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00:00 Welcome,

00:00 everyone.

00:01 Thank you for joining us in the

00:03 new round of the

00:05 2024 WDR seminar series.

00:09 As many of you know,

00:10 the forthcoming WDR

00:12 focuses on economic growth in middle income countries,

00:16 particularly

00:17 trying to uncover the policies or the forces that make

00:20 transitioning from middle to high levels of income so difficult to achieve.

00:25 So in today's presentation,

00:27 uh,

00:27 we wanted to draw lessons from.

00:29 A country that is somewhat of an exception

00:32 to this empirical regularity which is South Korea.

00:36 So as we know,

00:37 Korea managed to transition from low to

00:39 high income levels almost without interruptions,

00:42 sustaining decades of,

00:44 uh,

00:44 economic growth.

00:46 So

00:47 questions that we're interested in for the purpose of WDR is how did Korea do it?

00:51 What.

00:52 What did they do,

00:53 what policies they followed,

00:54 and

00:55 what were the channels through which growth ensued

00:58 and didn't stagnate at uh some middle-income stages as in many other countries.

01:04 So,

01:04 uh,

01:05 following up on last week's presentation

01:07 in which the focus was more on the industrial policy aspect of Korea's growth,

01:12 today we have the pleasure of having Moon Su Lee

01:15 talk about,

01:16 uh,

01:17 offering a plant-level view of the drivers of Korea's growth miracle

01:22 and the more recent,

01:23 uh,

01:24 economic slowdown.

01:25 So let me tell you very briefly about the speaker.

01:27 So Moon is an assistant professor of economics

01:30 at the University of California in San Diego,

01:33 and

01:34 together with his co-author today,

01:36 John Shin,

01:37 who is a professor of economics at Washington University in Saint Louis,

01:41 have written extensively on the issues of

01:44 macroeconomic transitions in general,

01:46 but with a particular focus on,

01:49 on Korea's experience.

01:51 So we are very glad to have Moon today to,

01:53 to,

01:54 to present his research.

01:55 Uh,

01:56 the seminar rules,

01:57 I was thinking of allowing Moon speak.

02:00 With minimal interruption for 35 to 40 minutes unless of course

02:04 some pressing clarifying questions arise,

02:06 although uh Moon just tells me that please jump in

02:09 with any question you may have,

02:11 but still I think that uh with this time allocation,

02:14 we'll have plenty of time for Q&A

02:17 uh towards the end and

02:19 uh we can have some interesting discussions based on what we learned from,

02:23 from the talk.

02:24 So with that,

02:25 let me turn the floor to you,

02:26 Moon.

02:27 Uh,

02:27 thank you so much.

02:28 Take it away,

02:28 please.

02:30 OK.

02:31 So thank you,

02:32 Roberto,

02:32 the Jewish,

02:33 and the World Bank colleagues.

02:35 First of all,

02:35 for inviting me to this amazing team.

02:38 I'm preparing for the

02:39 WDR the next year.

02:42 So it has been a pleasure to work on this,

02:45 the issue,

02:45 and I'm glad to,

02:47 the,

02:48 the,

02:48 that you gave me the opportunity to share our findings.

02:52 So as Roberto say that this is the joint work with

02:55 the Jung Xin at the Washington University in Saint Louis.

03:02 Again,

03:02 I mean,

03:03 in front of this audience,

03:05 it may be redundant to say this again,

03:08 but South Korea is one of the rare economies that went from poor to rich

03:14 in one generation,

03:15 I mean,

03:15 literally within the 30 years.

03:19 So that's why it wasn't surprising that we haven't,

03:22 we have seen the several other,

03:25 the works in this event cities,

03:27 the revisiting

03:28 the experience of South Korea.

03:32 But then in this,

03:33 the study,

03:34 we want to take some balanced view,

03:37 the looking at both the gross miracle period,

03:40 say from the 1960s until the 1990s,

03:44 but at the same time the remarkable growth,

03:46 the slowdown

03:48 that has gotten the relatively less attention.

03:51 Because Korea's economic growth rate nowadays

03:55 is the 2 to 3%,

03:56 which is not much different from

03:58 the US.

04:00 So we will see

04:01 the one generation of the growth miracle,

04:03 but then the next generation of the slowdown.

04:09 But that's the macroeconomic phenomenon.

04:11 So the research question

04:13 that we have is

04:15 whether there is any systematic pattern at the micro level.

04:20 Which is at the plant level,

04:22 the behind the macro level grows miracle and slow down.

04:27 Let me first summarize our findings.

04:29 So we have two major findings.

04:31 The first,

04:33 we find no

04:34 clear relationship between the macro-level grows

04:37 and plant size distribution

04:40 or static measure of allocated efficiency.

04:43 So,

04:44 later,

04:44 I will tell you in detail why this happened in Korea.

04:48 But we also report

04:50 some evidence that

04:51 the,

04:52 the,

04:52 looking at the time series evidence and the cross-sectional evidence,

04:57 there might not be the,

04:59 the,

04:59 the very clear relationship between the cruise and

05:02 then plant level size distribution and allocated efficiency.

05:07 So I will get there

05:08 later.

05:09 And the second finding is that

05:11 I told you that

05:13 the,

05:13 the Korea experienced the growth slowdown for the recent 20 years,

05:17 and that coincides with the reduction in the business dynamism.

05:22 So the job creation and job destruction

05:25 or responsibilities to the productivity shocks,

05:28 so the business dynamics in general,

05:31 the declined over the slowdown period.

05:38 So let me first assure you the GDP per capita.

05:42 So the,

05:43 the orange line is the GDP per capita,

05:46 the covering

05:47 the 50 years,

05:49 and then the blue line is the value added per worker in manufacturing sector,

05:54 because in our study,

05:55 we will look at the manufacturing sector

05:57 where we have a high-quality data at the plant level,

06:01 but at the same time,

06:02 the manufacturing sector was one of the main drivers behind

06:06 the

06:06 Korea's economic growth

06:08 and slowdown too.

06:11 Korea experienced a gross miracle during the 1960s,

06:15 1970s,

06:15 198980s,

06:16 and 1919990s.

06:17 And then there was the Asian financial crisis

06:20 in 1997,

06:22 and after that,

06:23 the Korea experienced a growth slowdown both in the aggregate economy

06:28 and manufacturing sector.

06:35 So we will use the newly dispatched the mining and manufacturing survey,

06:40 the,

06:41 the covering,

06:42 the interesting period is starting from the 1967 until the 2019.

06:47 So there are several advantages and limitations like all

06:51 other microdata the researchers are using these days.

06:56 The first advantage is that this is the unique source of plant-level data,

07:01 the covering all plants with the

07:04 5 and more workers,

07:06 and the 10 and more workers starting from the 2007

07:10 in the manufacturing sector in Korea.

07:13 So like other manufacturing surveys in the US and other countries,

07:18 so we have detailed information on input,

07:20 labor and capital,

07:22 and output,

07:22 the value added,

07:24 and other information.

07:26 And when we aggregate this plant level data,

07:29 it replicates the aggregate statistics well.

07:35 There are several limitations.

07:37 The panel divention is only available after the 1981.

07:42 So before the 1981,

07:44 so we don't use the

07:46 panel structure.

07:47 Still,

07:47 we can show you some cross-section of the evidence.

07:51 And the capital stock,

07:52 one of the most important

07:54 input in the manufacturing sector,

07:57 is available only one year in the 1968,

08:01 and then it is available again every year after the 1978.

08:06 So that's the data limitation.

08:08 So

08:08 in later slide,

08:09 you may see some,

08:10 some jumps

08:12 when I report

08:13 the,

08:14 the set of the variables that requires the capital information.

08:24 Let me first report

08:26 the plant size distribution.

08:28 So this is the average size of the employment

08:33 for the manufacturing plant.

08:34 We dropped all the mining,

08:36 the sector.

08:37 So it started from

08:39 60.

08:40 So we have two graphs,

08:41 but I will look at the graph on the right,

08:44 the covering the old plants hiring more than 5 and more workers.

08:49 So the average employment,

08:50 average plant size was around 25 in the 1967,

08:56 and it increased up to over 70,

09:00 and it declined again towards the around the 15.

09:05 So it shows the invoice to you pattern.

09:07 So there was the increase during the 1960s and 191970s,

09:11 and then it declined

09:13 during the 1980s and 1919990s,

09:16 and then it has been

09:17 stabilized.

09:20 So it is somewhat different from the,

09:22 the other papers,

09:23 the finding that

09:25 the,

09:25 the,

09:25 the plant size,

09:27 the farm size increases over

09:30 the development.

09:32 So we believe this is somewhat related to

09:35 the,

09:35 the specific set of the policies in Korea.

09:38 The,

09:39 the Korea was pushing for the big push

09:41 industrial policy during the 1960s and 191970s,

09:45 and then there was the,

09:46 so-called the rationalization period.

09:49 The,

09:50 the,

09:50 the asking the private sector to read the grows,

09:54 the,

09:55 the by removing the set of the industrial policies.

09:59 But that's what we believe,

10:00 but the one message we want to convey here is that.

10:04 It's not that simple,

10:05 the relationship between the plant sites and the development of the country.

10:13 So another way of looking at the plant size distribution is

10:18 the quantifying the employment share of establishments

10:23 hiring

10:24 the 200 workers or the 500 workers.

10:27 This one represents the degree of the concentration.

10:31 Because the average plant size,

10:33 so it may mask the massive heterogeneity

10:37 on the

10:38 small farm size,

10:39 and the small,

10:40 small and the medium-sized corporations,

10:42 but at the same time,

10:43 large sized corporation.

10:45 But when we measure the degree of the concentration by looking at the share of the,

10:49 the employment hired by the large sized corporation,

10:52 it shows exactly the same

10:54 inverse the U shape.

10:59 The most transparent way of showing the plant size distribution is looking

11:04 at the so-called the log log plot.

11:07 So what is the log log plot?

11:09 The x-axis is the log of the employment,

11:13 and the y axis is the fraction of the establishments hiring more than

11:18 the specific number of the employment.

11:22 So whenever we see

11:24 The low lobe plot close to the flat line,

11:27 that means

11:28 the,

11:28 the farm,

11:29 farm size,

11:29 the,

11:30 the farm size is very large.

11:32 And then if you will see the low globe plot closer to the vertical line,

11:36 so that means the,

11:37 the,

11:38 the farm sizes are in general small.

11:41 There are

11:42 5 lines,

11:43 but I want you to look at only three lines,

11:46 the blue,

11:47 red,

11:48 and orange.

11:49 The blue is the 1967,

11:52 the red is the 1977,

11:55 and orange is the 1997.

11:59 So low low plot was the,

12:00 the shifting toward the right

12:02 and it came back to the original level.

12:05 So meaning that

12:07 the increase and decrease of the plant size were

12:11 broad-based.

12:12 So it was not driven by

12:14 the right tail of the distribution or even the left tail of the distribution.

12:19 So there was the increase and decrease of the plant size that were

12:23 broad-based.

12:27 So let me quickly give you the three related discussions.

12:31 So why it happened in Korea.

12:34 So the first question is

12:36 whether it was driven within industries,

12:39 I mean within the four-digit industries in manufacturing,

12:43 or

12:44 between the,

12:45 the sub-industries within manufacturing.

12:49 And the second question is,

12:50 I already hinted to you,

12:52 but do we find a similar inverse pattern in other countries,

12:56 especially in Asian countries that has experienced the gross miracle.

13:02 And third,

13:02 why do we see the inverse U pattern in Korea?

13:05 So

13:06 there I will,

13:07 the,

13:08 the,

13:08 the talk a little bit about the industrial policy during the 1960s and 19970s.

13:16 So if there's no questions,

13:18 so I will enter to the first point.

13:23 The first point is

13:26 quantifying

13:27 whether the increase and decrease of the farm

13:30 size came from within or between industries.

13:35 MT is the aggregate average employment defined as the

13:39 weighted sum of each industry's weight average employment.

13:44 So we use the four digit,

13:46 the industry,

13:47 then this is the employment share of the industry I,

13:52 and this is the weighted average of the

13:55 average employment in that industry.

13:58 We can decompose

14:00 the change in

14:02 the aggregate average employment

14:05 into 3 components.

14:07 The first component is

14:09 the,

14:09 the,

14:10 the fixing

14:11 employment share of the industry in the previous

14:15 year,

14:16 and then only taking into account the change within the industry.

14:20 So the first one is the weight adjustment.

14:24 And the second term is the fixing.

14:26 The average employment of the industry

14:30 only varying.

14:32 The size of the industry.

14:35 And then the 3rd

14:37 term is the residual.

14:39 So the first term is the within component and the 2nd term is the between component.

14:46 So this is the research.

14:48 So this is the cumulative contribution of the within,

14:51 between and residuals.

14:53 So

14:54 the between adjustment was contributing

14:57 toward the increase in

15:00 the,

15:00 the,

15:01 the average the plant size,

15:03 meaning that

15:05 the resources has been more allocated to

15:08 the industry

15:09 that had the larger the plant size.

15:13 But that inverse

15:15 U pattern was solely driven by the wid adjustment.

15:19 So this is the the inverse U pattern,

15:22 the increase and then decrease,

15:24 and then stabilization was solely driven by

15:28 the within the four-digit industry.

15:30 Again,

15:31 this inverse U-shaped pattern was the broad-based across the industries.

15:39 The next question,

15:40 natural question is whether it was a unique phenomenon in Korea.

15:46 The very well-known influential paper by Bob Lucas in 1978,

15:52 the Span of Control Paper,

15:55 but he showed,

15:55 he reported that the average farm size increased over time in the United States.

16:03 But evidence outside the US and Europe is limited because of the data,

16:09 the limitation,

16:09 you need the plant-level information

16:12 to calculate

16:13 average the plant or the farm size.

16:17 Interestingly,

16:18 there was a special issue of the journal,

16:21 The Small Business Economics in February 2002.

16:25 So the set of the authors,

16:26 the,

16:27 the,

16:27 the collectively,

16:29 the reported

16:30 the,

16:31 the,

16:31 the patterns in the plant and the farm size distribution,

16:35 the,

16:36 the historical,

16:37 the evolution.

16:39 So,

16:40 we checked those papers and then the Taiwan,

16:43 Korea,

16:43 I mean,

16:43 Korea,

16:44 naturally,

16:44 and Japan,

16:45 they show the similar,

16:47 the invoice,

16:47 the U-shaped pattern.

16:49 And then there were the other side of

16:51 the countries that showing the increasing the pattern,

16:54 and there was the one country that's showing

16:56 the stable the pattern.

16:59 So again,

17:00 the evidence on the relationship between

17:03 the plant farm size and economic development is mixed,

17:07 especially

17:08 in

17:08 the,

17:09 the Asian

17:10 countries.

17:15 We believe

17:17 in the case of the Korea,

17:18 I cannot generalize that into the case of,

17:21 uh sorry,

17:22 let me go back to the previous slide,

17:23 the Taiwan and Japan,

17:25 the,

17:26 the,

17:26 who has also experienced this inverse U pattern,

17:29 but our understanding in the Koreans,

17:32 the context is that

17:34 the industrial policy and its removal that contributed to

17:38 the inverse U-shaped,

17:40 the fam size distribution.

17:44 So the Roberto told me that this,

17:46 the,

17:46 the event series already covered the paper last week talking

17:51 about the industrial policy in Korea during the 1970s,

17:55 so I'll be very brief.

17:57 So,

17:57 there was a big push industrial policy targeting the side of

18:01 the industries and targeting some of the specific areas within the

18:06 the,

18:07 the,

18:07 the,

18:07 the,

18:08 the South Korean peninsula.

18:12 So this is the,

18:13 this is effective tax rate.

18:15 So the,

18:16 during the industrial policy period,

18:18 it

18:18 targeted a specific set of the industries represented by

18:22 primary metal,

18:23 the fabricated metal,

18:25 machinery,

18:26 and the equipment,

18:28 and the chemical industry.

18:30 Those were the targeted industries.

18:32 And then the Korea Development Bank,

18:34 the state-owned bank that made the more

18:38 the loan toward the heavy and the chemical industries.

18:41 So this industrial policy targeted

18:43 heavy and chemical industries.

18:47 At the same time,

18:48 the Korean government

18:51 built

18:51 the 9 industrial complexes,

18:54 those are concentrated in the south and eastern

18:58 area of South Korea

19:01 that had the advantage toward

19:04 the access to the largest port,

19:06 which is Busan.

19:10 And this is an example of Changwon.

19:12 Changwon is the name of the city,

19:14 and the Korean government built a machinery industry cluster there.

19:19 So in 1974,

19:21 it was empty,

19:23 the territory,

19:25 but within the two years,

19:27 the factories had been built and then they started the production.

19:35 But this industrial policy was short-living,

19:38 so it unexpectedly ended within the 6 years

19:43 after the assassination of the President Park Chung-hee in October 1979.

19:51 And then there was a period of so-called the rationalization

19:55 by

19:56 the new military junta in 1980

20:00 to distance them,

20:01 to differentiate themselves from the President Park Geun-hye's regime,

20:05 and to blame the economic

20:07 contraction

20:09 in 1979 and 1980.

20:13 Mostly by the second OSHA,

20:16 the,

20:16 to blame the,

20:17 the,

20:17 the economic contribution on the parks,

20:20 the,

20:20 the heavy chemical industry policy and

20:23 the low utilization.

20:25 So by the way,

20:26 this the 1980 was the first negative growth since

20:29 the Korean War that ended in 1953 in the modern Korean

20:35 history.

20:37 So as an outcome,

20:39 the new establishment entered at a faster rate in the 1980s,

20:44 driving down the average plant size while the aggregate economy grew

20:49 steadily.

20:52 So this is somewhat

20:53 unrelated to the plant size distribution I'm talking about,

20:58 but

20:58 I personally believe

21:01 the

21:01 the the Korean industrial policy was successful partly because

21:06 it was the short-lived.

21:09 Why do I believe that?

21:10 So,

21:11 if I look at the macroeconomic indicators during the 1979,

21:17 the government debt was increasing,

21:19 the inflation rate was

21:21 15% per year.

21:23 So,

21:24 and there was the,

21:26 the,

21:26 the,

21:27 the,

21:27 the,

21:27 the increase in,

21:29 uh no,

21:30 no,

21:30 there was the,

21:31 the,

21:31 the decrease in the utilization rate.

21:33 So hinting was that

21:34 there has been some,

21:36 the redundant,

21:37 the investment,

21:39 and then the government.

21:41 Was

21:42 the leading debt investment,

21:44 so the government was the,

21:45 the,

21:46 the,

21:46 the accumulating the debt and increasing the money supply.

21:50 So during the 1978,

21:52 1979,

21:53 we see some

21:55 warning indicators,

21:56 the warning,

21:57 the macroeconomic indicators.

21:59 But industrial policy ended and the six-year period was enough

22:04 for

22:04 the entrepreneurs to make the necessary

22:07 investment in these heavy and the chemical

22:11 industries.

22:12 And then they didn't need the subsidy

22:15 anymore.

22:16 So during the 1980s still,

22:18 they were able to

22:20 produce the output and then

22:23 becoming the competitive in the global market.

22:27 Sorry,

22:27 let me come back to

22:29 the,

22:30 the,

22:30 my original presentation,

22:32 uh,

22:33 and move to the other findings we have from the plant level data.

22:38 So so far we looked at the size distribution.

22:41 The second issue is the static allocated efficiency,

22:45 whether

22:46 the resources,

22:47 the labor and capital

22:49 are allocated efficiently

22:52 across the plants within the narrowly defined industry

22:56 and how that changes over time.

22:59 So we will use the Shankle of 2009 papers,

23:02 the Methodology,

23:04 differentiating the TFPQ and TAFPR.

23:08 So it is very natural to see the dispersion in the TFPQ,

23:12 but under certain assumptions,

23:14 the,

23:15 the we shouldn't see the dispersion in the TFPR.

23:19 So whenever we see the dis dispersion in the TFPR,

23:23 so that is the telltale sign of the,

23:26 the,

23:26 the distortions that each plants are facing.

23:35 So then we calculate the elasticity,

23:37 the correlation between the TFPR and TFPQ.

23:41 The TPPQ is the productivity and TPPR is the size of the idiosyncratic distortion.

23:49 So then what do we mean by the correlation?

23:51 So if the correlation is low,

23:54 so

23:55 the,

23:55 the,

23:55 uh,

23:55 OK,

23:56 let me talk about the corre when the,

23:57 the,

23:57 the opposite case.

23:58 When the correlation is high,

24:00 so that means

24:02 the,

24:02 the highly productive,

24:03 the plants are facing the higher

24:06 idiosyncratic distortion.

24:09 So,

24:09 which is the,

24:10 the case of the higher

24:13 degree of misallocation.

24:14 And it's the opposite in the case of the low correlation.

24:20 The level of the the the aggregate misallocation,

24:24 when I say aggregated,

24:24 it's again,

24:25 within manufacturing

24:27 has been somewhat facilitating.

24:29 The during the 1960s,

24:31 1970s,

24:32 and the 1980s,

24:34 and then it

24:35 increased during the 200 2010.

24:39 So,

24:41 It means that

24:43 improvement in the allocated efficiency was not

24:46 the source behind the Korea's growth miracle,

24:50 but

24:51 The increase in

24:53 the degree of the misallocation was certainly behind the growth,

24:58 the slowdown.

25:00 So it doesn't explain

25:01 or it is not

25:02 consistent to the growth miracle,

25:04 but at least it is consistent to

25:06 the growth slowdown.

25:11 And we can also quantify

25:13 how much the economy is losing by comparing

25:17 actual output

25:19 and the model-based,

25:20 the efficient output.

25:22 So if there is no distortion at all,

25:25 this ratio should be one,

25:27 but in general this ratio is

25:29 below one.

25:31 And this is the mirror image,

25:33 the,

25:34 the economic loss coming from

25:37 the,

25:37 the,

25:38 the,

25:38 the plant-specific idiosyncratic distortion

25:42 has increased during the 202,010

25:46 when Korea experienced a growth slowdown.

25:52 So for remaining.

25:53 10 minutes.

25:55 So I will talk more about this,

25:58 the close,

25:58 the slowdown

26:00 period,

26:01 the 2020 test.

26:04 So 2

26:06 The

26:07 quantify

26:09 how the business dynamism has changed in Korea.

26:13 So I will use two measures.

26:16 The first measure is the job creation and destruction,

26:19 and the second measure is the responsiveness to productivity.

26:24 So I saw that in this event series,

26:27 the,

26:27 the,

26:28 the Javier Miranda already

26:30 presented his great work quantifying the job

26:33 creation and destruction and responsiveness to productivity

26:37 by using

26:38 the European data.

26:40 So when I checked his presentation slide,

26:42 I saw some similarities and the difference.

26:44 differences

26:45 between what he found and what I

26:46 found,

26:47 but I mean collectively

26:49 now

26:50 we can see how

26:52 the plant level,

26:53 the business dynamism is at least correlated or not

26:57 with

26:58 the positive economic growth or

27:00 the negative economic growth or the slowdown in the growth rate.

27:05 But I will define in the later slide what I mean by job creation,

27:09 destruction,

27:09 and responsiveness to

27:11 productivity.

27:13 And again,

27:14 due to the data limitation,

27:16 I can only report the result after the 1982.

27:20 But still,

27:21 the 1980s and early the 1990s,

27:24 the Korean,

27:24 Korean economy grew by 7%,

27:27 8% per year.

27:28 So still,

27:29 that period was the part of the gross miracle.

27:36 So we calculate

27:38 the Davis Hart Wenger growth rate of employment.

27:42 So this employment is the definition of the DHA,

27:45 the growth rate,

27:46 but it is very similar to the,

27:49 the percent growth rate,

27:51 but the advantage of that is

27:53 we can

27:55 The incorporated entry and exit decision.

27:59 Because

27:59 if we calculate the,

28:00 the growth rate in,

28:03 then we cannot include the,

28:05 the establishment that is newly showing up and establishment

28:08 exceeding because we don't have a number from there.

28:13 So I'm showing you

28:15 the DHS,

28:16 the growth rate,

28:17 it's histogram.

28:19 The x axis is from -2 xit

28:23 to 2,

28:23 which is the entry,

28:25 and this scale is closer to the low growth rate if you are familiar with it.

28:31 I'm showing you the four panels,

28:34 but I want you to look at only the top left,

28:38 the 1982,

28:40 5 years after that.

28:42 And the bottom right,

28:44 2013 and five years after that.

28:48 By looking at

28:49 the,

28:49 how the histograms

28:51 look like,

28:53 the first,

28:54 we have two observations.

28:56 The first,

28:57 we see

28:58 the decline in the mass of the entry,

29:01 so we see the decline in the entry of the new plants,

29:07 and at the same time,

29:08 we see the second observation is that we see

29:12 the more mass,

29:13 the near zero.

29:15 So through the lens of the creative destruction model,

29:19 endogenous,

29:19 the,

29:20 the grows like uh the series of the models,

29:23 the papers,

29:23 the Upuk oxygen has

29:25 the,

29:26 the worked on.

29:29 Higher entry

29:31 and then the larger mass in this histogram,

29:34 the far from the zero,

29:37 that represents the healthy,

29:39 the,

29:39 the,

29:40 the,

29:40 the meaningful,

29:42 the degree of the creative destruction.

29:45 The singing

29:47 The,

29:48 the,

29:48 the slightly,

29:50 the,

29:50 the lower mass and then the higher mass,

29:52 the near zero can be interpreted as

29:55 the decline in

29:58 the,

29:58 the degree of the creative destruction in the Korean manufacturing sector.

30:05 Another way of quantifying the degree of business dynamism is

30:10 looking at

30:11 how the plants are responding to their own productivity shock.

30:17 The following Decker Harte Wenger,

30:19 the Harmin,

30:20 and the Miranda papers,

30:22 so we estimate the responsiveness of the businesses to the shocks.

30:27 So the left-hand side is the DHS employment growth

30:30 I showed you before.

30:32 And then the right-hand side,

30:33 the main variable is this one,

30:36 which is the productivity.

30:38 So I will show you the one version using the TFPR.

30:42 As a proxy for the low productivity,

30:45 but in the background paper that we are providing,

30:48 you can also see that the result is

30:50 robust to the other,

30:51 the use of the other alternative to productivity measures.

30:57 But then the key component here is the time specific.

31:02 The coefficient.

31:03 So I will first show you the beta one.

31:06 When the plants get the positive productivity shock,

31:09 not surprisingly,

31:10 they,

31:11 they become bigger.

31:12 So I will show you

31:14 the positive significant the beta one,

31:17 but we are more interested in how that correlation has changed over time.

31:22 So I will report this coefficient

31:25 during the 1980s,

31:27 the 19990s,

31:28 2000s,

31:28 and 2010.

31:31 So this is the research.

31:33 Again,

31:34 not surprisingly,

31:35 the employment growth and the productivity at

31:39 the plant level is correlated and significant.

31:42 We also looked at the capital growth.

31:44 Not surprisingly,

31:45 it is the positive and significant,

31:48 but I want you to look at

31:50 the period by period

31:52 degree of correlation.

31:54 So it started from 0.2

31:57 or capital growth,

31:58 I mean sorry,

31:58 0.02 or capital growth to 0.2,

32:02 but it kept

32:04 decreasing.

32:05 So,

32:06 during the 2010,

32:08 the,

32:08 it was,

32:09 say,

32:10 the 30% lower than the level in the 1980s

32:14 and capital growth-wise,

32:16 it was the 50% lower than the level in the 1980s.

32:21 So that means

32:22 The plants that became

32:25 the less responsive to,

32:27 to their own productivity shock.

32:29 This is again another,

32:31 the,

32:31 the evidence that

32:33 the degree of misallocation in this sector has increased during the,

32:38 the slowdown period.

32:44 OK,

32:44 so this is my,

32:45 the last slide.

32:46 So I will give you again,

32:48 the two taking stocks from my presentation.

32:52 The first,

32:53 again,

32:54 There's no clear relation correlation between the macro level growth and

32:58 plant size exhibition or a static measure of allocated efficiency,

33:03 especially during the Korea's growth miracle period.

33:07 And second,

33:08 the growth slowdown

33:10 after the 2000 that coincides with the reduction in dynamism.

33:17 So now we need a more empirical research on

33:19 business dynamism over time and across the countries,

33:23 but to do so one needs the micro panel data for this purpose.

33:26 In this event series,

33:27 you guys have already seen the evidence from the European countries,

33:31 and I'm adding the evidence from Korea.

33:35 And then another,

33:36 the,

33:37 the,

33:37 the,

33:37 the research needed is the identifying

33:40 the frictions.

33:41 So,

33:41 here,

33:42 that we documented that

33:44 the business dynamics has declined,

33:46 but our research doesn't tell

33:48 the why that happened.

33:50 So,

33:51 the weather it was due to

33:53 the adjustment cost,

33:55 including some tax by the government or the creative cons the credit constraint,

34:00 so that is still the,

34:01 the,

34:02 the remaining area for

34:04 future

34:05 research.

34:07 OK,

34:07 so I will stop here.

34:10 And

34:11 many thanks,

34:11 Musso.

34:13 Definitely fascinating.

34:14 Uh,

34:16 I myself have

34:17 a lot of questions to ask,

34:19 uh,

34:19 but let me not be selfish here and open up the floor.

34:23 To the full audience,

34:24 um.

34:26 Uh,

34:27 if I see some.

34:29 Uh,

34:29 delays in people to,

34:31 uh,

34:31 raise their hands,

34:32 then I,

34:32 I,

34:33 I will start with my own conclusions and,

34:35 and doubts mostly,

34:37 um.

34:39 Yeah,

34:40 so why don't,

34:41 why don't I,

34:42 I,

34:42 I start then.

34:43 So,

34:45 Some parts of the presentation,

34:47 I think that

34:48 help you rationalize certain things that,

34:50 that was,

34:50 were happening and some of them I still think as puzzling that

34:54 I cannot understand how could this be going on

34:57 at the micro level.

35:00 With,

35:00 with just a little bit of a slowdown in the aggregate,

35:03 uh,

35:04 I,

35:04 I'm,

35:04 I'm referring to the later years

35:06 and the evidence you showed about skyrocketing,

35:10 skyrocketing like largely increasing misallocation

35:14 and definitely

35:16 the evidence,

35:18 uh,

35:18 points towards contributing to the

35:20 decline in,

35:21 in,

35:21 in,

35:21 in growth in slowdown,

35:23 but,

35:23 but let me,

35:24 let me begin with the first year.

35:25 11 of the things we,

35:27 we push in the WDR.

35:29 Is the idea that,

35:30 that at the,

35:32 at the

35:33 early stages of development of a country,

35:37 it's kind of somewhat expected that large incumbents might take the lead

35:41 in driving growth.

35:43 Uh,

35:44 why?

35:44 Well,

35:44 because we argue that

35:46 those are the firms that managed to have acquired some capabilities

35:50 in a very distorted environment.

35:53 So when the country

35:55 does some sort of policy that it's pro-growth,

35:58 then

35:59 Naturally,

36:00 those would be the firms to leverage the most,

36:03 uh,

36:03 the,

36:03 the new context.

36:04 So

36:05 I interpreted,

36:07 the industrial policy years as

36:10 through direct subsidization

36:12 allowing for these firms to,

36:14 to emerge

36:15 and there's no puzzle there.

36:17 We,

36:17 we understand that the,

36:19 the rising side of the size distribution is directly attributable

36:24 to the industrial policy.

36:26 Now,

36:26 a good news I would say is that as soon as you shut down the policy,

36:31 There's no problem in,

36:33 in dynamism to

36:35 emerge,

36:36 you know,

36:36 because some,

36:37 some might wonder,

36:38 well,

36:38 maybe once you create these large firms they become so entrenched

36:42 that thereafter,

36:43 even when,

36:45 when,

36:45 when the industrial policy is stopped,

36:48 then dynamism wouldn't reignite because there will be so much,

36:52 uh,

36:52 connect,

36:53 you know,

36:53 barriers to entry that,

36:55 that it,

36:55 that it would block any entrance.

36:57 To wanna come in and,

36:59 and enjoy the like the,

37:00 the,

37:00 the,

37:01 the,

37:01 the,

37:01 the level playing field.

37:03 So is this a fair statement that

37:05 somehow as soon as the industrial policy uh stopped

37:10 uh.

37:12 New entrants and,

37:13 and other firms were able to flourish

37:15 or,

37:16 or is the decline in the average size coming from the,

37:18 the,

37:19 the fact that the the Shaibos themselves started to shrink?

37:22 That's my,

37:23 my first question.

37:25 OK,

37:26 great.

37:27 So,

37:28 the first of all,

37:28 yeah,

37:29 you are

37:30 totally right.

37:31 So as an outcome of the industrial policy,

37:34 the,

37:35 the,

37:35 the,

37:36 I mean,

37:36 the,

37:36 I mean,

37:37 doing the industrial policy,

37:38 the government naturally the supported the large incumbent

37:42 and that increased the size of the,

37:45 the farms.

37:47 So,

37:48 let me go back to the basic because now we are seeing

37:51 the revival of the industrial policy in the US and other countries.

37:56 So,

37:57 the,

37:57 the textbook,

37:58 the style,

37:59 the justification for the industrial policy

38:02 is that whenever there is the externality,

38:04 the individual plants do not,

38:07 the internalize the benefit they are making by

38:11 the,

38:11 the putting,

38:12 the making,

38:12 the huge,

38:13 the fixed cost,

38:14 the,

38:14 the,

38:15 the,

38:15 the fixed investment.

38:17 But the government subsidized that.

38:19 Now

38:20 the company is able to make that high investment at that

38:24 generate the benefit

38:26 the toward the nearby plants,

38:28 and then the plants that connected through the input output,

38:31 the metrics.

38:32 So,

38:33 totally right.

38:34 So it is

38:35 the,

38:35 the,

38:36 it is natural to see

38:37 the.

38:38 The pattern in other countries too,

38:41 but what is interesting in the Koreas,

38:43 the context is that we also see the end of the industrial policy,

38:47 which is not common because

38:50 we know the several

38:52 other cases of industrial policy,

38:53 mostly in Latin America,

38:55 that failed at the end.

38:57 So

38:58 my counterfactual scenario

38:59 So if the Korea continue to do the industrial policy for 10 years,

39:03 then 20 years,

39:04 so then

39:05 you are building this political connection between Jaber and

39:08 the President Park Chung-ye for 10 to 20 years.

39:12 So then it is likely to be,

39:14 I mean,

39:14 corrupted.

39:15 I mean,

39:15 that relationship,

39:16 it's unlikely to be healthy after 10 to 20 years.

39:20 So the European Council knows about what happened after the end,

39:24 the unexpected,

39:25 the end of the industrial policy.

39:28 So,

39:29 we don't see

39:31 the,

39:31 the,

39:32 the,

39:32 the,

39:32 the decrease in the size of

39:35 the zebras.

39:36 So larger farms are,

39:37 I mean,

39:38 still

39:39 the,

39:39 the large,

39:40 but they stopped growing,

39:42 so they,

39:43 they grew a lot in the industrial policy,

39:46 but they stopped the,

39:47 the,

39:48 the growing the further,

39:49 but the,

39:50 the,

39:51 the many,

39:51 the small

39:53 and the productive,

39:54 the,

39:54 the plants and the farms enter to the market.

39:58 So the mechanically,

39:59 the decline in the average size was mostly,

40:02 were mostly driven by

40:04 the new,

40:05 the entrant.

40:07 And then my understanding is that

40:10 They could not enter during the industrial policy period,

40:14 uh,

40:14 but the,

40:15 the,

40:15 when

40:16 the,

40:16 the,

40:17 the,

40:17 during the rationalization period,

40:19 they could enter

40:20 and then they have

40:21 contributed to the next 10 to 20 years of the,

40:25 the growth miracle without the industrial policy.

40:30 Yeah,

40:31 no,

40:31 I,

40:31 but

40:32 I think it's a great insight that uh it's not well known and

40:36 of course it's not well known because it required data like this to,

40:40 to make the point

40:41 which is the short-lived nature of industrial policy

40:45 is one sort of necessary condition for

40:48 let's say argue in favor of,

40:50 of this kind of government interventions.

40:53 Uh,

40:53 the other one I would say,

40:54 and it didn't come up today too much although it did uh last week uh in New Hu's talk.

41:00 Is the

41:01 gearing of the subsidization

41:04 not only to particular sectors but also by

41:07 um a requirement if you will of export

41:11 so

41:12 in a way.

41:14 Forcing and disciplining the recipients of the subsidies

41:18 to go have to compete and export

41:20 and,

41:20 and kept in check by the globally competitive nature

41:24 of the industries where they operated I think.

41:27 That necessary condition which I think is more well understood

41:30 combined with what you teach us today that the short lived

41:33 is important are are two ingredients that

41:36 I think whoever is gonna keep advocating for

41:38 industrial policy and of course in the report we're gonna touch on this

41:42 uh we want to emphasize

41:44 um

41:45 so

41:45 again as as I don't see anyone else uh please

41:49 feel free to jump in,

41:50 um.

41:52 But I,

41:52 I,

41:53 I see a question here from

41:56 Matheus.

41:57 Matthew,

41:59 so Matthew,

41:59 please take the floor.

42:04 Yeah.

42:04 Hi,

42:05 hi,

42:05 everyone.

42:06 Um,

42:07 I'm just wondering one thing where you presented uh

42:11 some evidence there on the static allocative efficiency.

42:16 Uh,

42:17 And you presented this correlation,

42:20 uh,

42:21 increasing.

42:22 So my question to you is,

42:26 What

42:27 could be the role of quality upgrading here.

42:30 So there's a question of markups.

42:33 There's one part.

42:34 But the point is,

42:36 couldn't this positive and increasing correlation

42:41 be such that more productive firms are increasing quality

42:45 as they compete in international markets so that increase

42:49 This correlation.

42:51 Thanks.

42:54 OK,

42:55 so the,

42:56 the,

42:57 thank you for the question,

42:57 Matthias.

42:59 So,

43:00 my first answer is that,

43:02 so we don't know yet,

43:04 so why it

43:06 increased a lot during the,

43:07 the recent period.

43:09 So that's something

43:10 the Youngs and I,

43:12 the,

43:12 the plant

43:13 to work on.

43:14 And your question was the weather that is related to

43:19 the quality of grading.

43:21 So,

43:22 like

43:23 many other,

43:24 the data,

43:25 so we don't see the price.

43:27 So unfortunately,

43:28 in the data,

43:29 we don't have a direct measure

43:31 to quantify

43:32 whether this is coming from the change in the market

43:36 or change in the quality.

43:38 I mean,

43:38 even

43:39 with the price information,

43:41 if

43:41 the highly highly productive farms are now

43:44 Charging the higher price,

43:45 that could be interpreted as the markup or that

43:48 could be also interpreted as the higher quality.

43:51 So your question was already incorporating these two possibilities.

43:56 So

43:56 the first of all,

43:57 one is the price data,

43:59 and then the second one is the model

44:02 to separately quantify the role of the Markov and the quality.

44:06 I mean,

44:07 that's really the interesting,

44:09 the,

44:09 the research area.

44:10 Unfortunately,

44:11 the Korean data is not ideal

44:13 to answer that question,

44:15 but there must be the other countries,

44:17 the

44:17 context that giving you the price information,

44:20 say Colombia.

44:21 So the Colombian,

44:22 the manufacturing plant data,

44:24 so they have uh price information separately,

44:27 then at least you can overcome the data limitation,

44:29 but still it's the question.

44:31 The whenever you see the increase or decrease in the,

44:34 the price,

44:35 the,

44:35 whether you want the,

44:37 the attribute that to the change in the markup or quality.

44:41 Great question,

44:41 but unfortunately,

44:43 so we don't have an answer.

44:46 Yeah,

44:46 thanks.

44:47 And I,

44:47 I was just puzzled that to interpret this as a sign

44:52 that uh there's the allocative efficiency is not improving.

44:59 So I,

44:59 I,

45:00 maybe I misunderstood,

45:01 but,

45:02 yeah,

45:02 as you said that this,

45:04 the data is not well suited to answer that.

45:07 So

45:08 I,

45:08 I understand the constraints.

45:10 I mean,

45:11 thanks.

45:12 Thanks.

45:19 So if I,

45:19 if,

45:20 I mean,

45:20 if it's OK,

45:21 so let me add just one additional point because

45:24 the,

45:25 because now we are talking about the allocated efficiency.

45:28 So even though I reported that during the industrial policy period,

45:32 the aggregate allocated efficiency didn't change,

45:35 so that was the,

45:36 the,

45:37 the what I showed you.

45:38 During the industrial policy period,

45:39 the aggregate

45:41 level of allocated efficiency didn't change much,

45:44 but I have another paper with Jung's and

45:47 the Dr.

45:48 Minho Kim.

45:49 The comparing

45:51 the

45:52 change in the located efficiency between the

45:54 targeted industries and the non-targeted industries.

45:58 And we found that

46:00 the degree of the misallocation increased in the targeted industries,

46:05 but in the definitive sense,

46:06 comparing the targeted versus the non-targeted,

46:09 the industrial policy was somewhat.

46:13 Distorting the resource allocation across the plants.

46:17 When the government,

46:18 uh,

46:18 the,

46:18 put the resources

46:20 to the plants that,

46:22 those were not necessarily the most productive plants in the

46:26 economy.

46:27 So this

46:29 aggregate.

46:30 The

46:30 constant allocated efficiency during the industrial

46:33 policies is the masking this heterogeneity

46:36 between the targeted and non-targeted

46:38 sectors.

46:39 So,

46:40 even though

46:41 today I focused on the facts,

46:43 the aggregate facts,

46:45 but yeah,

46:45 we need more research

46:47 on looking at

46:48 how that is,

46:49 has been different across the sub-sectors of the

46:53 manufacturing.

46:55 And then may,

46:56 I may have a better answer to Matteo,

46:58 to your question because you may have some

47:00 user suspect,

47:01 the set of the sectors,

47:02 you may anticipate the,

47:04 the larger,

47:05 the quality of grading during certain period.

47:17 Anyone else wants to

47:20 make a point or a question?

47:24 I think that either way,

47:26 I,

47:26 whatever is the actual mechanism

47:29 driving that rise in the TFPR TFPQ.

47:33 Uh,

47:35 so far the stories that have been ventured,

47:38 if it's markups or if it's,

47:39 uh,

47:40 some distortion of another kind,

47:42 like,

47:43 uh,

47:44 my impression of what I have seen happening in other countries

47:49 where you can document the time series evolution of distortions

47:54 is that

47:55 you can

47:56 see a bigger response in the aggregate.

47:59 To this micro-level evidence of,

48:02 of,

48:02 of frictions and

48:04 um which in the case of Korea,

48:05 it might just tell us that

48:07 There are many other forces that we don't know that are keeping growth afloat

48:11 and therefore

48:12 the slowdown

48:14 is the marginal contribution from this channel and therefore it's notable

48:18 because these other forces were so strong for 30

48:20 years that now they're slowing down and they are,

48:23 they are there.

48:24 But

48:25 what is really puzzling to me

48:27 is the actual level to which the reversion of the size distribution

48:32 converged.

48:33 Uh,

48:33 like if you put Korea,

48:35 I mean,

48:35 if I take your latest year

48:38 of the average firm size in Korea and I put it in a cross section across countries

48:42 and plotted against GDP.

48:46 I would expect

48:47 based on Korea's average size of less than 2030 workers

48:51 to be as poor as,

48:53 uh,

48:53 you know,

48:53 Mexico or India,

48:55 uh,

48:55 you know,

48:56 even the conditioning on firms with 10+ or 5+ workers,

49:00 which is your sample.

49:02 Uh,

49:03 so that to me is really,

49:04 is really,

49:05 uh,

49:05 puzzling.

49:06 Like how is it that the size distribution makes such a big turn

49:10 to the downside

49:11 and you don't see in the aggregate,

49:14 uh,

49:14 uh,

49:15 uh,

49:15 an equivalent decline,

49:16 but,

49:16 um.

49:20 And it's,

49:20 it's let me quickly address that question by showing the slide.

49:24 So for other audience,

49:25 Robert,

49:26 the,

49:26 the,

49:26 you already know

49:28 the that sides,

49:29 the facts on the top of your head,

49:32 but you're totally right.

49:33 So this is the figure on the left is comparing the Average

49:38 employment

49:39 of Korea,

49:40 which is the yellow line,

49:41 which is below

49:43 the New Zealand,

49:44 the Mexico,

49:45 Brazil,

49:46 those are the set of the countries that allowed us to do

49:50 the April to April comparison using the OECD data.

49:53 So it is so true that

49:56 where Korea is in terms of the average employment is much lower than

50:01 other countries,

50:03 including the medium income countries.

50:06 So again,

50:07 there could be the multiple,

50:09 the hypothesis.

50:10 The one hypothesis is the concentration,

50:13 the degree of the concentration.

50:15 So

50:16 the,

50:18 the,

50:18 the,

50:18 the,

50:18 the big conglomerates are leading

50:21 the development of the manufacturing

50:24 sector,

50:25 and the mirror image of that is that

50:28 the rea is suffering from the self-employment.

50:31 What do I mean by the self-employment?

50:33 The,

50:34 the

50:35 When the manufacturing workers lose their job.

50:39 It is,

50:40 they struggle to find the new employer.

50:43 When you lose the job from the manufacturing sector at the age of 40 to 50,

50:48 the labor market is not that dynamic.

50:51 And then

50:52 they.

50:54 Many of them,

50:55 the,

50:55 the,

50:56 the,

50:56 the,

50:57 the become the self-employed.

50:59 So if they have a specific skill,

51:01 so they just open the small-scale store,

51:05 or

51:06 that they open the,

51:07 the,

51:07 the small scale,

51:08 the restaurant or the supermarkets.

51:11 So

51:12 that,

51:13 the large,

51:13 the size of the self-employment,

51:15 self-employment rate in Korea is the largest among the OECD countries.

51:19 It's comparable to Mexico actually.

51:21 So,

51:22 the,

51:23 the one side,

51:24 the,

51:25 the,

51:25 the,

51:26 there is the,

51:26 there are

51:27 the largest sites,

51:28 the

51:29 big conglomerates,

51:30 and on the other side,

51:32 there are large sites of the self-employment.

51:35 I think there is so much

51:37 the,

51:37 the pushing these size of the average employment down compared to

51:42 the other countries,

51:43 but again,

51:44 that's the one hypothetis we haven't scientifically

51:48 tested it.

51:49 But you are totally right.

51:50 So that's another interesting

51:52 observation from the Korea's experience.

51:59 Yeah,

52:00 very interesting.

52:00 Thanks for bringing up the fear.

52:02 Uh,

52:02 I put numbers to

52:04 what I was trying to

52:06 convey to the broad audience,

52:07 but

52:12 And related to the allocative efficiency,

52:16 the puzzle,

52:16 I mean,

52:17 to me,

52:17 it's the puzzle,

52:18 so it's very fair to say the puzzle.

52:19 But what Jungs and I,

52:21 we work first on is the

52:24 trying the different measurements.

52:25 So you know that there has been the development after the Shanreno paper.

52:30 So when there is the measurement error in the output input,

52:33 so how they overcome that,

52:34 the base reno,

52:35 they have a paper,

52:36 and then we can also use the decreasing return

52:38 to scale instead of the constant return to scale.

52:41 So I think the first thing

52:43 we need to do is

52:45 the,

52:45 the,

52:45 the,

52:46 the checking whether this huge increase is coming from the measurement error

52:52 or not.

52:52 So,

52:53 the,

52:53 we will,

52:54 the use other the methodologist,

52:56 I mean.

52:56 Extension of the Shang reno

52:58 and check whether we still see

53:01 that

53:02 we don't expect to change the,

53:04 the,

53:04 in the,

53:05 the result the qualitatively,

53:07 but quantitatively the result may change

53:09 so we may,

53:10 yeah,

53:10 we want to check that.

53:14 OK,

53:15 great moon,

53:16 um.

53:17 I believe that

53:19 people have had enough time to raise more hands,

53:22 so if they didn't,

53:24 I,

53:24 I take it as we are ready to.

53:27 To close the seminar,

53:28 um.

53:30 Thank you so much.

53:31 We've learned a lot and most importantly,

53:33 we have a lot more to keep learning,

53:35 so that's the best seminars,

53:36 the ones that teach you something but also keep you thinking.

53:39 So,

53:39 um,

53:40 thank you,

53:41 everyone,

53:41 uh,

53:42 who made it until now for joining and please stay tuned for

53:46 more seminars,

53:47 uh,

53:47 from the WDR series.

53:49 See you all soon.

53:50 See you.

53:51 Thank you.

53:52 Thank you so much.

53:53 I'm looking forward to the further engagement with the WDR.

53:57 Bye-bye.

53:58 Awesome.

53:59 Thanks.

53:59 Bye.

54:00 Thank you.

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transcript
Welcome, everyone. Thank you for joining us in the new round of the 2024 WDR seminar series. As many of you know, the forthcoming WDR focuses on economic growth in middle income countries, particularly trying to uncover the policies or the forces that make transitioning from middle to high levels of income so difficult to achieve. So in today's presentation, uh, we wanted to draw lessons from. A country that is somewhat of an exception to this empirical regularity which is South Korea. So as we know, Korea managed to transition from low to high income levels almost without interruptions, sustaining decades of, uh, economic growth. So questions that we're interested in for the purpose of WDR is how did Korea do it? What. What did they do, what policies they followed, and what were the channels through which growth ensued and didn't stagnate at uh some middle-income stages as in many other countries. So, uh, following up on last week's presentation in which the focus was more on the industrial policy aspect of Korea's growth, today we have the pleasure of having Moon Su Lee talk about, uh, offering a plant-level view of the drivers of Korea's growth miracle and the more recent, uh, economic slowdown. So let me tell you very briefly about the speaker. So Moon is an assistant professor of economics at the University of California in San Diego, and together with his co-author today, John Shin, who is a professor of economics at Washington University in Saint Louis, have written extensively on the issues of macroeconomic transitions in general, but with a particular focus on, on Korea's experience. So we are very glad to have Moon today to, to, to present his research. Uh, the seminar rules, I was thinking of allowing Moon speak. With minimal interruption for 35 to 40 minutes unless of course some pressing clarifying questions arise, although uh Moon just tells me that please jump in with any question you may have, but still I think that uh with this time allocation, we'll have plenty of time for Q&A uh towards the end and uh we can have some interesting discussions based on what we learned from, from the talk. So with that, let me turn the floor to you, Moon. Uh, thank you so much. Take it away, please. OK. So thank you, Roberto, the Jewish, and the World Bank colleagues. First of all, for inviting me to this amazing team. I'm preparing for the WDR the next year. So it has been a pleasure to work on this, the issue, and I'm glad to, the, the, that you gave me the opportunity to share our findings. So as Roberto say that this is the joint work with the Jung Xin at the Washington University in Saint Louis. Again, I mean, in front of this audience, it may be redundant to say this again, but South Korea is one of the rare economies that went from poor to rich in one generation, I mean, literally within the 30 years. So that's why it wasn't surprising that we haven't, we have seen the several other, the works in this event cities, the revisiting the experience of South Korea. But then in this, the study, we want to take some balanced view, the looking at both the gross miracle period, say from the 1960s until the 1990s, but at the same time the remarkable growth, the slowdown that has gotten the relatively less attention. Because Korea's economic growth rate nowadays is the 2 to 3%, which is not much different from the US. So we will see the one generation of the growth miracle, but then the next generation of the slowdown. But that's the macroeconomic phenomenon. So the research question that we have is whether there is any systematic pattern at the micro level. Which is at the plant level, the behind the macro level grows miracle and slow down. Let me first summarize our findings. So we have two major findings. The first, we find no clear relationship between the macro-level grows and plant size distribution or static measure of allocated efficiency. So, later, I will tell you in detail why this happened in Korea. But we also report some evidence that the, the, looking at the time series evidence and the cross-sectional evidence, there might not be the, the, the very clear relationship between the cruise and then plant level size distribution and allocated efficiency. So I will get there later. And the second finding is that I told you that the, the Korea experienced the growth slowdown for the recent 20 years, and that coincides with the reduction in the business dynamism. So the job creation and job destruction or responsibilities to the productivity shocks, so the business dynamics in general, the declined over the slowdown period. So let me first assure you the GDP per capita. So the, the orange line is the GDP per capita, the covering the 50 years, and then the blue line is the value added per worker in manufacturing sector, because in our study, we will look at the manufacturing sector where we have a high-quality data at the plant level, but at the same time, the manufacturing sector was one of the main drivers behind the Korea's economic growth and slowdown too. Korea experienced a gross miracle during the 1960s, 1970s, 198980s, and 1919990s. And then there was the Asian financial crisis in 1997, and after that, the Korea experienced a growth slowdown both in the aggregate economy and manufacturing sector. So we will use the newly dispatched the mining and manufacturing survey, the, the covering, the interesting period is starting from the 1967 until the 2019. So there are several advantages and limitations like all other microdata the researchers are using these days. The first advantage is that this is the unique source of plant-level data, the covering all plants with the 5 and more workers, and the 10 and more workers starting from the 2007 in the manufacturing sector in Korea. So like other manufacturing surveys in the US and other countries, so we have detailed information on input, labor and capital, and output, the value added, and other information. And when we aggregate this plant level data, it replicates the aggregate statistics well. There are several limitations. The panel divention is only available after the 1981. So before the 1981, so we don't use the panel structure. Still, we can show you some cross-section of the evidence. And the capital stock, one of the most important input in the manufacturing sector, is available only one year in the 1968, and then it is available again every year after the 1978. So that's the data limitation. So in later slide, you may see some, some jumps when I report the, the set of the variables that requires the capital information. Let me first report the plant size distribution. So this is the average size of the employment for the manufacturing plant. We dropped all the mining, the sector. So it started from 60. So we have two graphs, but I will look at the graph on the right, the covering the old plants hiring more than 5 and more workers. So the average employment, average plant size was around 25 in the 1967, and it increased up to over 70, and it declined again towards the around the 15. So it shows the invoice to you pattern. So there was the increase during the 1960s and 191970s, and then it declined during the 1980s and 1919990s, and then it has been stabilized. So it is somewhat different from the, the other papers, the finding that the, the, the plant size, the farm size increases over the development. So we believe this is somewhat related to the, the specific set of the policies in Korea. The, the Korea was pushing for the big push industrial policy during the 1960s and 191970s, and then there was the, so-called the rationalization period. The, the, the asking the private sector to read the grows, the, the by removing the set of the industrial policies. But that's what we believe, but the one message we want to convey here is that. It's not that simple, the relationship between the plant sites and the development of the country. So another way of looking at the plant size distribution is the quantifying the employment share of establishments hiring the 200 workers or the 500 workers. This one represents the degree of the concentration. Because the average plant size, so it may mask the massive heterogeneity on the small farm size, and the small, small and the medium-sized corporations, but at the same time, large sized corporation. But when we measure the degree of the concentration by looking at the share of the, the employment hired by the large sized corporation, it shows exactly the same inverse the U shape. The most transparent way of showing the plant size distribution is looking at the so-called the log log plot. So what is the log log plot? The x-axis is the log of the employment, and the y axis is the fraction of the establishments hiring more than the specific number of the employment. So whenever we see The low lobe plot close to the flat line, that means the, the farm, farm size, the, the farm size is very large. And then if you will see the low globe plot closer to the vertical line, so that means the, the, the farm sizes are in general small. There are 5 lines, but I want you to look at only three lines, the blue, red, and orange. The blue is the 1967, the red is the 1977, and orange is the 1997. So low low plot was the, the shifting toward the right and it came back to the original level. So meaning that the increase and decrease of the plant size were broad-based. So it was not driven by the right tail of the distribution or even the left tail of the distribution. So there was the increase and decrease of the plant size that were broad-based. So let me quickly give you the three related discussions. So why it happened in Korea. So the first question is whether it was driven within industries, I mean within the four-digit industries in manufacturing, or between the, the sub-industries within manufacturing. And the second question is, I already hinted to you, but do we find a similar inverse pattern in other countries, especially in Asian countries that has experienced the gross miracle. And third, why do we see the inverse U pattern in Korea? So there I will, the, the, the talk a little bit about the industrial policy during the 1960s and 19970s. So if there's no questions, so I will enter to the first point. The first point is quantifying whether the increase and decrease of the farm size came from within or between industries. MT is the aggregate average employment defined as the weighted sum of each industry's weight average employment. So we use the four digit, the industry, then this is the employment share of the industry I, and this is the weighted average of the average employment in that industry. We can decompose the change in the aggregate average employment into 3 components. The first component is the, the, the fixing employment share of the industry in the previous year, and then only taking into account the change within the industry. So the first one is the weight adjustment. And the second term is the fixing. The average employment of the industry only varying. The size of the industry. And then the 3rd term is the residual. So the first term is the within component and the 2nd term is the between component. So this is the research. So this is the cumulative contribution of the within, between and residuals. So the between adjustment was contributing toward the increase in the, the, the average the plant size, meaning that the resources has been more allocated to the industry that had the larger the plant size. But that inverse U pattern was solely driven by the wid adjustment. So this is the the inverse U pattern, the increase and then decrease, and then stabilization was solely driven by the within the four-digit industry. Again, this inverse U-shaped pattern was the broad-based across the industries. The next question, natural question is whether it was a unique phenomenon in Korea. The very well-known influential paper by Bob Lucas in 1978, the Span of Control Paper, but he showed, he reported that the average farm size increased over time in the United States. But evidence outside the US and Europe is limited because of the data, the limitation, you need the plant-level information to calculate average the plant or the farm size. Interestingly, there was a special issue of the journal, The Small Business Economics in February 2002. So the set of the authors, the, the, the collectively, the reported the, the, the patterns in the plant and the farm size distribution, the, the historical, the evolution. So, we checked those papers and then the Taiwan, Korea, I mean, Korea, naturally, and Japan, they show the similar, the invoice, the U-shaped pattern. And then there were the other side of the countries that showing the increasing the pattern, and there was the one country that's showing the stable the pattern. So again, the evidence on the relationship between the plant farm size and economic development is mixed, especially in the, the Asian countries. We believe in the case of the Korea, I cannot generalize that into the case of, uh sorry, let me go back to the previous slide, the Taiwan and Japan, the, the, who has also experienced this inverse U pattern, but our understanding in the Koreans, the context is that the industrial policy and its removal that contributed to the inverse U-shaped, the fam size distribution. So the Roberto told me that this, the, the event series already covered the paper last week talking about the industrial policy in Korea during the 1970s, so I'll be very brief. So, there was a big push industrial policy targeting the side of the industries and targeting some of the specific areas within the the, the, the, the, the South Korean peninsula. So this is the, this is effective tax rate. So the, during the industrial policy period, it targeted a specific set of the industries represented by primary metal, the fabricated metal, machinery, and the equipment, and the chemical industry. Those were the targeted industries. And then the Korea Development Bank, the state-owned bank that made the more the loan toward the heavy and the chemical industries. So this industrial policy targeted heavy and chemical industries. At the same time, the Korean government built the 9 industrial complexes, those are concentrated in the south and eastern area of South Korea that had the advantage toward the access to the largest port, which is Busan. And this is an example of Changwon. Changwon is the name of the city, and the Korean government built a machinery industry cluster there. So in 1974, it was empty, the territory, but within the two years, the factories had been built and then they started the production. But this industrial policy was short-living, so it unexpectedly ended within the 6 years after the assassination of the President Park Chung-hee in October 1979. And then there was a period of so-called the rationalization by the new military junta in 1980 to distance them, to differentiate themselves from the President Park Geun-hye's regime, and to blame the economic contraction in 1979 and 1980. Mostly by the second OSHA, the, to blame the, the, the economic contribution on the parks, the, the heavy chemical industry policy and the low utilization. So by the way, this the 1980 was the first negative growth since the Korean War that ended in 1953 in the modern Korean history. So as an outcome, the new establishment entered at a faster rate in the 1980s, driving down the average plant size while the aggregate economy grew steadily. So this is somewhat unrelated to the plant size distribution I'm talking about, but I personally believe the the the Korean industrial policy was successful partly because it was the short-lived. Why do I believe that? So, if I look at the macroeconomic indicators during the 1979, the government debt was increasing, the inflation rate was 15% per year. So, and there was the, the, the, the, the, the increase in, uh no, no, there was the, the, the decrease in the utilization rate. So hinting was that there has been some, the redundant, the investment, and then the government. Was the leading debt investment, so the government was the, the, the, the accumulating the debt and increasing the money supply. So during the 1978, 1979, we see some warning indicators, the warning, the macroeconomic indicators. But industrial policy ended and the six-year period was enough for the entrepreneurs to make the necessary investment in these heavy and the chemical industries. And then they didn't need the subsidy anymore. So during the 1980s still, they were able to produce the output and then becoming the competitive in the global market. Sorry, let me come back to the, the, my original presentation, uh, and move to the other findings we have from the plant level data. So so far we looked at the size distribution. The second issue is the static allocated efficiency, whether the resources, the labor and capital are allocated efficiently across the plants within the narrowly defined industry and how that changes over time. So we will use the Shankle of 2009 papers, the Methodology, differentiating the TFPQ and TAFPR. So it is very natural to see the dispersion in the TFPQ, but under certain assumptions, the, the we shouldn't see the dispersion in the TFPR. So whenever we see the dis dispersion in the TFPR, so that is the telltale sign of the, the, the distortions that each plants are facing. So then we calculate the elasticity, the correlation between the TFPR and TFPQ. The TPPQ is the productivity and TPPR is the size of the idiosyncratic distortion. So then what do we mean by the correlation? So if the correlation is low, so the, the, uh, OK, let me talk about the corre when the, the, the opposite case. When the correlation is high, so that means the, the highly productive, the plants are facing the higher idiosyncratic distortion. So, which is the, the case of the higher degree of misallocation. And it's the opposite in the case of the low correlation. The level of the the the aggregate misallocation, when I say aggregated, it's again, within manufacturing has been somewhat facilitating. The during the 1960s, 1970s, and the 1980s, and then it increased during the 200 2010. So, It means that improvement in the allocated efficiency was not the source behind the Korea's growth miracle, but The increase in the degree of the misallocation was certainly behind the growth, the slowdown. So it doesn't explain or it is not consistent to the growth miracle, but at least it is consistent to the growth slowdown. And we can also quantify how much the economy is losing by comparing actual output and the model-based, the efficient output. So if there is no distortion at all, this ratio should be one, but in general this ratio is below one. And this is the mirror image, the, the economic loss coming from the, the, the, the plant-specific idiosyncratic distortion has increased during the 202,010 when Korea experienced a growth slowdown. So for remaining. 10 minutes. So I will talk more about this, the close, the slowdown period, the 2020 test. So 2 The quantify how the business dynamism has changed in Korea. So I will use two measures. The first measure is the job creation and destruction, and the second measure is the responsiveness to productivity. So I saw that in this event series, the, the, the Javier Miranda already presented his great work quantifying the job creation and destruction and responsiveness to productivity by using the European data. So when I checked his presentation slide, I saw some similarities and the difference. differences between what he found and what I found, but I mean collectively now we can see how the plant level, the business dynamism is at least correlated or not with the positive economic growth or the negative economic growth or the slowdown in the growth rate. But I will define in the later slide what I mean by job creation, destruction, and responsiveness to productivity. And again, due to the data limitation, I can only report the result after the 1982. But still, the 1980s and early the 1990s, the Korean, Korean economy grew by 7%, 8% per year. So still, that period was the part of the gross miracle. So we calculate the Davis Hart Wenger growth rate of employment. So this employment is the definition of the DHA, the growth rate, but it is very similar to the, the percent growth rate, but the advantage of that is we can The incorporated entry and exit decision. Because if we calculate the, the growth rate in, then we cannot include the, the establishment that is newly showing up and establishment exceeding because we don't have a number from there. So I'm showing you the DHS, the growth rate, it's histogram. The x axis is from -2 xit to 2, which is the entry, and this scale is closer to the low growth rate if you are familiar with it. I'm showing you the four panels, but I want you to look at only the top left, the 1982, 5 years after that. And the bottom right, 2013 and five years after that. By looking at the, how the histograms look like, the first, we have two observations. The first, we see the decline in the mass of the entry, so we see the decline in the entry of the new plants, and at the same time, we see the second observation is that we see the more mass, the near zero. So through the lens of the creative destruction model, endogenous, the, the grows like uh the series of the models, the papers, the Upuk oxygen has the, the worked on. Higher entry and then the larger mass in this histogram, the far from the zero, that represents the healthy, the, the, the, the meaningful, the degree of the creative destruction. The singing The, the, the slightly, the, the lower mass and then the higher mass, the near zero can be interpreted as the decline in the, the degree of the creative destruction in the Korean manufacturing sector. Another way of quantifying the degree of business dynamism is looking at how the plants are responding to their own productivity shock. The following Decker Harte Wenger, the Harmin, and the Miranda papers, so we estimate the responsiveness of the businesses to the shocks. So the left-hand side is the DHS employment growth I showed you before. And then the right-hand side, the main variable is this one, which is the productivity. So I will show you the one version using the TFPR. As a proxy for the low productivity, but in the background paper that we are providing, you can also see that the result is robust to the other, the use of the other alternative to productivity measures. But then the key component here is the time specific. The coefficient. So I will first show you the beta one. When the plants get the positive productivity shock, not surprisingly, they, they become bigger. So I will show you the positive significant the beta one, but we are more interested in how that correlation has changed over time. So I will report this coefficient during the 1980s, the 19990s, 2000s, and 2010. So this is the research. Again, not surprisingly, the employment growth and the productivity at the plant level is correlated and significant. We also looked at the capital growth. Not surprisingly, it is the positive and significant, but I want you to look at the period by period degree of correlation. So it started from 0.2 or capital growth, I mean sorry, 0.02 or capital growth to 0.2, but it kept decreasing. So, during the 2010, the, it was, say, the 30% lower than the level in the 1980s and capital growth-wise, it was the 50% lower than the level in the 1980s. So that means The plants that became the less responsive to, to their own productivity shock. This is again another, the, the evidence that the degree of misallocation in this sector has increased during the, the slowdown period. OK, so this is my, the last slide. So I will give you again, the two taking stocks from my presentation. The first, again, There's no clear relation correlation between the macro level growth and plant size exhibition or a static measure of allocated efficiency, especially during the Korea's growth miracle period. And second, the growth slowdown after the 2000 that coincides with the reduction in dynamism. So now we need a more empirical research on business dynamism over time and across the countries, but to do so one needs the micro panel data for this purpose. In this event series, you guys have already seen the evidence from the European countries, and I'm adding the evidence from Korea. And then another, the, the, the, the research needed is the identifying the frictions. So, here, that we documented that the business dynamics has declined, but our research doesn't tell the why that happened. So, the weather it was due to the adjustment cost, including some tax by the government or the creative cons the credit constraint, so that is still the, the, the remaining area for future research. OK, so I will stop here. And many thanks, Musso. Definitely fascinating. Uh, I myself have a lot of questions to ask, uh, but let me not be selfish here and open up the floor. To the full audience, um. Uh, if I see some. Uh, delays in people to, uh, raise their hands, then I, I, I will start with my own conclusions and, and doubts mostly, um. Yeah, so why don't, why don't I, I, I start then. So, Some parts of the presentation, I think that help you rationalize certain things that, that was, were happening and some of them I still think as puzzling that I cannot understand how could this be going on at the micro level. With, with just a little bit of a slowdown in the aggregate, uh, I, I'm, I'm referring to the later years and the evidence you showed about skyrocketing, skyrocketing like largely increasing misallocation and definitely the evidence, uh, points towards contributing to the decline in, in, in, in growth in slowdown, but, but let me, let me begin with the first year. 11 of the things we, we push in the WDR. Is the idea that, that at the, at the early stages of development of a country, it's kind of somewhat expected that large incumbents might take the lead in driving growth. Uh, why? Well, because we argue that those are the firms that managed to have acquired some capabilities in a very distorted environment. So when the country does some sort of policy that it's pro-growth, then Naturally, those would be the firms to leverage the most, uh, the, the new context. So I interpreted, the industrial policy years as through direct subsidization allowing for these firms to, to emerge and there's no puzzle there. We, we understand that the, the rising side of the size distribution is directly attributable to the industrial policy. Now, a good news I would say is that as soon as you shut down the policy, There's no problem in, in dynamism to emerge, you know, because some, some might wonder, well, maybe once you create these large firms they become so entrenched that thereafter, even when, when, when the industrial policy is stopped, then dynamism wouldn't reignite because there will be so much, uh, connect, you know, barriers to entry that, that it, that it would block any entrance. To wanna come in and, and enjoy the like the, the, the, the, the, the level playing field. So is this a fair statement that somehow as soon as the industrial policy uh stopped uh. New entrants and, and other firms were able to flourish or, or is the decline in the average size coming from the, the, the fact that the the Shaibos themselves started to shrink? That's my, my first question. OK, great. So, the first of all, yeah, you are totally right. So as an outcome of the industrial policy, the, the, the, I mean, the, I mean, doing the industrial policy, the government naturally the supported the large incumbent and that increased the size of the, the farms. So, let me go back to the basic because now we are seeing the revival of the industrial policy in the US and other countries. So, the, the textbook, the style, the justification for the industrial policy is that whenever there is the externality, the individual plants do not, the internalize the benefit they are making by the, the putting, the making, the huge, the fixed cost, the, the, the, the fixed investment. But the government subsidized that. Now the company is able to make that high investment at that generate the benefit the toward the nearby plants, and then the plants that connected through the input output, the metrics. So, totally right. So it is the, the, it is natural to see the. The pattern in other countries too, but what is interesting in the Koreas, the context is that we also see the end of the industrial policy, which is not common because we know the several other cases of industrial policy, mostly in Latin America, that failed at the end. So my counterfactual scenario So if the Korea continue to do the industrial policy for 10 years, then 20 years, so then you are building this political connection between Jaber and the President Park Chung-ye for 10 to 20 years. So then it is likely to be, I mean, corrupted. I mean, that relationship, it's unlikely to be healthy after 10 to 20 years. So the European Council knows about what happened after the end, the unexpected, the end of the industrial policy. So, we don't see the, the, the, the, the decrease in the size of the zebras. So larger farms are, I mean, still the, the large, but they stopped growing, so they, they grew a lot in the industrial policy, but they stopped the, the, the growing the further, but the, the, the many, the small and the productive, the, the plants and the farms enter to the market. So the mechanically, the decline in the average size was mostly, were mostly driven by the new, the entrant. And then my understanding is that They could not enter during the industrial policy period, uh, but the, the, when the, the, the, during the rationalization period, they could enter and then they have contributed to the next 10 to 20 years of the, the growth miracle without the industrial policy. Yeah, no, I, but I think it's a great insight that uh it's not well known and of course it's not well known because it required data like this to, to make the point which is the short-lived nature of industrial policy is one sort of necessary condition for let's say argue in favor of, of this kind of government interventions. Uh, the other one I would say, and it didn't come up today too much although it did uh last week uh in New Hu's talk. Is the gearing of the subsidization not only to particular sectors but also by um a requirement if you will of export so in a way. Forcing and disciplining the recipients of the subsidies to go have to compete and export and, and kept in check by the globally competitive nature of the industries where they operated I think. That necessary condition which I think is more well understood combined with what you teach us today that the short lived is important are are two ingredients that I think whoever is gonna keep advocating for industrial policy and of course in the report we're gonna touch on this uh we want to emphasize um so again as as I don't see anyone else uh please feel free to jump in, um. But I, I, I see a question here from Matheus. Matthew, so Matthew, please take the floor. Yeah. Hi, hi, everyone. Um, I'm just wondering one thing where you presented uh some evidence there on the static allocative efficiency. Uh, And you presented this correlation, uh, increasing. So my question to you is, What could be the role of quality upgrading here. So there's a question of markups. There's one part. But the point is, couldn't this positive and increasing correlation be such that more productive firms are increasing quality as they compete in international markets so that increase This correlation. Thanks. OK, so the, the, thank you for the question, Matthias. So, my first answer is that, so we don't know yet, so why it increased a lot during the, the recent period. So that's something the Youngs and I, the, the plant to work on. And your question was the weather that is related to the quality of grading. So, like many other, the data, so we don't see the price. So unfortunately, in the data, we don't have a direct measure to quantify whether this is coming from the change in the market or change in the quality. I mean, even with the price information, if the highly highly productive farms are now Charging the higher price, that could be interpreted as the markup or that could be also interpreted as the higher quality. So your question was already incorporating these two possibilities. So the first of all, one is the price data, and then the second one is the model to separately quantify the role of the Markov and the quality. I mean, that's really the interesting, the, the research area. Unfortunately, the Korean data is not ideal to answer that question, but there must be the other countries, the context that giving you the price information, say Colombia. So the Colombian, the manufacturing plant data, so they have uh price information separately, then at least you can overcome the data limitation, but still it's the question. The whenever you see the increase or decrease in the, the price, the, whether you want the, the attribute that to the change in the markup or quality. Great question, but unfortunately, so we don't have an answer. Yeah, thanks. And I, I was just puzzled that to interpret this as a sign that uh there's the allocative efficiency is not improving. So I, I, maybe I misunderstood, but, yeah, as you said that this, the data is not well suited to answer that. So I, I understand the constraints. I mean, thanks. Thanks. So if I, if, I mean, if it's OK, so let me add just one additional point because the, because now we are talking about the allocated efficiency. So even though I reported that during the industrial policy period, the aggregate allocated efficiency didn't change, so that was the, the, the what I showed you. During the industrial policy period, the aggregate level of allocated efficiency didn't change much, but I have another paper with Jung's and the Dr. Minho Kim. The comparing the change in the located efficiency between the targeted industries and the non-targeted industries. And we found that the degree of the misallocation increased in the targeted industries, but in the definitive sense, comparing the targeted versus the non-targeted, the industrial policy was somewhat. Distorting the resource allocation across the plants. When the government, uh, the, put the resources to the plants that, those were not necessarily the most productive plants in the economy. So this aggregate. The constant allocated efficiency during the industrial policies is the masking this heterogeneity between the targeted and non-targeted sectors. So, even though today I focused on the facts, the aggregate facts, but yeah, we need more research on looking at how that is, has been different across the sub-sectors of the manufacturing. And then may, I may have a better answer to Matteo, to your question because you may have some user suspect, the set of the sectors, you may anticipate the, the larger, the quality of grading during certain period. Anyone else wants to make a point or a question? I think that either way, I, whatever is the actual mechanism driving that rise in the TFPR TFPQ. Uh, so far the stories that have been ventured, if it's markups or if it's, uh, some distortion of another kind, like, uh, my impression of what I have seen happening in other countries where you can document the time series evolution of distortions is that you can see a bigger response in the aggregate. To this micro-level evidence of, of, of frictions and um which in the case of Korea, it might just tell us that There are many other forces that we don't know that are keeping growth afloat and therefore the slowdown is the marginal contribution from this channel and therefore it's notable because these other forces were so strong for 30 years that now they're slowing down and they are, they are there. But what is really puzzling to me is the actual level to which the reversion of the size distribution converged. Uh, like if you put Korea, I mean, if I take your latest year of the average firm size in Korea and I put it in a cross section across countries and plotted against GDP. I would expect based on Korea's average size of less than 2030 workers to be as poor as, uh, you know, Mexico or India, uh, you know, even the conditioning on firms with 10+ or 5+ workers, which is your sample. Uh, so that to me is really, is really, uh, puzzling. Like how is it that the size distribution makes such a big turn to the downside and you don't see in the aggregate, uh, uh, uh, an equivalent decline, but, um. And it's, it's let me quickly address that question by showing the slide. So for other audience, Robert, the, the, you already know the that sides, the facts on the top of your head, but you're totally right. So this is the figure on the left is comparing the Average employment of Korea, which is the yellow line, which is below the New Zealand, the Mexico, Brazil, those are the set of the countries that allowed us to do the April to April comparison using the OECD data. So it is so true that where Korea is in terms of the average employment is much lower than other countries, including the medium income countries. So again, there could be the multiple, the hypothesis. The one hypothesis is the concentration, the degree of the concentration. So the, the, the, the, the big conglomerates are leading the development of the manufacturing sector, and the mirror image of that is that the rea is suffering from the self-employment. What do I mean by the self-employment? The, the When the manufacturing workers lose their job. It is, they struggle to find the new employer. When you lose the job from the manufacturing sector at the age of 40 to 50, the labor market is not that dynamic. And then they. Many of them, the, the, the, the, the become the self-employed. So if they have a specific skill, so they just open the small-scale store, or that they open the, the, the small scale, the restaurant or the supermarkets. So that, the large, the size of the self-employment, self-employment rate in Korea is the largest among the OECD countries. It's comparable to Mexico actually. So, the, the one side, the, the, the, there is the, there are the largest sites, the big conglomerates, and on the other side, there are large sites of the self-employment. I think there is so much the, the pushing these size of the average employment down compared to the other countries, but again, that's the one hypothetis we haven't scientifically tested it. But you are totally right. So that's another interesting observation from the Korea's experience. Yeah, very interesting. Thanks for bringing up the fear. Uh, I put numbers to what I was trying to convey to the broad audience, but And related to the allocative efficiency, the puzzle, I mean, to me, it's the puzzle, so it's very fair to say the puzzle. But what Jungs and I, we work first on is the trying the different measurements. So you know that there has been the development after the Shanreno paper. So when there is the measurement error in the output input, so how they overcome that, the base reno, they have a paper, and then we can also use the decreasing return to scale instead of the constant return to scale. So I think the first thing we need to do is the, the, the, the checking whether this huge increase is coming from the measurement error or not. So, the, we will, the use other the methodologist, I mean. Extension of the Shang reno and check whether we still see that we don't expect to change the, the, in the, the result the qualitatively, but quantitatively the result may change so we may, yeah, we want to check that. OK, great moon, um. I believe that people have had enough time to raise more hands, so if they didn't, I, I take it as we are ready to. To close the seminar, um. Thank you so much. We've learned a lot and most importantly, we have a lot more to keep learning, so that's the best seminars, the ones that teach you something but also keep you thinking. So, um, thank you, everyone, uh, who made it until now for joining and please stay tuned for more seminars, uh, from the WDR series. See you all soon. See you. Thank you. Thank you so much. I'm looking forward to the further engagement with the WDR. Bye-bye. Awesome. Thanks. Bye. Thank you.
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Korea growth miracle
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Korea growth miracle
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In this WDR 2024 Seminar, Munseob Lee (Assistant Professor of Economics in the School of Global Policy and Strategy (GPS), University of California—San Diego) discusses "Plant-level View of Korea’s Growth Miracle and Slowdown" with chair Roberto N. Fattal Jaef (Senior Economist, Development Economics Research Group, Macroeconomics and Growth, World Bank).
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