. So they, they came in and inspected and made sure that everything was clean. So, so if maintenance is that important, then why, why is the age of the boiler? I mean, are, are you saying that older systems require more maintenance, or, you know, what, what, what's the, you know, because I mean if it's about cleaning and oiling and stuff. I mean, I would, I would imagine that then maybe age, you know, you know, an older boiler could, could last longer. So anyway, sorry, I, I, you know, as you can see, I'm not a, I'm not an engineer, so I have no idea what the, what the trade-offs are there. But, um, oh sorry, and you know, sorry, one last question, and you know you take them as you want, but basically, would it be fair to say that Um, early on in France, there was more of a focus on, on safety, and so, you know, you had really engineers and you had scient scientists, you know, thinking about safety features, uh, and so that the baseline was maybe the design and, and, and, and the design and construction of maybe safer boilers and so, and if that's the case then. Did these features eventually find their way into the UK, right? And so, you know, was there like a sort of a knowledge of, a, a transfer of knowledge from France to the UK saying, look, I mean, these guys are actually, you know, the safety feature that's You know, easy to adapt and easy to, easy to implement in our boilers. Maybe we should do it because, you know, that, that sort of, you know, uh, you know, kind of, you know, it reduces accidents. And so, so, so, you know, yeah, in other words, was innovation in France, you know, sort of imported into, into England, at least, you know, at least the, the, the know-how, right, to, to, to, to improve safety of boilers. So that's, you know, OK, you know, sorry, all over the place, but, but, you know, take it, take them as you, as you, as you wish. I'm going to take them in order. So about the voluntary, uh, I mean, is it voluntary or not? Um, for the case of Britain, it's certainly not compulsory. That's clear because, I mean, insurance companies keep complaining about the problem that they only cover at the end of the 19th century, only half of the borders. So it's true that it is not compulsory. Uh, and they are fighting for to, to make it compulsory, right, but they failed. I, I, I don't know why, but sorry, professor, yeah, professor, just, just to be clear, so basically because of the, because of the, of the. The premiums, right, because of the premiums increase a lot with age. So I guess what kind of, you know, what kind of boilers were not insured typically the older ones, right, the more expensive ones to insure, or what, or do you have a sense of, you know, I, my sense is I, I, I, I, I can't really know, but I guess it's where it's the entrepreneurs with less. I mean, I think that there is at the beginning, in the 18th when the system is created. In the 1850s, it's really like a kind of bunch of elite engineers. William Fairbairn is really like a key specialist about material fatigue, for instance. He's really a major engineer. He has a construction company, so it's really an elite engineer who said that we have to do things properly as we do ourselves, right? And we have to, uh, to, to diffuse the best practices on, on poorer or less well equipped, equipped companies, factories, right? So I think uh it's, it's rather this divide. I would say end of the 19th century or 1880s, like half of the boilers are insured and the other half is not, and it's really a problem. I mean, people like, I mean, insurance companies are complaining about that, saying it should be made compulsory, but it is not. I can't tell you why. I've, I mean, I should check in the parliamentary debates. Perhaps there are some, I mean, they would explain why the government did not choose to make it compulsory. I think we should not underestimate the I mean when the safety norm is invoked in the British parliamentary discussion. The idea that the government could even enter the factory is a big issue. Just entering the factory, right? So we should not underestimate the, the, the very strong importance of respecting private property. Uh, that, that was really uh striking. Um And uh once again the, the, the insurance company was a way to protect from the government from the interference of the government. It was presented like that, right? But but safety, safety is a public, you know, safety is, uh, is in the realm of the, of the government, right, such as pollution might be right. So environmental concerns, you know, London was super polluted and actions were taken. Yeah, so the first time there is something about pollution in in Britain, it's in 1862. It's the Alkali Act, so it's quite late, you know. We are talking about the second part of the 19th century. Sorry, was that, was that, was that when, I'm sorry, I, I, I know London, London at the peak was far more polluted than now is Delhi, right? Or, or that Delhi ever was. So, so sorry, when, when is that relative to the act? I'm sorry, I, I just, the alkali Act is not about London. It's about, uh, the alkali manufacturer. It's Whitney's in Saint Helens near Manchester, basically, or between, or between. I mean it's like small villages that's really transforming the hub of alkali production. Alkali is a key, I mean is a key chemicals. It allows you to make all sorts of things, so it's really a massive industry, and they produce more alkali here than anywhere in Europe in the 1860s, and the pollution is absolutely horrific. I mean there are no trees miles around, right? We're talking about really massive transformation of the landscape. The canals are so acid that the hulls of the ship are attacked by the acidity of the water. So I mean really, really enormous pollution, and it is only at that time, you know, that the government start to do something, right? So I mean really the, the, the, the absence of governments in Britain is really striking. Um, for the safety of workers, the first norm which has never been reapplied is 1842. It's about protecting some, um, some, uh, you know, um, moving pieces of machines need to have a kind of protection, right? So it's quite late. I mean, it's not that late 1842, but I mean, interestingly enough, actually, the workers complain about norms because they are paid by piece. It's piecework. So if it's slow. If it's slow their, uh, the, the production, uh, they see that as a kind of reduction of, of their, of their wages, right? So, I mean, it's, uh, it's a complex, uh, it's a complex issue here. So, uh, just to finish about voluntary or not, uh, in France, it was, there was a law in 1882 which makes inspection compulsory, be it from civil servant, mining engineer or Uh, uh, a boiler owner associations or an insurance, uh, a boiler insurance company, it is compulsory, right? So it once again there's a, uh, uh, quite a difference, um. About the age of boiler, that's a good question. I, I think I, I, I should have to check again. I think the, the, the rise of the premium is uh when you enter the insurance scheme. So your boiler is old, you pay a much higher, uh, but then when it is properly maintained, the premium reduces, OK? For, uh, for safety, there is a third question and I forgot about innovation, uh, the transfer of knowledge, yeah, for the safety valve that was developed in France, whether the safety valves are not. I'm not sure. I mean, basically there is a safety valve in Britain. There is a safety valve in France. It doesn't mean, I mean, it's not because it's not compulsory by law that it is not used in Britain. I mean the same kind of devices are used in Britain like the safety valve is used in most of the boilers. It's something I mean it's indispensable in a way, but you, I mean. What is true is that the British are very impressed by the knowledge production around steam and the behavior of steam by the French Academy of Science. You know, you've got like famous scientists making very minute measurements. It's not very useful, but they do that, so this is impressive. You've got examples of safety devices. I'm not going to enter into too many details, but for the gas lighting. There is a device which allows the pressure on the pipe that transports the gas to be stable. It's called gaso compensator, and it is something which then is exported to Britain. So you've got like, there are many other devices coming from Britain and most of the innovations came from Britain. So I don't want to, you know, enter into at the end of the 19th century, it is true that. There is a specific design of boilers which are supposed to be which cannot explode, which are invented in France and have quite a significant success for maritime boilers around the world. So I mean, but I don't want to say this is about, you know, the safety norm. It's probably other reasons. They are more efficient as well. And there was another question about safety design versus No, perhaps I answered all the questions. That's right. That's it, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. Yeah. Sorry. Well, if, if I may follow up, uh, uh, so, on friends, uh, and, and again, maybe you, you don't have the data, but it would be very nice. So if you take France and the transition from, you know, inspectors, you know, government inspectors, safety inspectors to the inspectors coming from the, from the industry, uh, right, you know, so once you transition from, say, the public, you know, the public, uh, uh, sector to the private sector, that, that, that can basically, uh, stimulate the growth of boilers, whether that actually if you have the number of boilers. Whether that kind of, you know, so whether that unleashes, right, I mean, you know, part of the problem, part of the, part of the reason for why you wanna, why France transition into, into insurance and, and the private sector is because they, you know, there, there was no capacity to, to, to, to monitor all these, all these boilers, right? And so, and so the question is basically once they allow for insurance. Uh, you know, the, the, the insurance inspectors to actually, uh, you know, track compliance and safety whether there was actually an explosion of, of, of boilers, uh, around that time and, you know, whether that's something that, you know, there would be data to actually track that and, and, I mean, and see that the, um, the causality is really the number of boilers expand because of economic growth basically and catch up after 1870, uh, and. And then you've got the private system coming because there are too many boilers and actually the safety norm was not respected anymore after the 1860s, like the thickness of the boilerplate, all that was not even respected. It was not, I mean, the, the industry would not comply to the safety norm. So it is under Napoleon III, 1865 that there is a kind of, you know, they cut down many aspects of the safety of the old regulations. Right, so it's at the same time that insurance companies enter. I see. Um, so, I mean, basically, what was it, I think we should not overemphasize the importance of this way of regulation on the economy. It's rather the economy that is the driving force and the regulation try to adapt. So that's why the case of France in the 1820s is strange, you know, because they're, I mean, why they could do that is because there were so few steam boilers at that time. You know, we are talking about a couple of hundreds of boilers, like 200 or something like that. It's very easy to regulate, you know, you can, you have the staff to regulate 200 boilers. You don't have the staff to regulate 60,000 boilers. I mean, once again, the mining engineers, they are very elite. They come from Ecole Polytechnique. Uh, they, there are very few of them in each department. You've got, uh, I don't know, 4 or 5 mining engineers. So for, for if, if it's like an industrialized part of France, you don't have the staff to, to, to really look after the borders basically. Thank you so much. Thank you, Philip. Yeah, thank you so much for, for the excellent presentation. Um, I'd like one question, and, and I'm sorry if, um, if you may have explained it. I actually like um uh joined a little bit late, but I'm curious about the role of standards for the inspections itself. So like when the insurance companies send inspectors, like how important were standards that they all follow the same kind of like, you know, technical guidelines on how to inspect, that's on the one hand, and on the other one is um Were there any schemes in place to lower premiums if firms followed standards for maintenance, for example, or if they actually used boilers as per specific specifications so that then, you know, the insurance was lower or like the inspection intervals were like um less frequent. Um, so I'm like interested in kind of like the interaction of standards with the inspection scheme um regime. That's. Basically, the insurance company would not apply standards. They would rather check the maintenance, and it's not like the same thing as just, you know, checking boxes, and it's really about the kind of water you use, if the boiler is clean and well maintained, if there is the calcite deposit inside the boiler. I mean, one reason why it's, sorry, I knew actually why the answer to your question, why inspection was not made compulsory, it's because it's annoying. You have to stop the factory while the boiler is inspected because you have to inspect inside the boiler. So you have, you have to, to shut down everything and open it, you know, so it's, it's, yeah, it's an interference and the, and the inspections in Britain, there are at least 5 times a year and there are 1 or 2 interior inspections per year. So it's, it's, I mean, it has an impact on, on the, on the, on the production. Uh, and, no, basically the The, the insurance company, they insist more on the quality of the metal. It's, it's more qualitative. It's not like the thickness of the plate. It's more qualitative, and they, they really insist on proper good care, proper maintenance, very, I mean, kind of, you know, not very clear standards. That's really the major difference with France, but you've got a minimum thickness to respect. You've got the diameter of safety valve, which is defined by law, etc. etc. Thank you. I mean, one last thing that I didn't say, uh, what I found interesting or I mean surprising. The insurance company really defended the worker in case of accidents. Why? Because their aim was to sell insurance policies to entrepreneurs, so they had to make the entrepreneur responsible. So after accidents in Britain in the 1850s, you've got like pamphlets published by the, by the insurance companies. 1860s rather explained that you know this is really unfair to blame the worker where they are never responsible. What is what is at stake is really the maintenance of the border and therefore the responsibility of the entrepreneur. So by my insurance company, by my insurance policy, right? So that's why there is such a discrepancy between the way the judicial. Deal with accidents in France and in Britain in the 1860s where you've got mining engineers trying to protect themselves, saying that it's the fault of the worker. He was drunk. He was not paying attention, so the boiler got empty, and then when the boiler is empty, it starts to heat very quickly. And if you open the valve and insert water at that moment, of course the water just evaporates suddenly. It creates a lot of pressure and the boiler explodes. That's one of the theory for boiler explosion. And in Britain, it was, it was really the maintenance and the, and the, and the, and the owner of the boiler which was really under to blame. Um, Professor Ley. I think she has a question. Yes, I'm, am I here? Yes, OK. Uh, yes, thanks so much for this. This is really fascinating research, and I'm, um. Also enjoyed very much your opening comments about climate risk and the long history of concerns about that. Um, in your paper, you, uh, mentioned a couple of times the United States' experience with safety standards, steam boiler regulation in particular. Um, and I would be, this is just a comment, I would, uh, Certainly encourage you to try and expand the research you've done on Britain and France in the 19th century to include the United States and I would say also Germany. Um, I've, that I think would make a really interesting 4-part, um, comparison and, and my question is, uh, actually related to what the background, uh, for, for, uh, encouraging you to expand the comparative study. Um, is about the difference in political structures, uh, in your case here, Britain and France. The early regulations in France are coming out of the ministries. Um, in, in Britain, throughout the story, it seems like it's a legislative matter, a parliamentary matter, um, and I wonder if you have some thoughts about what difference that makes to the, um, nature of the standards and the political process around which standards are created or not. Yeah, um. About the, I mean, it's not so much the nature of the study, but rather the nature of the expertise which is quite different and I was, I mean, I've studied in detail how expertise was produced in France and Britain for, you know, trying to define standards, and basically what was striking was that in the case of the parliament it was oral procedure. So the department would interview witnesses, and there would be a great variety of witnesses, entrepreneurs, technicians, engineers, neighbors who would complain against gas holders or steam engines. And in France you don't have this variety of people because the way it is organized is the government orders a report to the Academie des Sciences, to the National Academy of Science. And it's just scientists who write the report and that creates a very different kind of expertise. There is much more uncertainty about what to be done when you read the House of Commons or the parliamentary inquest. Than when you read the Academie descience report because there is a much greater variety of people, you know, speaking about the dangers or what I mean, is it really a good idea to to to to to to make standards? What you really have to regulate, what is really the key thing to produce safety? All this is very blurred when you study the, when you read the, when you read the parliamentary inquest because there is this oral procedure and this great variety of witnesses that are interviewed. OK. OK. James Anderson. Thanks. Uh, yeah, thanks for the presentation. I, I read the paper and enjoyed it last week. And, uh, one of the takeaways for me are, I guess, two related takeaways. It's very closely related to the, the response you just gave and the, and the previous question, but, uh, one of the main takeaways was about the, um, The fact that the technology was developed first in Britain and then in a way, uh, France had the, the benefit of being the second mover and seeing, um, you know, the dangers and risks and, and learning from the engineering, etc. um, but I, I was also interested in the, um. Uh, activity of interest groups, the, the industrial groups, and, um, I, I guess that insurance as well, um, and how that might have played out differently in the two, the two different political systems. Thanks. OK, um. I mean, insurance companies in France played a very important role in the 1880s. I mean, starting from the 1880s, they put for, I mean they really defended the idea of providing professional insurance for workers' accidents. And it was really important for them to make. This special insurance for workers' accidents compulsory because it was the only way to get access to this huge markets of the of the safety of workers. It was not very interesting to try to sell insurance policies, worker per worker, of course, because they had not the money to buy the engine. It was a small, small business. But if you could create this market of professional safety, that, that would be interesting. And so there is really a rereading, I think, to be done of the of the law on on the kind of, you know, the first law about social security. It's about professional insurance, workers' insurance. It starts in Germany under Bismarck, and then in France it's quite late. It's 1898. And most of the time it is seen as the really the first building block of the welfare state. It was the classic reading by by historians. But when you look at, you know, what was the incentive, I mean, all these laws were not so the workers didn't really want this law because they thought it would. I, I, I, I mean, I, I should say that after the 1860s, the jurisprudence tended to be more in favor of workers when there was an accident. I'm not talking, I'm not talking only about steam boilers explosure, about professional industrial accidents in general. And the fact that judges started to, you know, grant indemnities, compensation after worker accidents was really a threat to small businesses. And insurance said we have the solution. You're going to pay on a regular basis some some money that would provide for the compensation in case of accidents. So here I mean there is clearly a kind of lobbying being made by insurance companies from the 1880s onwards, and it takes time for the law to be passed in 1898. In the case of Britain, I don't know. I haven't studied the topic for the case of Britain, but I know there is also a kind of law for workers' accidents which is passed at the end of the 19th century. It is probable that you got the same kind of flobbing as well, but I haven't really studied the topic, so I can't really answer for with great confidence. All right, I. Maybe I'll take the, the, the last question, um, and this is a little bit outside your, your, your book and the presentation, so. Apologize for this, but I, I was thinking about, you know, technology risk or technological risk and safety standard today, and uh. You know, there are a lot of aspects, uh, in the French, uh, in the French case that you described that, that, that strikes me like the fact that, you know, wealthy people were, were pushing for standards for safety and that a rich entrepreneur were also pushing for standards, uh, for safety. The industry in general benefits from, from standard also from, from a legal perspective saying, you know, we comply with the standard and uh we are not liable or, or, or, you know, we did the best that we could to ensure safety and then, you know, uh, in, in a sense that if accident happens, we, we, we, we, we did the best that we could and, and on top of that, you know, scientists were put in charge of designing, uh, you know, The standard, you know, giving power to science and, and, and to knowledge. Now, if I think about, you know, technology risks today and, and how much we are willing to, to To invest in, in safety standard. I think the perspective is pretty different, you know, the, we, we tend to view standard or, you know, regulation even more generally as, as a barrier to, to innovation and to the development of, of new technologies. So, um, I was wondering, you know, if you have any view on, you know. Why we view things so differently today and, and whether you have any view on the type of risk that we are exposing ourselves with new technologies that, that we are choosing not to uh regulate, so to speak, or not to impose standards on. OK, uh, I, I can answer to the first part of the question. I think the situation was very different and, and things were seen differently in the 1820s France because standard was a way to involve the scientists. In, in technology. It was a way to really say that uh because we've got good scientists, we will catch up Britain. We will make better, you know, they invented the high pressure steam engine. Never mind, we will do better high pressure steam engine because the scientists will be involved and actually the people involved in designing standards, they are not only doing standard, they're also studying the law of pressure of high pressure at high temperature to to to make steam engines more efficient, to economize coal, you know. So it's really a more general project of perfection, which is really a key topic in all this literature. And we have to take it, I think, literally. It's about making the machine perfect. We, you know, there is this utopia of through mathematics, applied mathematics, we're going to make. The perfect symbo, like the best symboler possible, right? And the safety standard is part of this kind of utopia, you know, of really a kind of elite science which can improve objects that were invented in Britain by, you know, mechanics, not really by really good scientists, you know. So I think that's why the, the, the, the, the, the situation was very different in France in the 1820s. I mean now we are much more in the situation of Britain in the In the, in the 1850s, you know, there are so many objects, they are so complex, they are so, you know, that the idea that you can have like the, that standards are going to be outmoded quickly. All these, uh, all these, uh, all these arguments, which is also, of course, a rhetoric as well, uh, are very powerful today given the complexity of the objects we are talking about. And, and, uh, and if ever we had to standardize, uh, Uh, something as complex as, I mean, I, I've studied also the case of railways. In that case, France never imagined putting standards on all the pieces of the railway system. It would be far too too complex, too impossible. So what was, uh, what was decided was whether we will have a kind of a, a posterior regulation. When there is an accident, we will punish the companies. So it's a, it was a really, you know, I think the complexity of the objects makes, make that standard are probably, uh, you know, not, not easily access. I mean, they're very different nowadays, very different situation. All right, let me, uh, conclude here, Lester. Other question and so, so let me thank my, uh, let me conclude by thanking, uh, Professor Frizos for the very interesting, uh, presentation and, and all of you for the, uh, question and for the, for participation. Um, thanks a lot and thank you very much. Thank you. Goodbye. Thank you. Thank you. Bye-bye.
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WDR2025-Regulating Risk
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In this World Development Report 2025 seminar series, Jean-Baptiste Fressoz (Professor, École Nationale des Ponts et Chaussées and Senior Researcher, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique) discusses "Regulating Risk During Early Industrialization" with chair Milo Bianchi, Senior Economist, World Development Report 2025.
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