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00:01 Our regular

00:02 bi-monthly,

00:03 uh,

00:03 seminar on African Economics series.

00:06 Um,

00:07 my name is Andrew DoN.

00:08 For those of you who have not,

00:09 uh,

00:10 joined this before,

00:11 I'm the incoming chief economist.

00:13 Um,

00:13 we're delighted to have

00:15 Jim Robinson,

00:16 who is not new to a lot of you here.

00:18 Uh,

00:18 he's,

00:20 um,

00:21 been influential.

00:22 I think he has influenced a lot of our work in the World Bank.

00:25 Um,

00:26 so it's,

00:27 this is gonna be a continuation of that.

00:30 Uh,

00:30 but before I hand over to,

00:32 um,

00:33 to,

00:33 uh,

00:34 Jim and our discussion,

00:35 let me just

00:36 give a couple of remarks,

00:37 right?

00:38 Just to set the stage for this.

00:40 Um,

00:41 so the,

00:42 we all know that the development challenge for Africa remains

00:46 reducing extreme poverty,

00:47 which is pervasive,

00:49 um,

00:50 that,

00:51 you know,

00:52 34% of Africans live below $2.15.

00:57 Uh,

00:57 and that remains a major,

00:59 major obstacle challenge.

01:01 Tens of millions of children out of school.

01:03 Mills don't have decent healthcare.

01:06 Or access to

01:07 decent energy,

01:09 water and sanitation,

01:10 the,

01:10 the list is long,

01:11 right?

01:12 And for some states,

01:13 you know,

01:14 even just basic security is a problem.

01:16 So they are close to state collapses,

01:18 uh,

01:18 as we are watching,

01:20 uh,

01:20 unfolding in some places,

01:21 right.

01:22 At the same time,

01:23 these countries have signed on to this,

01:26 you know,

01:27 international development goals and also their own,

01:30 in their own,

01:30 you know,

01:31 in their own documents,

01:32 they have either development documents or these vision documents,

01:35 they have these ambitious goals

01:37 of trying to,

01:38 you know,

01:39 achieve either universal access to a lot of these services,

01:42 uh,

01:43 uh,

01:43 and at the same time reducing poverty,

01:46 um.

01:47 But

01:48 in the current context,

01:50 that requires enormous financing.

01:53 Um,

01:54 and the global financing conditions right now are really not favorable.

01:58 Interest rates are rising.

02:00 Debt levels are very high,

02:02 they don't have a lot of,

02:03 you know,

02:04 they've been shut out basically of this global financing,

02:06 uh,

02:07 um,

02:07 mechanisms,

02:09 um,

02:10 so they have to rely

02:12 on domestic resources,

02:14 that,

02:14 that's one space open to them,

02:17 uh,

02:17 in order to finance these ambitious goals,

02:19 and yet.

02:21 I mean,

02:21 we've,

02:22 in the bank,

02:22 we've done a lot of,

02:24 uh,

02:24 we've done a lot of analytical work and uh diagnosis around why,

02:29 you know,

02:29 domestic resource mobilization is not um

02:32 uh high in Africa,

02:34 um,

02:35 and often we run,

02:36 we come into these technical,

02:37 you know,

02:38 reasons,

02:38 corruption,

02:39 lack of capacity,

02:41 um,

02:42 you know,

02:42 administration issues,

02:43 effort,

02:43 and so on and so on,

02:44 right,

02:45 incentive mechanisms,

02:46 but

02:47 I think Jim is gonna share

02:49 with us another reason why we,

02:51 you know,

02:52 this,

02:52 this,

02:52 uh,

02:53 this,

02:53 uh,

02:53 um,

02:55 resource mobilization is lower in Africa.

02:58 Um,

02:59 so,

03:00 I'm keen to hear about this.

03:02 I'm sure a lot of you are.

03:03 So,

03:05 the way we will proceed,

03:06 we will give Jim about 40 minutes to present,

03:09 and then we're delighted to have two discussions who have been

03:12 doing a lot of research in this area as well.

03:15 Stui Kemani,

03:16 who is the senior economist in the research department of the,

03:19 uh,

03:19 the World Bank,

03:20 and Oye,

03:21 um,

03:22 Oye Bolana,

03:23 who is also in the research department.

03:25 So what we'll do is we'll have Jim present for 40 minutes

03:29 and then we will turn to our discussions who will have 5 to 10 minutes each.

03:33 And then we will

03:34 uh open up for conversation.

03:36 Um,

03:37 what I would urge all of you to do is,

03:39 as,

03:40 as Jim presents,

03:41 please go ahead and,

03:42 uh,

03:43 post your,

03:43 your comments,

03:45 uh,

03:45 but

03:46 ideally just stay on and then have your ques,

03:48 you know,

03:49 ask your questions towards the end.

03:51 Um,

03:51 so,

03:52 with that,

03:52 over to you,

03:53 Jim.

03:54 Brilliant,

03:54 OK,

03:55 thank you,

03:55 I'm sorry that I had technical problems and we're all starting late.

03:58 I should right,

03:59 oh gosh.

04:01 Um

04:04 Oh

04:05 gosh.

04:10 No

04:14 You can't display your shared,

04:15 let's see if I can.

04:17 OK.

04:19 How do I do this,

04:20 share screen?

04:23 Screen or uh who knows how,

04:25 I don't know how to use the software,

04:26 so it says I open share content and it says screen and application,

04:31 what do what do I do,

04:32 screen or application?

04:35 Let me have a go.

04:41 You can't display your shared content.

04:44 I don't know,

04:44 it does someone,

04:45 can someone give me permission to do this,

04:47 it doesn't look like I have permission to share the screen.

04:53 I mean,

04:54 uh,

04:54 James,

04:54 you should be able to,

04:55 but one moment,

04:56 let me just check on something,

04:57 but you should be able to share,

04:58 just,

04:59 uh,

04:59 if you could just share your screen.

05:04 Oh,

05:05 is it telling you that you need administration?

05:07 It

05:12 I don't know,

05:13 it says you can't display your shared content,

05:15 make sure you're allowed permission to share content and then try it again.

05:20 OK,

05:20 one moment.

05:21 Oops.

05:23 I

05:25 Is it screen or application?

05:28 Screen.

05:30 It should be screened.

05:32 OK,

05:33 and then it comes up and it says.

05:37 There's the screen.

05:38 I can see the screen here,

05:39 and when I click on and when I click on

05:42 share,

05:43 I,

05:43 I get this says you can't share,

05:45 you can't display your shared content.

05:47 Make sure you're allowed permission to share content and try again.

05:51 Yeah,

05:51 just try application then uh while I'll try and see if our IT folks can help.

05:55 It's.

05:57 This is the first time we are having the slides to someone

06:00 to display them for you.

06:04 Could you,

06:04 could you send,

06:05 send,

06:05 if you send the,

06:06 uh,

06:06 the slides with

06:08 not through Google Docs but just regular slides,

06:11 we can probably upload them for you.

06:13 I,

06:13 I think they're too heavy.

06:14 I sent them on an email.

06:16 To,

06:17 um

06:19 I sent them on an email to somebody,

06:22 was it Rose Claire

06:24 Pacabamba,

06:25 um.

06:27 Yes,

06:28 I sent them on an email to Rose Claire.

06:30 Uh,

06:30 so I tried downloading,

06:32 but then it's in Google Docs and it's asking for a sign in,

06:35 so I,

06:36 I don't have permission to do that.

06:38 OK,

06:38 but it's too heavy to email,

06:39 I guess that's why it didn't,

06:41 uh,

06:41 OK,

06:42 it didn't work,

06:43 uh.

06:44 Um,

06:46 OK,

06:46 Andrew.

06:51 I think I can give Andrew permission.

06:54 I tried to give you

06:55 permission,

06:56 Andrew.

07:01 Oh

07:08 Oh,

07:09 how frustrating.

07:18 Uh,

07:21 and so I can feel any document.

07:26 You can't see that by any chance,

07:27 can you?

07:30 No.

07:31 Too much to hope for.

07:33 OK.

07:35 Oh,

07:36 that's,

07:36 that's.

07:46 No,

07:46 it doesn't work,

07:47 yeah.

07:47 I don't know what's going on.

07:50 It does,

07:51 I don't know this software very well,

07:52 I'm sorry,

07:53 yeah.

07:58 It says I don't have permission to share anything.

08:03 Uh

08:11 There you go.

08:12 Oh,

08:12 OK.

08:14 OK,

08:15 but who's,

08:15 you're showing that,

08:16 are you?

08:23 OK,

08:23 so,

08:24 so somebody else is gonna move it,

08:25 are they,

08:26 is that the plan?

08:31 I thought,

08:31 hello,

08:32 can you hear me?

08:34 Yes,

08:35 it looks,

08:35 uh,

08:36 James,

08:36 it looks like you're the one who's sharing,

08:38 so you should be able to,

08:39 uh,

08:40 to move it up and down.

08:41 OK,

08:42 I don't know how to.

08:44 OK.

08:46 But I,

08:46 it doesn't,

08:47 I can't.

08:50 Does it,

08:50 is it moving?

08:52 Yes,

08:53 let's move up and down and see

08:56 moving,

08:56 is it?

08:56 Yes,

08:57 it is moving.

08:58 OK,

08:58 how weird.

08:58 All right,

08:59 so let's.

09:01 Let's um,

09:02 let's go,

09:02 alright,

09:02 so sorry for all the,

09:04 the,

09:04 the,

09:05 the,

09:05 the confusion,

09:06 alright,

09:06 great,

09:06 so

09:07 uh it's Andrew,

09:08 it's Andrew that is sharing,

09:09 OK,

09:09 that's fine,

09:10 no problem.

09:10 Andrew.

09:11 OK,

09:12 so I can't control it,

09:13 Andrew controls it,

09:15 is that right?

09:19 Yes.

09:20 OK,

09:21 all right,

09:21 so I'll tell Andrew,

09:22 all right,

09:22 great,

09:23 so,

09:23 OK,

09:24 thanks very much.

09:24 So let's just go to the first slide,

09:26 um

09:27 let's see how far I get.

09:28 So I think,

09:29 you know,

09:29 the big,

09:30 the big picture here is,

09:31 you know,

09:32 I think,

09:32 you know,

09:32 there's many things,

09:33 you know,

09:33 which Andrew started talking about,

09:35 you know,

09:36 concerning these issues that we sort of understand.

09:39 Uh,

09:39 but I think there's many things we don't understand,

09:41 and so I guess my big picture,

09:43 my sort of the,

09:44 this is the big picture agenda of the sort of intellectual

09:47 agenda

09:48 is kind of

09:49 trying to understand,

09:50 um,

09:51 the sort of deep history of,

09:53 of political institutions in Africa and the way that influences.

09:58 Current political institutions,

09:59 as I think it does,

10:00 and as I'll try to argue and you know,

10:02 I talk about a lot of different sorts of evidence in

10:04 the paper that I won't have a chance to get into,

10:06 but hopefully,

10:07 this will just kind of whet your appetite a bit.

10:10 And I've been very inspired,

10:12 you know,

10:12 over the years by the work of the,

10:14 you know,

10:14 the great historian Jan van Seena of Central Africa,

10:17 and here's,

10:17 you know,

10:18 here's a.

10:18 Quote from his book Paths in the Rainforest that sort of it,

10:21 it kind of inspired this whole project,

10:23 which is

10:24 the ability to refuse centralization while maintaining the necessary cohesion

10:29 amongst a myriad of autonomous units has been

10:31 the most original contribution of Western Bantu tradition

10:35 to the institutional history of the world.

10:38 So I don't think so.

10:39 Social scientists have really

10:41 figured this out yet,

10:42 they haven't lived up to this agenda that Vanine has set out,

10:45 and they haven't thought through

10:46 its implications.

10:47 And so,

10:48 so I,

10:49 this is a sort of

10:50 an attempt to think through

10:52 some of the implications and,

10:53 you know,

10:54 and talk about,

10:55 you know,

10:55 I'm not gonna talk too much about why Africans refused centralization,

11:00 but it's easy to document

11:01 that they did.

11:02 OK,

11:03 so for example,

11:03 on the next slide.

11:06 If you just

11:07 plot,

11:07 what do I mean by refused centralization?

11:09 I mean that

11:10 at the time of the scramble for Africa,

11:12 Africans lived in thousands and thousands of independent,

11:17 uh,

11:18 polities.

11:18 You know,

11:18 in eastern Nigeria,

11:19 there might have been 500

11:22 independent

11:22 polities.

11:23 OK,

11:23 so if.

11:24 You just take historical estimates of population,

11:26 1880,

11:27 round about the time of the scramble for Africa,

11:30 and then you divide them into these different layer,

11:33 different levels of um

11:35 jurisdictional hierarchy from the Murdoch

11:38 atlas,

11:38 which is some

11:39 kind of notion of stateness,

11:41 uh.

11:43 At most,

11:44 one third of Africans,

11:46 uh,

11:46 lived in what you would call what

11:48 anthropologists and historians would describe as states.

11:51 OK,

11:52 so,

11:52 so

11:53 there's

11:54 5.

11:56 If it's the highest level jurisdictional hierarchy,

11:58 only 4 polities,

11:59 they're all in North Africa,

12:01 uh,

12:01 not actually in sub-Saharan Africa.

12:03 The level

12:04 4

12:05 is,

12:05 you know,

12:05 there's 45 sub-Saharan African polities,

12:08 that's Rwanda,

12:09 Buganda,

12:10 you know,

12:11 Zulu,

12:12 uh,

12:13 you know,

12:13 Hausa,

12:14 the,

12:14 you know,

12:14 Kano,

12:15 uh,

12:16 Benin,

12:16 you know,

12:17 uh,

12:17 you know,

12:18 the,

12:18 uh,

12:18 the,

12:18 the,

12:18 the Ashanti.

12:19 So,

12:20 so

12:20 big

12:21 African states

12:22 there were,

12:22 you know,

12:23 but only about 25% of people were living in states like that in Africa.

12:26 The rest were living in much smaller scale

12:29 society,

12:30 so this is,

12:30 this is what Van Seena's

12:32 idea is about.

12:33 It's about,

12:34 that was intentional,

12:35 you know,

12:35 this is not some facet of kind of underdevelopment,

12:38 it's actually intentional,

12:39 because Africans refused

12:41 centralization,

12:42 and really this project,

12:43 you know,

12:44 today is just

12:45 talking about

12:46 some of the consequences of that

12:47 for

12:48 uh

12:49 for taxation.

12:50 But mostly,

12:50 of course,

12:50 I'm gonna have to convince you that

12:52 that

12:53 these traditional ideas about centralization in Africa

12:57 have actually

12:57 perpetuated themselves over time and they significantly

13:01 affect the kind of way people think about

13:03 power and legitimate authority

13:05 and the way they think about political

13:08 institutions.

13:08 OK,

13:09 so,

13:09 so on the next slide,

13:10 which is like the small agenda for today,

13:13 uh,

13:13 is,

13:14 um,

13:15 the next slide.

13:17 Please.

13:23 OK.

13:24 Andrew,

13:25 who's moving the slides?

13:28 Can you see it?

13:30 I can see it,

13:30 but I can't move it,

13:31 yeah,

13:31 so I can,

13:32 I can.

13:34 Oh goodness,

13:36 this is.

13:39 Is that?

13:41 Oh,

13:41 we lost it?

13:52 Yes,

13:53 OK,

13:53 can you see it now?

13:56 Yes.

13:58 Which,

13:58 so where,

13:59 where,

13:59 which slide are you on?

14:00 This one?

14:02 Uh,

14:02 I don't know,

14:02 I can't,

14:03 I don't know,

14:03 yeah.

14:04 Small picture.

14:05 Yes,

14:05 yes,

14:06 perfect.

14:06 OK,

14:07 alright,

14:07 so,

14:08 so I'm just,

14:09 you know,

14:09 there's many aspects of this that one could talk about,

14:12 uh,

14:12 but

14:13 I'm just gonna talk

14:14 today about the implications of this,

14:16 uh,

14:16 for,

14:17 for sort of taxation,

14:18 OK?

14:19 So

14:19 I think we know,

14:20 you know,

14:20 empirically,

14:21 uh,

14:21 African states,

14:23 uh,

14:24 tax,

14:24 you know.

14:25 They don't tax much relative to GDP per capita.

14:27 I think the,

14:28 I don't know what the World Bank thinks about this,

14:30 but I think the International Monetary Fund says,

14:32 you know,

14:32 15% of GDP is the sort of magic number.

14:35 And many African countries,

14:36 uh,

14:37 fall below that.

14:38 OK?

14:38 So,

14:39 so,

14:39 you know,

14:39 I think from a public finance perspective,

14:41 you think that,

14:42 you know,

14:43 the people lack

14:44 basic public goods,

14:46 and,

14:46 you know,

14:46 it's gonna be highly desirable from a normative.

14:48 Perspective,

14:49 to raise taxes and provide uh

14:51 more,

14:52 more public goods to deal with some of the problems that Andrew was,

14:55 was outlining at the start of the talk.

14:57 I think,

14:57 you know,

14:58 uh,

14:59 typical arguments for why that doesn't happen include,

15:02 you know,

15:02 uh

15:03 uh

15:04 citizens don't want to concede taxation with a history,

15:07 you know,

15:07 to states with a history of misallocating and diverting public monies.

15:12 Uh,

15:13 states which lack accountability,

15:14 and there's still quite a few of those in sub-Saharan Africa,

15:17 do not have the incentives to provide such public goods,

15:20 and you may also think that

15:22 African states,

15:23 you know,

15:23 however well-intentioned,

15:24 uh,

15:24 leaders are or rulers are,

15:26 they lack

15:27 just,

15:27 they just lack the bureaucratic capacity to raise revenues and spend them on,

15:31 uh,

15:32 uh,

15:32 efficiently on public goods.

15:34 So I think,

15:35 I think all of those,

15:36 I think all of those,

15:37 those,

15:38 those factors are.

15:38 Are

15:39 important,

15:39 so I don't,

15:40 don't want to be,

15:41 I don't wanna be interpreted as saying these are not important,

15:43 I think they are,

15:44 and there's plenty of evidence.

15:45 But what I wanna do is advance a new argument,

15:47 uh,

15:48 and I'm gonna show you some evidence

15:49 from Sierra Leone,

15:51 uh,

15:51 to kind of

15:52 lead you into that new argument.

15:54 OK,

15:54 so we go to the next slide,

15:56 we see that,

15:57 um.

16:11 OK,

16:12 no,

16:12 wrong,

16:12 wrong direction.

16:17 OK,

16:17 alright,

16:18 so

16:19 let me look at

16:20 attitudes of Sierra Leoneans to,

16:22 um,

16:22 why Sierra Leoneans?

16:23 Well,

16:23 because I got a lot of these orig,

16:25 these ideas originally when I was working in Sierra Leone,

16:28 so,

16:28 so,

16:28 so that's,

16:29 that's why,

16:29 you know,

16:30 uh,

16:30 and I'm gonna come back and talk about Sierra Leone later if I get,

16:33 get a chance,

16:34 OK?

16:34 So,

16:35 uh,

16:35 uh,

16:36 so,

16:36 so

16:36 let's look at the attitudes of Sierra Leoneans towards uh taxation,

16:40 OK,

16:41 so,

16:41 so,

16:42 you know,

16:42 uh,

16:42 it turns out,

16:43 and I think we can all agree,

16:44 uh,

16:44 that public good provision is pretty awful.

16:46 Uh,

16:47 in Sierra Leone,

16:48 uh,

16:48 uh,

16:48 it's much better than it is,

16:50 it much,

16:50 it's much better than it used to be,

16:52 you know,

16:52 partially thanks to the World Bank.

16:53 Uh,

16:54 and let's see what Sierra Leoneans think about taxation.

16:57 OK,

16:57 so on the next slide I just reproduced some data

17:00 on

17:00 from the last round of the AfroBarometer,

17:03 uh,

17:03 on

17:04 Sierra Leoneans' attitude towards taxation.

17:06 So,

17:06 so

17:07 only about 10 to 15% of Sierra Leoneans think the government should tax more,

17:11 uh,

17:12 and,

17:12 you know,

17:12 47% of rural.

17:14 People and 24% of urban people think it should tax less.

17:18 OK,

17:18 so,

17:19 so,

17:19 so that,

17:20 you know,

17:20 there's not overwhelming support for a kind of public finance view here,

17:23 but you can sort of think,

17:24 OK,

17:25 fine,

17:25 but the Sierra Leoneans,

17:27 there's a lot of problems with governance in Sierra Leone,

17:29 with kind of clientelism and corruption and diversion of

17:33 state resources.

17:34 So of course,

17:34 Sierra Leoneans,

17:35 you know,

17:36 don't want to pay more taxes,

17:37 they're worried that it's not gonna be spent on things that benefit them.

17:40 OK,

17:41 next slide.

17:42 So

17:42 that's part of the problem,

17:45 OK,

17:45 but

17:46 I wanna argue it's not the whole

17:48 uh

17:48 part of the,

17:49 it's not the whole story,

17:50 and there are good kind of profound reasons for why it's not the whole story,

17:54 which is related to what Vancina was talking about.

17:56 So there's a very clever question,

17:58 if you go to the next slide,

18:00 which the Afrobarometer

18:01 also asked in the following way.

18:04 Which of the following statements is closest to your view?

18:07 Statement 1,

18:08 it's better to pay higher taxes

18:09 if it means that there will be more services provided by the government.

18:14 Statement 2,

18:14 it's better to pay lower taxes if it means

18:17 there will be fewer services provided by the government.

18:20 So the whole point of this question,

18:21 which they asked everywhere.

18:22 Is to try to kind of get round this problem of,

18:25 well,

18:26 of course you want

18:27 lower taxes,

18:28 because you think the money's all gonna be misappropriated,

18:30 all right,

18:30 so they're sort of saying hypothetically,

18:33 if you were absolutely sure this would be spent on public goods,

18:36 would you be in favor of higher taxes?

18:38 And remarkably,

18:40 it seems to me.

18:41 And this is the sort of start of the whole paper,

18:43 and this is true right the way across sub-Saharan Africa.

18:47 41% of Sierra Leoneans prefer lower taxes and lower levels of services,

18:53 or lower levels of public goods,

18:54 OK?

18:55 And that's

18:56 48% of people in rural areas where public goods are,

18:59 you know,

18:59 public goods provision in rural Sierra Leone is a lot worse than it is in Freetown,

19:03 for example,

19:04 or in Bow.

19:05 Or McKenny,

19:06 uh,

19:07 uh,

19:07 but nevertheless,

19:08 almost half of people would like lower taxes and

19:11 lower

19:12 public goods.

19:13 OK,

19:13 so that's,

19:14 to me,

19:15 that's a puzzle,

19:16 OK,

19:16 so,

19:16 so,

19:17 and,

19:18 and it's not explicable by these mechanisms

19:20 of problems of corruption and accountability,

19:23 and so,

19:24 uh,

19:24 so the paper is really about

19:26 providing an explanation for this puzzle,

19:28 so let's go.

19:30 I think it's a puzzle,

19:31 and I think,

19:32 you know,

19:32 to understand that,

19:34 what I propose is you have to think about Africans' ideas,

19:37 you know,

19:38 like people don't talk about political philosophy in

19:40 Africa or Africans' ideas about legitimate authority or,

19:44 you know,

19:44 if we were talking about England,

19:46 you know,

19:47 we'd be talking about John Locke and Thomas Hobbes,

19:49 if we were talking about the United States,

19:50 we'd be talking about Montesquieua and James

19:52 Madison and Alexander Hamilton and stuff,

19:54 but when it comes to Africa,

19:56 we don't think about.

19:57 Africans' ideas about authority,

19:59 but I think that's absolutely critical because we know that Africans organized

20:03 their polities in extremely different ways,

20:06 historically and in not very ways which are very distinct from

20:09 Western

20:10 societies,

20:11 and that was exactly uh

20:13 Van

20:13 Seena's point.

20:14 OK,

20:15 so,

20:15 you know,

20:16 what he points out

20:17 is that Africans grappled in an original way with the question of how to maintain.

20:21 Contained local autonomy paramount,

20:23 while enlarging the scale of society.

20:25 OK,

20:26 so people understood that there were benefits from scale,

20:29 cooperation,

20:30 you know,

20:30 it,

20:31 it kind of facilitating trade and providing,

20:34 you know,

20:34 public goods,

20:36 but

20:36 they were worried about their autonomy.

20:39 OK,

20:39 so,

20:40 yeah,

20:40 familiar pressures such as population growth or

20:42 the need to provide public good did.

20:44 Lead to the birth of some chiefdoms,

20:46 even kingdoms,

20:47 mostly

20:48 they led to the birth of new forms of association to safeguard

20:51 the autonomy of the basic community in a time of expansion.

20:54 So what you see

20:55 throughout,

20:56 you know,

20:56 Africa is a very big place,

20:58 Africa's not a country,

20:59 there's a lot of heterogeneity here,

21:01 you know,

21:01 and I'm happy to talk about that,

21:02 and,

21:03 you know,

21:03 it so obviously I'm kind of riding over that in this discussion,

21:06 so I should just apologize for that and.

21:08 You know,

21:09 uh,

21:09 but just to give you,

21:10 you know,

21:11 he's talking about Bantu Africa,

21:12 he's talking about Central Africa,

21:14 the kind of areas of Bantu expansion,

21:16 and,

21:17 you know,

21:17 so obviously Ethiopia's very different,

21:19 the *** Bend is very different,

21:20 you know,

21:21 so,

21:21 so,

21:21 but

21:22 we can talk about all of that,

21:23 but if I start talking about all the heterogeneity,

21:25 we'll never,

21:26 I'll never get anywhere,

21:27 you know,

21:27 and I think.

21:28 There are a lot of similarities in many different

21:31 African societies in these kind of issues,

21:33 and we know,

21:34 we,

21:34 I talk about a lot of the specifics in the paper.

21:36 OK,

21:37 so,

21:37 so what does he mean by

21:39 new forms of association and kind of alternatives to

21:42 the type of centralized state that emerged in,

21:45 you know,

21:45 in East Asia or emerged,

21:47 you know,

21:48 in,

21:48 in Western Europe?

21:50 Next slide.

21:52 Uh,

21:53 this is what,

21:53 you know,

21:53 modern anthropologists,

21:54 this is not the,

21:55 the,

21:55 the word that,

21:56 uh,

21:57 Vancini uses,

21:58 but would call

21:59 hybrid institutions.

22:00 So,

22:01 so

22:02 institutions that try to take advantage of some of the,

22:05 you know,

22:05 try to kind of reap some of the advantages of scale or states,

22:09 but in different

22:10 ways,

22:10 OK?

22:11 So the first part of the paper,

22:12 I point out that

22:14 these kind of hybrid institutions.

22:17 Rarely,

22:18 rarely involve taxation,

22:20 OK,

22:20 so uh,

22:20 let me get,

22:21 talk,

22:21 talk a little bit about the kind of canonical example of this from anthropology,

22:25 which is from,

22:26 uh,

22:26 which is from Uganda,

22:27 it's one of the best studied examples of this,

22:30 which is the Aur

22:32 uh

22:33 polity.

22:34 So next slide please.

22:36 OK,

22:36 just,

22:36 uh,

22:37 you know,

22:37 without insulting anyone's intelligence,

22:39 these,

22:39 this is a,

22:40 this is an ethnographic map,

22:42 a map of of,

22:43 of Uganda,

22:43 which,

22:44 which

22:44 I can't point to it,

22:45 but

22:46 the Aor country is up,

22:47 you know,

22:47 right at the top of Lake Albert,

22:49 uh,

22:49 at the top,

22:50 uh,

22:50 you know,

22:50 the northwest corner of the map.

22:52 Uh,

22:53 that's just to give you a sense of where the Aor.

22:55 is,

22:56 OK,

22:56 so,

22:57 so the,

22:57 the,

22:58 the formation of the Allor

23:00 state,

23:00 if you like,

23:00 was studied by Aidan Southall,

23:02 uh,

23:03 an

23:04 anthro social anthropologist in the late 1940s and early 1950s

23:07 who kind of transcribed a lot of the oral history

23:09 of the origins of the institution.

23:11 So if you go to the next slide,

23:13 you know,

23:13 I'll just tell you the story.

23:15 That part of uh

23:16 Uganda

23:18 was,

23:18 was inhabited by,

23:19 by kind of what,

23:20 uh,

23:21 you know,

23:21 what you could call stateless societies,

23:23 sort of acephalous societies,

23:24 you know,

23:25 the Lendu,

23:26 the Lugbara,

23:27 uh,

23:27 uh,

23:28 some of them very well studied by other anthropologists.

23:30 So,

23:31 so they were,

23:31 they were trying to reap the benefits of scale,

23:34 uh,

23:35 and they were suffering from.

23:36 Some of the problems,

23:37 you know,

23:37 connected to the lack of state institutions,

23:40 particularly uh conflict,

23:42 OK,

23:43 so what did they do?

23:44 They

23:44 sent a,

23:45 a,

23:46 a delegate to the Allur,

23:48 the Alo were more centralized,

23:49 and they said,

23:50 come and rule us,

23:51 OK,

23:52 so they brought the Alo chiefs in from outside.

23:55 To kind of rule them,

23:57 so they,

23:57 they created a kind of layer on top of these segmentary,

24:01 sort of stateless societies,

24:03 you know,

24:04 so here's,

24:04 you know,

24:04 this is just some of the oral history that Southall transcribed,

24:08 uh,

24:09 you know,

24:09 uh,

24:10 Amato was the,

24:11 was the son of Chief Nziri of Ukuru,

24:14 OK,

24:14 so

24:15 Eleu.

24:16 Uh,

24:17 went to petition Ziri,

24:18 who's an Allur chief,

24:20 uh,

24:20 because he said,

24:21 you know,

24:22 uh,

24:22 we need a son to rule us,

24:24 because the people are scattering because of all the fighting.

24:26 OK,

24:27 so,

24:27 you know,

24:27 think of Thomas Hobbes and the state of nature,

24:30 you know,

24:30 people are fighting,

24:32 they need more centralized authority,

24:34 uh,

24:34 uh,

24:35 so,

24:35 so what do they do,

24:36 they send to the Allor to bring,

24:38 you know,

24:39 they go to Chief Mazuri and say,

24:40 you know,

24:41 send us a son.

24:42 Uh,

24:42 and he sends a son,

24:43 Amafo,

24:44 and says,

24:45 you go break that land,

24:46 guard the subjects there.

24:47 So he sends a son to become,

24:49 uh,

24:49 the chief.

24:50 So,

24:51 so

24:51 the lender invited that Allor in,

24:53 uh,

24:53 to rule them.

24:54 OK.

24:55 So,

24:55 so this is just one example,

24:56 but it's incredibly common in the oral history

24:59 of African polities to have these rule,

25:01 rule from outside.

25:02 So

25:03 either rule from outside or,

25:05 you know,

25:05 you can create the same thing

25:07 ritually,

25:08 that's,

25:08 you know,

25:08 that's what,

25:09 what,

25:09 what historians call a divine monarchy,

25:11 you know,

25:12 which we have in Britain,

25:13 by the way,

25:13 but don't let me get started on that,

25:15 OK?

25:15 So I'm gonna come back to John Locke if I had time in the end,

25:18 but this is really an instance of,

25:20 you know,

25:20 John Locke's inconvenience at what Locke called the inconvenience.

25:23 of the state of nature,

25:25 but the Allo came up with a different solution than the one that uh Locke did.

25:29 They came up with a hybrid,

25:30 uh,

25:31 that came up with a hybrid state.

25:32 So let me emphasize a few things about this hybrid state,

25:35 this kind of fusion of more centralized institutions

25:39 with,

25:39 with these segmentary lineage societies like the Lendu or the Lugbara.

25:44 So if we go to the next slide,

25:46 uh,

25:46 you know,

25:47 what were the advantages of this?

25:49 Social contract that was forged,

25:51 well,

25:51 one were the Alo were outsiders,

25:53 you know,

25:54 so they were not embedded in these quarrels,

25:56 uh,

25:57 they were like independent third parties who

25:59 were there to mediate and resolve disputes,

26:02 OK,

26:02 this happened in European history too,

26:04 you know.

26:04 Most,

26:05 uh,

26:05 most medieval Italian city-states

26:07 were,

26:08 the executive was a Podesta who was brought in from outside the city,

26:11 you know,

26:12 that's how Florence and Siena was governed,

26:14 you know,

26:14 they brought in a Podesta from outside the city

26:16 to govern the city because that was like a neutral third party.

26:19 They also,

26:21 important for the later discussion,

26:22 had supernatural powers,

26:24 so they were rainmakers,

26:25 so they brought supernatural power,

26:27 and they were intrinsically limited,

26:29 you know,

26:29 so this is what Southall points out,

26:31 they had very limited jurisdictions,

26:33 they didn't have a monopoly of force,

26:35 they had no claim to land.

26:37 Uh,

26:37 and

26:38 they had no right to collect taxes,

26:40 OK,

26:40 so,

26:40 so taxes were not part of this social contract,

26:44 alright?

26:44 So,

26:44 so,

26:45 so,

26:45 so,

26:46 so

26:46 there were,

26:47 uh,

26:47 you know,

26:47 and there was no,

26:48 I think just what,

26:49 you know,

26:49 just the idea to get across here is that,

26:51 you know,

26:52 there's no expectations or desire for an invasive state.

26:55 They,

26:55 they,

26:55 they,

26:55 they,

26:56 they,

26:56 they,

26:56 they created this hybrid institution which brought some benefits.

27:00 Dispute resolution,

27:01 rainmaking,

27:03 uh,

27:03 without threatening their autonomy,

27:05 that's the kind of key thing,

27:06 so if we go to the next slide,

27:08 um,

27:09 Uh,

27:09 this is way too many words on the slide,

27:11 this is Southall's whole kind of definition of what he called a segmentary state,

27:16 OK?

27:16 Uh,

27:17 uh,

27:17 and you're thinking to yourself,

27:19 oh my gosh,

27:19 you know,

27:20 but like,

27:20 how is that relevant for thinking about Africa today?

27:23 It is,

27:23 I'm gonna convince you by the end of the talk,

27:25 alright,

27:25 so,

27:26 so,

27:26 so,

27:26 so I won't go into all the bits and pieces of this,

27:29 you know,

27:29 but,

27:29 but,

27:30 but he talks,

27:30 Southfield talks about how this sort of state was kind of constructed.

27:34 And it has many elements,

27:36 you know,

27:36 of modern African states,

27:37 if you ask me,

27:38 you know,

27:39 like

27:39 I've been working in the DRC for many years,

27:41 I'm gonna show you some data from the DRC later,

27:44 uh,

27:44 but,

27:45 but,

27:45 you know,

27:46 he sort of points out there's like a core and a periphery,

27:48 and.

27:49 The state in the periphery really,

27:51 you know,

27:52 has what he calls ritual hegemony,

27:54 you know,

27:54 the Congolese state has ritual hegemony,

27:57 you know,

27:57 in eastern

27:58 DRC.

27:59 Many African states have a kind of,

28:01 yeah,

28:01 there's some sort of sovereignty,

28:03 which is recognized,

28:04 but it's not actually kind of anything is implemented in reality,

28:08 you know,

28:08 uh,

28:09 there's limited control over the periphery,

28:12 and,

28:12 you know,

28:12 one of the points of his definition here is actually,

28:14 you know,

28:15 states don't have a monopoly of violence,

28:17 OK,

28:17 so,

28:18 so.

28:18 Uh,

28:19 legitimate force of a more restricted order inheres,

28:22 inheres in all the peripheral,

28:23 uh,

28:24 foci.

28:24 This is not just in Africa,

28:25 by the way,

28:26 the Colombian state looks exactly like this.

28:28 So,

28:28 so,

28:29 so,

28:29 so I won't,

28:30 I won't go into this in detail,

28:31 but the idea I want you to get is,

28:33 you know,

28:33 there's this problem,

28:34 you want to maintain autonomy,

28:35 you want to take advantage,

28:36 this is some

28:37 cooperation,

28:38 some aspects of scale,

28:39 dispute resolution,

28:40 maybe supernatural power.

28:42 You create this hybrid institution which has limited jurisdictions,

28:46 and it doesn't involve

28:47 the right to tax.

28:49 OK,

28:49 let's go.

28:50 So,

28:51 um,

28:52 so and I,

28:52 you know,

28:52 I wanna say.

28:54 I wanna call,

28:54 this is why I call it tax aversion,

28:56 not evasion.

28:57 Maybe I should have called it tax refusal,

28:58 you know,

28:59 maybe that would have been even better.

29:00 OK.

29:01 Now,

29:01 that's a historic thing,

29:03 um,

29:03 you know,

29:04 and it was made worse by what,

29:06 you know,

29:06 it was made worse by colonialism,

29:08 you know,

29:08 so here's my favorite Nigerian,

29:10 uh,

29:11 Nigerian example from eastern Nigeria.

29:13 So in Igbo,

29:14 I'm told,

29:14 uh,

29:14 I don't speak Igbo,

29:15 of course,

29:16 but,

29:16 uh,

29:16 in Igbo I'm told

29:18 the job for a civil service position

29:20 is basically.

29:21 White man's job.

29:22 If you take the literal Igbo and you translate it into English,

29:25 it means white man's job.

29:27 So that's,

29:27 that's how Igbo people think about

29:30 working for the government,

29:30 you know,

29:31 it's like a white man's job.

29:32 So obviously colonialism

29:34 made this antagonism,

29:35 colonial states were unaccountable,

29:37 they were violent,

29:38 you know,

29:38 they were coercive,

29:39 they were extractive.

29:40 That made this

29:42 antipathy towards

29:43 power

29:44 much worse in Africa.

29:46 And I think it's also been exacerbated.

29:48 By,

29:49 by post-colonialism,

29:50 because why?

29:51 Because think of a country like Nigeria.

29:53 So for me,

29:54 you know,

29:54 Nigeria is made up of hundreds of different

29:56 social contracts.

29:57 The social contract in Igbo land,

29:59 actually the social contract in one part

30:00 of Igboland is different from the social contract

30:03 in a different part of Igbo land.

30:05 You know,

30:05 Yoruba social contracts were different.

30:07 The Hausa social contract,

30:08 the,

30:09 you know,

30:09 the Nupe,

30:09 the Tiv,

30:10 the,

30:11 you know,

30:11 so

30:11 there were many different social contracts.

30:13 So

30:14 how do you.

30:15 Aggregate those to create a legitimate way of governing Nigeria.

30:19 For me,

30:19 that's the massive,

30:20 the most massive post-colonial problem.

30:22 So of course

30:23 it's incredibly difficult to adjust to a world,

30:26 you know,

30:26 where you have this completely arbitrary country created.

30:29 Africans have all sorts of different ideas about legitimate power and authority,

30:33 and you have to just

30:34 find a way of aggregating that,

30:36 you know,

30:36 uh,

30:37 and I should say,

30:37 you know,

30:38 many of these social contracts

30:40 were deliberately designed,

30:41 you know,

30:41 not to.

30:42 Be aggregated,

30:43 I can come back to that,

30:44 you know,

30:44 because of this,

30:45 this desire for autonomy,

30:46 OK,

30:47 you don't want large

30:48 coercive

30:49 states,

30:50 and so,

30:50 so,

30:51 and as I,

30:52 you know,

30:52 I,

30:52 I don't have time to talk about this,

30:53 but,

30:53 but,

30:54 you know,

30:54 even

30:55 the most centralized states in Africa don't

30:57 look anything like Western European states.

31:00 You know,

31:00 you look at Rwanda,

31:01 for example.

31:02 You know,

31:02 Rwanda had no bureaucracy whatsoever,

31:05 you know,

31:05 there was nothing,

31:06 there was no bureaucracy whatsoever.

31:08 There was the army.

31:09 There were the ritualists,

31:10 yeah,

31:10 there was the Mwami,

31:11 the king,

31:12 and the kind of the pyramid of,

31:14 you know,

31:14 authority,

31:15 but it had nothing like a,

31:17 a,

31:17 a bureaucracy,

31:18 and there was no taxation

31:20 either.

31:20 Uh,

31:20 of course the army had herds and stuff,

31:22 whatever.

31:22 OK,

31:23 so,

31:23 so I just say,

31:24 you know,

31:25 the,

31:25 what the paper does is to sort of talk about some of the social,

31:29 historical social contracts and some more aspects of

31:31 that that I'm not gonna get into.

31:33 And then

31:34 sort of try to show how this has flowed into sort of contemporary Africa.

31:38 OK,

31:38 now I know you're all skeptical that this has anything to do

31:41 with the state in Africa today,

31:43 so let me keep,

31:43 let's keep going,

31:45 and I'll try to convince you it does,

31:46 OK?

31:47 So,

31:47 so,

31:48 my own personal experience is that,

31:50 you know,

31:50 if you look,

31:50 or my understanding of the history,

31:52 if you look at post-colonial Africa,

31:54 you see how.

31:56 State builders,

31:57 institution builders,

31:58 tried to adjust,

31:59 you know,

31:59 to this history,

32:00 and they tried to build

32:02 different types of societies in these post-colonial nations,

32:06 taking into account this,

32:08 the way Africans thought about

32:09 politics and political institutions.

32:11 I think,

32:11 you know,

32:12 if you read about,

32:13 How and Kruma thought,

32:14 you know,

32:14 if you read conscientism or you read Nerere or the Arusha Declaration,

32:19 they thought that there was a kind of synergy between

32:22 the community,

32:22 you know,

32:22 different aspects of African society,

32:25 this more kind of,

32:26 you know,

32:26 communitarian nature,

32:28 sort of socialistic and,

32:31 Modern,

32:31 a kind of modern socialism,

32:33 that a socialist state was gonna somehow be able to

32:37 cut across many of these differences and tap into common

32:40 aspects of African society

32:42 in a way that would allow them to build a,

32:45 a state,

32:46 OK,

32:46 so

32:47 what I,

32:47 I.

32:48 Talk about that in the,

32:49 in the paper,

32:50 you know,

32:50 what I talk about is sort of three examples which I find extremely interesting.

32:54 You know,

32:54 one is

32:55 I,

32:55 I try to reinterpret the way Mobutu ran uh

32:58 the Congo through the lens of the Allor state.

33:01 OK,

33:02 I'm gonna start with that because that's maybe the most outrageous.

33:05 Then I talk about,

33:05 you know,

33:06 why did Sierra Leone end up being governed the way it was after 1960.

33:11 And then I'll talk a little bit about,

33:12 uh,

33:12 Botswana,

33:13 because,

33:13 you know,

33:14 Botswana was the first place I started doing

33:16 serious research in Africa back in the 1990s.

33:19 And it's

33:20 fascinating because Botswana's one place where

33:22 there's been fantastic institution building,

33:24 where it's very difficult to argue

33:26 that,

33:27 you know,

33:27 that,

33:27 that,

33:28 that,

33:28 that Africans think,

33:29 you know,

33:30 that the money is gonna be stolen or there's no accountability,

33:33 you know,

33:33 that,

33:33 that institutionally,

33:35 Africa uh Botswana works extremely well,

33:37 but you'll see when I look at the data

33:39 that,

33:40 you know,

33:40 when I go to the Afrobarometer,

33:41 you see that the opinions of Botswana about.

33:44 You know,

33:45 taxation and public good provision are remarkably similar to Sierra Leoneans,

33:49 and I don't think that can be explained by the fact that,

33:51 you know,

33:52 people think

33:53 there's massive corruption or whatever because there isn't.

33:55 Alright,

33:56 so let me talk a little bit about

33:57 each of these examples,

33:59 and I'll,

33:59 I'll try to,

34:00 I,

34:00 I'm,

34:00 I,

34:00 we started late and so let me try to

34:03 keep it fast and

34:04 provocative.

34:05 So let's go and talk about,

34:06 so,

34:06 so the argument in the paper,

34:07 I go through it really fast,

34:08 you know,

34:09 about President Mobutu is that,

34:10 you know,

34:10 in some sense President Mobuto,

34:12 if you think about how he

34:13 ruled.

34:14 You know,

34:15 the,

34:15 the image in Western political science,

34:17 you know,

34:18 uh,

34:18 is,

34:18 is,

34:19 is this sort of kleptocratic dictator,

34:21 you know,

34:22 whatever,

34:22 unchecked,

34:23 unbalanced,

34:24 you know,

34:24 stealing,

34:25 whatever.

34:25 I don't think that provides much insight into the way he governed at all.

34:29 Uh,

34:29 if you read

34:30 how,

34:30 about how he governed and how he organized things,

34:33 to me it looks like,

34:34 and this is what I try to argue in the paper,

34:35 it looks like a scaled up version of a high.

34:37 Hyd state.

34:38 OK,

34:39 so,

34:39 so

34:39 he took

34:40 a kind of traditional model of

34:42 how things were organized,

34:44 and he tried to scale it up,

34:45 you know,

34:45 on this massive scale of the Congo,

34:48 you know,

34:48 so that was a very unlikely project,

34:51 uh,

34:51 and it didn't work very well,

34:53 but my point is it was a logical thing to do,

34:55 you know,

34:55 he had to find a way of governing this place,

34:58 and

34:59 he had a model.

35:00 And it didn't work very well,

35:02 but I think it was a sensible thing to do,

35:03 and I don't think it's just about kleptocracy or stealing whatsoever.

35:08 OK,

35:08 I think it's a much more genuine

35:10 project than that,

35:11 and let me just say a few things about that.

35:13 Keep going.

35:14 Uh,

35:15 you know,

35:15 the leopard skin hats,

35:16 so first of all,

35:18 everything you see about Mobutu,

35:19 he's endlessly kind of

35:21 making salient traditional symbols of authority,

35:24 power,

35:25 uh,

35:26 you know,

35:26 which were connected,

35:27 you know,

35:28 including

35:28 supernatural authority,

35:30 as I'll talk about.

35:31 The leopard skin hat,

35:32 the leopard is power,

35:33 the leopard is a symbol of.

35:35 Of,

35:35 uh,

35:36 political power,

35:36 you know,

35:36 so this is from Van,

35:37 this is from Vancina's book,

35:39 you know,

35:39 uh,

35:40 uh,

35:40 the leopard is thoroughly identified with political leadership,

35:43 you know,

35:44 so that's not just a kind of fashion,

35:46 uh,

35:47 accessory,

35:48 that's,

35:48 that's the chief,

35:49 that's what the chief,

35:50 and we'll see,

35:51 I'm gonna come back to King Karma later on.

35:52 That's the chief,

35:53 OK,

35:54 so keep going.

35:55 Uh,

35:56 so,

35:57 here's,

35:57 you know,

35:57 this is one of the,

35:58 the most famous political science books about,

36:00 um,

36:01 the Mobutu State by Turner and Young.

36:03 They sort of produced this praise poem as a sort of laughable kind of,

36:07 you know,

36:07 like,

36:07 look at the guy,

36:08 he was just so out of,

36:09 out of touch with reality,

36:11 you know.

36:11 Here's the,

36:12 today we're going to admire the guide Mobutu,

36:14 if you see him,

36:15 admire him,

36:16 if everyone sees him,

36:17 let them admire him.

36:18 It's a praise poem,

36:19 like,

36:20 big deal.

36:21 That's everywhere in Africa,

36:23 go to the next slide,

36:24 OK?

36:24 Here's the here's a praise poem,

36:26 uh,

36:27 they,

36:27 they were transcribed,

36:28 uh,

36:28 in the 1960s for Botswana by the great anthropologist Isa Shapira,

36:32 you know,

36:33 Shikedi Karma,

36:34 this was Seretsi Karma,

36:35 the first president,

36:36 you know,

36:36 the great state builder,

36:38 you know,

36:38 uh

36:39 uh uh in Botswana.

36:41 Uh,

36:41 this was his uncle who was also a great.

36:43 States builder in many ways,

36:45 uh uh uh I won't go into that,

36:46 but let just let me show you,

36:48 you know,

36:48 the lion roared in wonder at Shikedi,

36:51 he saw the chief challenge it,

36:53 uh,

36:54 the wind pierced the young men's bones,

36:56 OK,

36:56 it pierced the young men's joints.

36:58 Shikedi alone did not shiver,

37:01 OK,

37:02 so

37:02 he's,

37:03 he he faces down the lion in the,

37:05 in,

37:06 in the bush,

37:06 OK,

37:07 so,

37:07 praise poem,

37:08 big deal,

37:09 next,

37:09 next slide,

37:10 uh,

37:11 and how does this,

37:11 how does this one end?

37:13 Give us rain,

37:14 son of Karma,

37:15 we are nourished by the water of your rain,

37:18 OK,

37:19 rainmaking.

37:20 Next slide,

37:21 OK.

37:22 Who are these guys?

37:24 Prime Minister Matata's praise singers,

37:25 you know,

37:26 I was at,

37:26 uh,

37:26 I was at a conference in Kinshasa,

37:28 you know,

37:29 uh thanks to the World Bank,

37:30 uh organized with the Prime Minister Matata,

37:32 you know,

37:33 uh,

37:33 well,

37:34 who are these guys?

37:35 He's praise singers,

37:36 you know,

37:36 big deal,

37:37 it's just,

37:37 uh,

37:37 this is how,

37:38 this is,

37:39 this is the trappings of authority,

37:40 you know,

37:41 uh like a crown,

37:42 like,

37:43 you know,

37:43 all the stuff the British Royal Family.

37:45 This is the trappings of authority,

37:46 there's nothing weird or kleptocratic about it,

37:48 this is just.

37:49 How it is,

37:50 OK,

37:50 keep going,

37:51 I'll show you some more praise singers in a minute.

37:53 Alright,

37:53 witchcraft,

37:54 alright,

37:55 so this is the,

37:55 this is,

37:56 you can check this out,

37:56 it's on,

37:57 it's on YouTube,

37:58 this is the famous uh song Franco,

38:00 the great uh kind of Congolese rumba artist,

38:03 wrote

38:03 about Mobutu,

38:04 he wrote a real.

38:04 Election song,

38:05 and,

38:06 you know,

38:06 I just emphasize the lyrics,

38:07 the lyrics are about witchcraft,

38:09 uh,

38:10 so our candidate,

38:11 Mobutu,

38:11 uh,

38:12 God sent you,

38:13 Central Committee,

38:13 watch out for sorcerers,

38:15 you know,

38:15 the Ndoki,

38:16 uh,

38:17 their provocations have not stopped.

38:19 Next slide,

38:20 um.

38:21 I'm,

38:22 I'm sorry to be doing this to Andrew,

38:23 you're,

38:23 you're probably a terribly important person,

38:25 and I'm,

38:25 I'm getting you to move my slides.

38:27 I'm feeling very anxious about that,

38:29 you know,

38:29 so,

38:29 uh,

38:30 uh,

38:30 I'll make it up to you.

38:32 Alright.

38:32 After you vote for him again,

38:34 look at one another in the eyes,

38:35 Mobutu,

38:36 the sorcerers are still here,

38:38 OK?

38:38 Now,

38:39 this is not something exotic.

38:40 I learned this by doing research in Congo for the last 12 years.

38:43 Let,

38:44 let me show you some real data.

38:46 Next slide,

38:47 OK,

38:47 so this is work,

38:48 ongoing work in Ecuador with Sarah Lowes,

38:50 Nathan Nunn,

38:51 and Eduardo Montero,

38:52 and we've been collecting a lot of data on,

38:54 uh,

38:55 on witchcraft,

38:56 and especially the role of witchcraft in

38:58 politics,

38:59 OK,

38:59 so,

39:00 so this is not some exotic weird thing,

39:02 OK,

39:02 it's absolutely central in politics in the,

39:05 in Congo,

39:05 OK,

39:06 so,

39:06 so here's a question,

39:07 this is uh in Equator,

39:09 where PresidentBubutu was.

39:10 From

39:11 in the north of the country up by Central African Republic,

39:13 does your village have,

39:15 uh,

39:15 sorcerers?

39:16 Basically,

39:16 1000% of people say,

39:19 yes,

39:19 the village has sorcerers.

39:20 Do you have diviners?

39:21 So,

39:22 you know,

39:22 if you think you're being attacked by witchcraft,

39:24 you go to a diviner

39:25 to sort of figure out what's going on and provide a cure.

39:28 So

39:29 everywhere has divi,

39:30 most most places,

39:31 over 80% of villages have diviners.

39:33 OK,

39:34 keep going.

39:36 Uh

39:37 How many people in your village believe in witchcraft?

39:40 None.

39:41 Basically

39:42 nothing,

39:43 OK?

39:43 So one third of people say everyone believes in witchcraft in our village,

39:48 and,

39:48 you know,

39:48 or close to 50% say most people believe in witchcraft.

39:52 So,

39:52 so if you ask people,

39:53 do people,

39:54 basically everybody

39:56 believes in witchcraft,

39:56 that's,

39:57 that's a reasonable generalization,

39:59 OK,

39:59 so

40:00 big deal,

40:01 how does that affect my life?

40:02 Go to the next slide.

40:04 Uh,

40:05 how important is Bokoko for a village chief?

40:08 So Bokoko means,

40:09 uh,

40:09 power of the ancestors.

40:11 So this is,

40:11 you know,

40:11 the,

40:12 the,

40:12 the power of a chief,

40:13 the supernatural authority of a chief

40:15 comes

40:15 from the ancestors,

40:17 you know,

40:17 so,

40:17 so ancestors are very important everywhere,

40:20 you know,

40:20 in Africa,

40:21 uh,

40:21 and,

40:21 and so they endow power,

40:24 you know,

40:24 there's a sort of hierarchy,

40:25 god,

40:26 deity,

40:26 ancestors,

40:27 humans.

40:28 You know,

40:28 and so

40:29 they endow you with supernatural power.

40:31 So

40:32 how important is the power of,

40:33 you know,

40:34 so how important is it for the chief to have supernatural power?

40:37 Very important,

40:38 40% of people say it's extremely important,

40:40 OK?

40:41 30% say it's somewhat important,

40:43 you know,

40:44 and so

40:45 it's extremely important for the chief to have

40:48 power,

40:48 OK,

40:48 supernatural power.

40:50 Next slide.

40:52 OK,

40:52 so

40:53 we asked,

40:54 uh,

40:54 you know,

40:55 what are the top 3 problems in the village,

40:57 and we included,

40:58 you know,

40:58 you're the World Bank,

40:59 you might think

41:00 public services are a problem,

41:01 the quality of the school is a problem.

41:03 You didn't think to ask,

41:04 was weak Bokoko of the chief a problem?

41:08 OK.

41:08 So,

41:09 so,

41:09 you know,

41:09 why did we end up studying this?

41:10 Because all the Congolese,

41:11 we were doing something else,

41:12 and all,

41:13 all the Congolese people kept telling us,

41:15 well,

41:15 you're interested in politics,

41:16 why aren't you studying Bokoko,

41:17 like you should be studyingbokoku,

41:19 like this is.

41:19 The elephant,

41:20 they would like,

41:21 our Congolese enumerators

41:22 told us we should study this,

41:24 so we started studying it,

41:25 OK,

41:25 so

41:26 close to 50% of people

41:28 mark

41:29 the chief has weak bokoko as being one of the top 3 problems in the village.

41:34 OK,

41:34 this is a problem.

41:35 If your chief doesn't have strong bokoko,

41:37 he can't protect the village,

41:39 you can't get stuff done.

41:40 OK,

41:40 this is just,

41:41 you know,

41:41 I'm not gonna show you regressions or anything.

41:43 I'm just to say,

41:44 I'm talking about that stuff about President Mobutu,

41:46 but this.

41:47 This is a real thing,

41:47 OK,

41:48 this is how people think.

41:49 This is the,

41:50 the ontology,

41:51 you know,

41:51 this is not a Western ontology.

41:53 The notion of

41:54 what there is,

41:55 is different,

41:56 and we have to accept that and we have to respect it,

41:58 and we have to try to understand how it shapes their ideas about

42:02 power and legitimate political institutions,

42:04 and I think this helps you understand

42:06 many things that Mobutu did.

42:08 This is not just about stealing money or kleptocracy,

42:10 and yeah,

42:11 that did go on,

42:11 OK,

42:12 it went on,

42:12 why?

42:13 You know,

42:13 because.

42:14 Because,

42:15 because there's a lot of,

42:16 there's a lot of room for,

42:17 there's a lot of wiggle room,

42:18 you know,

42:18 at the top of that thing trying to

42:20 organize all these different historic social contracts,

42:23 like I was saying in Nigeria.

42:24 Same problem in Congo,

42:25 OK,

42:26 so.

42:27 Let's go.

42:28 Um,

42:29 I feel I should shut up at 12:30,

42:30 otherwise I'm really,

42:31 you know,

42:31 violating talking of social contracts.

42:33 Alright,

42:34 so,

42:34 so you got the idea,

42:35 OK,

42:36 so my idea of Mobutu,

42:37 this,

42:37 you know,

42:37 read the,

42:38 you can read the paper,

42:39 it's on my webpage,

42:40 is that,

42:40 is that

42:42 this is understandable from this perspective.

42:45 Of scaling up this traditional social contract.

42:48 OK,

42:48 Mobutu didn't tax much,

42:50 or at all,

42:52 or provide a lot of services,

42:53 but I guess the pro the provocative conclusion here is maybe he wasn't expected to,

42:58 you know,

42:59 maybe that wasn't part of this social contract,

43:02 and he

43:03 wasn't expected to.

43:04 OK,

43:05 so that's,

43:05 that's,

43:06 that's the provocative bottom line.

43:07 All right,

43:08 so let's,

43:08 let's go.

43:10 Limited jurisdictions,

43:11 remember limited jurisdictions.

43:12 What about Sierra Leone,

43:13 I think Sierra Leone is very different,

43:15 you know,

43:15 Sierra Leone

43:16 is it the way Sierra Leonean societies,

43:19 Were organized,

43:20 was different,

43:21 you know,

43:21 there's a lot of heterogeneity in Africa.

43:23 So the way Mende or Temne

43:25 society,

43:25 for instance,

43:26 which we know much more about in the 19th century,

43:28 was organized,

43:29 was different.

43:30 You know,

43:30 there were

43:31 more centralized polities,

43:32 there were kind of nascent social contracts,

43:35 not involving taxation,

43:37 OK.

43:38 So the way Sierra Leone was run after independence was

43:40 power was shifted

43:42 to where it was legitimate,

43:43 which was out of Freetown and down into the chieftaincies,

43:46 you know.

43:46 Everybody ran the state like that,

43:49 the Sierra Leone People's Party,

43:50 Saka Stevens,

43:51 the one party state

43:52 was sort of run

43:54 like that,

43:54 OK?

43:55 And

43:55 for me,

43:56 you know,

43:56 that,

43:57 again,

43:57 that was a sort of plausible model,

43:59 uh,

44:00 but it didn't work well because it fails to provide some public goods

44:04 which turned,

44:05 you know,

44:05 which made it extremely vulnerable to invasion from Liberia,

44:08 you know,

44:09 which is what started the,

44:10 the civil war,

44:11 and it,

44:11 you know,

44:11 so,

44:12 and it was very bad at providing.

44:14 Lots of types of public good,

44:16 but my,

44:16 my point is just that was a logical thing,

44:18 they didn't have a model,

44:19 they were kind of improvising,

44:21 you know,

44:21 and trying to build institutions.

44:23 Again,

44:23 I'm sort of saying,

44:24 I don't think you want to think about this,

44:26 you know,

44:26 people talk about Saka Stevens,

44:28 oh he was kleptocratic,

44:29 blah blah blah.

44:30 I don't think that clarifies

44:32 why he did

44:33 what he did.

44:34 To me,

44:34 what he did makes a lot of sense,

44:36 it didn't work well,

44:36 but give the guy a break,

44:38 you know,

44:38 this was a heck of a problem he was trying to solve,

44:40 you know,

44:40 it was a heck of a problem.

44:42 If you go on to the next slide.

44:44 Uh,

44:45 more praise singers,

44:46 this is President Karoma's praise singers.

44:48 I was in Mackenny,

44:49 you know,

44:49 when he was handing out staffs to paramount chiefs,

44:52 it was a beautiful bit of political theater.

44:54 And

44:55 what else does President Koroma do?

44:56 You know,

44:57 he's head of the Masonic lodge in Mackenny,

45:00 there it is,

45:00 the Wusa Masonic Temple.

45:02 What the heck is that about?

45:03 It's the modernization of tradition.

45:05 Secret societies are incredibly big all over Sierra Leone,

45:09 OK?

45:10 The Freemasons are a.

45:11 Politic uh uh are,

45:12 are a secret society.

45:13 The Freemasons are massive in Brazzaville,

45:15 in Congo,

45:15 in Gabon,

45:16 everywhere,

45:16 you know,

45:17 President Bongo,

45:18 they're all free in the Freemasons.

45:20 Like what is that?

45:21 That's

45:22 deeply connected to,

45:23 to,

45:23 to,

45:24 to political and social traditions,

45:26 uh,

45:27 in that part of Africa.

45:28 Uh,

45:29 OK,

45:29 keep going.

45:31 All right.

45:32 Who's trusted in Sierra Leone,

45:33 back to the Afrobarometer.

45:35 Traditional leaders are far more trusted than national politicians,

45:38 OK,

45:38 so,

45:39 so that's where the power and legitimimacy

45:41 is,

45:42 you know,

45:42 I did a lot of work in Sierra Leone with your,

45:45 your colleague at the World Bank,

45:46 Tristan Reed,

45:47 I don't know if Tristan's there today,

45:48 but

45:48 Tristan.

45:49 I spent a lot of time

45:50 studying the kind of deep history of these chieftaincies

45:53 when he was a PhD student at Harvard,

45:54 and you know,

45:55 there's all these connections.

45:56 So,

45:57 so

45:57 traditional leaders,

45:58 paramount chiefs,

45:59 they're still trusted far more than national politicians.

46:02 Uh religious leaders are also very trusted.

46:04 OK,

46:05 keep going.

46:07 Um,

46:07 alright,

46:09 uh,

46:10 Botswana,

46:10 just go to the next,

46:12 next figure.

46:14 Uh,

46:14 so here's the great state builder in Botswana.

46:17 I was reading something by Mo Ibrahim this morning,

46:19 and he was talking about Festus Mohai,

46:21 you know,

46:21 who was a great president in Botswana,

46:23 but I think

46:24 you have to go back 100 years before Festus Mohai.

46:26 This was the guy who created modern Botswana,

46:29 OK,

46:29 this was Soretsi Karma's grandfather,

46:31 King Karma,

46:32 you know,

46:32 who,

46:33 in,

46:33 in.

46:34 In,

46:34 created all these innovations,

46:36 OK,

46:36 but

46:37 what,

46:37 look,

46:37 what's he sitting on,

46:38 a leopard skin.

46:39 He's sitting on a leopard skin,

46:40 he's dressed like an Englishman,

46:41 he started a business,

46:42 you know,

46:43 he,

46:43 he was an incredible innovator,

46:45 institutions,

46:46 uh,

46:46 in many different sorts of institutions,

46:48 uh,

46:49 you know,

46:49 uh,

46:50 but he never managed to create a fiscal system.

46:52 Uh,

46:52 that's my point.

46:53 No right to tax,

46:54 still sitting on a leopard skin,

46:55 you know,

46:56 in fact,

46:56 the genius of Botswana,

46:57 right,

46:58 is

46:59 their ability to tap into.

47:01 Tradition,

47:01 you know,

47:01 and

47:02 scale it up

47:03 into the modern nation state,

47:05 and how could they do that?

47:06 Well,

47:07 because

47:07 what ended up as Botswana

47:09 had some institutional commonalities,

47:12 you know,

47:12 uh,

47:13 which was not true about Nigeria,

47:14 which was not true about the Congo.

47:16 So,

47:16 so I don't wanna say,

47:18 you know,

47:18 what these guys did was not

47:20 amazing,

47:21 it was,

47:22 but

47:22 the problem was easier to solve than the problem in Nigeria and Congo,

47:26 I would say.

47:26 OK,

47:27 keep going.

47:28 And if I go back to the Afrobarometer,

47:30 again,

47:30 you know,

47:30 this is what I think is interesting about the Botswana case,

47:33 if I go back to the Afrobarometer,

47:35 you see that

47:36 39% of Botswana prefer lower taxes and lower services.

47:40 OK,

47:40 there's,

47:40 you know,

47:41 you,

47:41 you could say,

47:42 OK,

47:42 yeah,

47:42 but they have more services in Botswana,

47:44 so,

47:44 OK,

47:45 that's fine,

47:45 you know,

47:46 so if we run,

47:46 start running regressions,

47:47 we'll need to control for things or whatever,

47:49 but again.

47:50 You know,

47:50 this is pretty much like Sierra Leone,

47:52 and you can't explain this by corruption or,

47:55 you know,

47:55 because,

47:56 because that's things don't work like that in Botswana,

47:58 you know,

47:58 the state,

47:59 the,

47:59 the civil service,

48:00 it's very

48:01 well run and,

48:02 and,

48:02 you know,

48:03 and they take resources and diamond wealth and they

48:05 spend it on roads and health and public goods and

48:08 OK,

48:08 so.

48:09 Um,

48:10 I wanna shut up because I feel I've gone on too long,

48:12 but I,

48:12 OK,

48:12 so

48:13 let's,

48:13 let's jump on that.

48:14 I,

48:14 let's jump over that.

48:15 I kind of had that idea.

48:17 I,

48:17 I sort of

48:18 threw it out.

48:19 I won't give Mende proverbs.

48:20 Let's keep going.

48:22 Um,

48:22 I want,

48:23 I want,

48:23 OK,

48:24 and let me jump over this,

48:25 you know,

48:25 the,

48:25 uh,

48:26 Vaninna never sort of clarifies why Africans

48:29 are so worried about autonomy.

48:31 So this is,

48:31 this is,

48:32 I have lots of ideas on this.

48:33 I've actually been teaching a class.

48:35 This year with uh Professor Fran Francis Njoku,

48:37 who's a professor of philosophy from the University of Nigeria at Nsukka.

48:41 He's been here and we're working on this.

48:42 So I have lots of ideas,

48:43 but let me not talk about it because,

48:45 cos it'll get,

48:46 get us all sidetracked.

48:47 Um,

48:48 let me,

48:48 let me,

48:48 I wanna shut up.

48:49 Autommy for women as well as men,

48:51 that's the Aba

48:52 Women's war in the south of Nigeria,

48:54 let me keep going.

48:55 I think I just wanna end with a photograph,

48:56 you know,

48:57 so,

48:57 you know,

48:58 you know,

48:58 let's keep going,

48:59 let's keep going.

48:59 I'm gonna end with,

49:00 let's,

49:00 I wanna

49:01 keep going.

49:02 I,

49:02 you know,

49:02 this is just

49:04 keep going.

49:06 Keep going,

49:07 keep going,

49:08 stop,

49:08 alright,

49:09 great.

49:09 No,

49:10 no,

49:10 no,

49:10 no,

49:10 back,

49:10 back,

49:11 back,

49:11 back to Twitter.

49:12 OK,

49:13 so let me,

49:14 no,

49:15 let's,

49:15 let's get,

49:16 that's it,

49:16 that's it,

49:16 great.

49:17 So,

49:17 so you've got the idea,

49:18 you know,

49:19 I could elaborate on this,

49:20 we could talk more,

49:20 I wanna hear what other people have to say,

49:23 uh,

49:23 but

49:24 I think you're still skeptical that these historic

49:27 practices or ideas influence the way things happen.

49:31 In Africa today,

49:32 so I'm gonna give you one example

49:34 which you can't possibly disagree with,

49:36 alright,

49:36 like,

49:36 no way,

49:37 just,

49:37 just no way,

49:38 like,

49:39 what is this?

49:39 This is a tweet

49:41 from

49:41 Muhuzi

49:42 Kae Rugaba,

49:43 who's a Ugandan,

49:45 some of you may know who he is,

49:46 he's a Ugandan military officer,

49:48 uh,

49:48 and,

49:49 uh,

49:50 he says,

49:51 I received my cows from

49:53 His Excellency Paul Kagame,

49:55 the day before yesterday.

49:56 I am now.

49:57 Out officially in Kottai,

49:58 OK,

49:59 um,

49:59 that's like,

50:00 uh,

50:00 my understanding is that means he's a member of the party,

50:03 OK,

50:03 the Rwandan,

50:04 uh,

50:04 party,

50:05 alright,

50:05 so,

50:06 so

50:06 how,

50:07 you know,

50:07 if you go and read about how the traditional state was organized in Rwanda,

50:12 OK,

50:12 uh,

50:13 how was it organized through.

50:15 Kind of

50:16 system of clientalism based around cows,

50:19 OK,

50:20 I give you cows,

50:21 you know,

50:21 you're,

50:22 you're my,

50:22 we now we have this relationship,

50:24 OK,

50:24 you support me,

50:25 you work for me,

50:26 so,

50:26 so,

50:27 so,

50:27 you know,

50:28 if you look at the way the state works in Rwanda,

50:30 how does the state implement policy?

50:33 It has nothing to do with taxation,

50:34 OK?

50:35 Most people who work for the state don't get paid at all,

50:38 so you don't.

50:38 You don't need any resources to pay them,

50:40 OK,

50:41 that it works through these incredibly dense

50:43 social

50:44 networks,

50:45 you know,

50:45 the way presidents,

50:46 the biggest kind of policy implementation scheme

50:48 that they have,

50:49 you know,

50:50 works through this very traditional,

50:52 these very traditional practices of reciprocity,

50:56 OK,

50:56 it cascades all the way down into the village.

50:58 Imehigo is the,

50:59 the system,

51:00 it's called Imohiko,

51:01 OK?

51:02 You don't need any money for that.

51:03 I mean you do because you have to provide public goods and things like that,

51:05 but a vast amount of

51:08 stuff is people working for free,

51:10 you know,

51:10 and that's how

51:11 the pre-colonial state worked as well,

51:13 you know,

51:14 so,

51:14 so

51:15 I'm not,

51:16 uh,

51:16 you know,

51:17 I think this is just,

51:17 you could say,

51:18 oh it's Rwanda,

51:19 everyone knows Rwanda is different.

51:20 Yeah,

51:20 it is different,

51:21 everywhere is different in Africa,

51:22 you know,

51:23 and,

51:23 and we have to take that all seriously,

51:24 but I think like.

51:26 I don't think anyone can deny that

51:28 if you wanna understand how the state works in Rwanda today,

51:31 you need to understand the history and the ideas of Rwandans

51:35 about legitimate authority and how things ought to be done,

51:38 so.

51:39 I shut up then.

51:42 Oh,

51:42 and I could talk about Cameroon too,

51:44 but that's even more outrageous.

51:48 OK,

51:48 you,

51:49 you're done.

51:50 Yeah,

51:50 I'm done.

51:50 I'm done.

51:51 I'm done.

51:51 Thank you so much,

51:52 and that is fascinating,

51:54 uh,

51:54 tour de force.

51:55 Um,

51:56 let me now,

51:57 can I stop sharing this now?

51:59 Is that OK?

52:00 Yes,

52:00 please.

52:01 Yes,

52:01 thank you,

52:01 and thank you so much.

52:03 No,

52:03 no problem.

52:04 It's my pleasure.

52:05 Um,

52:05 OK,

52:05 so let me,

52:06 let me call on,

52:07 uh,

52:07 Stuti,

52:08 uh,

52:09 to,

52:09 uh,

52:09 give her remarks,

52:11 uh,

52:11 and then I'll go to,

52:12 uh,

52:13 Oyebola.

52:15 Thank you.

52:16 Thank you,

52:16 Andrew,

52:17 for inviting me to be a discussant.

52:19 Jim Robinson is my,

52:21 one of my gurus,

52:22 so it's an honor to be here,

52:24 listen to him and

52:26 have the opportunity to share

52:28 some thoughts on his paper.

52:30 Let me see if I can share some slides I did prepare.

52:35 Uh,

52:35 is that visible?

52:37 Yep,

52:38 I can see it.

52:38 All right,

52:39 super.

52:41 Um,

52:42 so,

52:43 uh,

52:43 Jim's paper really inspired me to go and look at the World Bank's,

52:49 uh,

52:49 data page on government financing.

52:53 And here's what I found.

52:55 So,

52:56 uh,

52:56 using,

52:56 I'm sure this is data that has a lot of measurement errors.

53:00 So all the numbers here though are comparable.

53:03 They're all from this data source.

53:05 So it seems that there is quite a,

53:08 there's quite a bit of variation across countries,

53:12 uh,

53:13 including within Africa in tax to GDP.

53:16 Issues.

53:17 Jim alluded to the IMF saying there's some kind of magic number of 15%,

53:23 and in fact,

53:25 uh,

53:26 at some point in the early 2000s,

53:28 the world average almost touched that 15%,

53:32 but in general it's been between

53:35 13 to 14.5% of GDP.

53:38 And how does Africa look?

53:40 Well,

53:41 as we've learned from Jim's work,

53:43 Botswana is indeed an outlier in Africa,

53:47 very,

53:48 uh,

53:49 uh,

53:49 strong institutions,

53:51 very well governed,

53:52 and,

53:53 uh,

53:53 in fact,

53:54 no surprise,

53:55 um,

53:55 Botswana is off the charts in its tax to GDP ratio,

54:00 uh,

54:00 in this,

54:01 um,

54:02 from this data.

54:03 Uh,

54:03 it's,

54:04 uh,

54:04 I have to move this so I can read my own,

54:06 uh,

54:07 OK.

54:07 Uh,

54:08 it's,

54:08 uh,

54:08 uh,

54:09 it's at 22.3%,

54:11 and very much along the lines of Denmark,

54:14 which is,

54:15 has,

54:16 uh,

54:16 traditionally been at the,

54:18 the top of the rankings in

54:20 size of government.

54:22 So Denmark is at 34%.

54:24 Nothing really comes close to Denmark,

54:26 France,

54:27 Austria,

54:28 Australia

54:29 are around 24%,

54:31 which Botswana is quite close to.

54:33 And if you want another point of comparison,

54:36 India and Brazil are much,

54:38 much smaller

54:39 in their tax to GDP ratio.

54:42 Uh,

54:43 the other interesting thing that jumped out at me from looking at this data,

54:47 uh,

54:47 uh,

54:47 and,

54:48 you know,

54:48 linking it to the other

54:50 country that Jim focused on,

54:52 Congo.

54:53 That is much lower at 8.9%,

54:56 but it's actually quite comparable to China.

54:59 Uh,

55:00 uh,

55:00 at China has a slightly lower tax to GDP ratio.

55:04 So just from that,

55:05 it's not quite clear that looking at tax to GDP ratios.

55:10 Is telling us something about preference for autonomy.

55:13 I don't think

55:15 one would characterize

55:17 the Chinese polity as one

55:20 where there is a lot of autonomy among citizens,

55:23 and yet China has a very low tax to GDP ratio.

55:30 Uh,

55:31 try to go down

55:32 and,

55:33 OK.

55:37 Does it move?

55:42 I'm glad it's not just me.

55:45 Today is a day for like technical problems gremlins are in the works,

55:50 yeah,

55:51 as I say.

55:52 I hit enter,

55:53 I hit the down button.

55:55 OK,

55:56 let me just

55:57 talk

55:58 through it,

55:58 uh.

56:03 One share and then reshare

56:05 in case something is wrong.

56:06 OK.

56:11 So I,

56:11 you're saying stop sharing,

56:14 that's what I'm suggesting and reshare,

56:16 OK.

56:26 Then I go

56:28 down.

56:29 Yes,

56:29 OK,

56:30 thank you,

56:30 Ebola.

56:32 Um,

56:33 so is,

56:33 is tax aversion,

56:35 the argument that Jim is,

56:37 uh,

56:38 furthering in this paper?

56:39 Is that an explanation among many others,

56:41 as Jim recognized

56:43 for this variation?

56:45 So I am actually

56:47 not persuaded that an argument based on a single survey item

56:52 that uh uh inspired Jim in the Afrobarometer can really

56:56 throw light at this question.

56:58 Maybe there is something very important

57:00 about tax aversion,

57:01 but so far I've not been convinced by the evidence.

57:05 So you know,

57:05 if one gets into survey questions,

57:08 I mean,

57:08 just imagine if the question.

57:10 slightly differently.

57:12 Is it better to pay higher taxes if it means the government

57:16 can help grow the economy,

57:17 create jobs?

57:18 It's anyone's bet um how

57:21 the pattern of responses might look for this.

57:24 Uh,

57:24 the way the statement in the Afrobarometer that Jim is relying on is,

57:28 is worded,

57:29 there could be so many different interpretations

57:32 across how different respondents heard that statement.

57:36 And in fact,

57:37 using the question as is,

57:40 I was actually persuaded in the entirely opposite direction.

57:45 So if I look at Jim's table,

57:47 table 2 I think,

57:48 on Sierra Leone,

57:49 what really struck me is the big difference between urban and rural

57:54 respondents.

57:55 And in fact that 56% of urban Sierra Leoneans are

58:00 willing to pay more taxes if it means more services.

58:04 And uh from other work,

58:06 uh,

58:06 a lot of it that colleagues have done at the bank,

58:09 uh,

58:09 rapid urbanization is a big story in the African continent.

58:14 And as climate change and other forces disappearing water,

58:20 degrading land

58:21 begins to create these forces of internal migration away from villages

58:27 to urban centers.

58:30 That rapid urbanization was exactly the path to

58:35 building state fiscal capacity in the history of other countries.

58:40 One story which is well documented in research is,

58:44 in fact,

58:44 the United Kingdom.

58:46 And uh

58:47 with urbanization and the need for urban public services,

58:51 uh,

58:52 uh,

58:52 it,

58:54 it seems as though the data is not

58:56 inconsistent with the,

58:58 with the expectation that indeed,

59:02 uh,

59:02 taxation is going to rise and as urban public goods are demanded by people.

59:09 Uh,

59:09 but the other,

59:10 the one interesting thing that uh uh I did take

59:13 away from the data on this Afrobarometer question that Jim shared

59:18 is there does seem to be enormous variation across responses.

59:23 And in fact,

59:24 there's a very interesting clustering between

59:27 high shares of respondents

59:30 saying they strongly

59:32 agree with.

59:32 The statement of better to pay higher taxes,

59:36 as well as lumping of respondents or strongly agree

59:41 with the second statement that it is

59:43 better to not pay higher taxes.

59:46 And so I wonder whether

59:48 there is something going on in that question that is in

59:52 fact showing as we see in other places around the world.

59:55 And Jim concludes with that,

59:57 alluding to uh political polarization in the United States,

1:00:01 for example,

1:00:02 uh,

1:00:03 that there could be very different views a polity has.

1:00:07 Now I have something

1:00:08 more to say on that,

1:00:09 but before going there,

1:00:11 here is

1:00:12 my personal survey question that has always excited me.

1:00:15 It is not from the Afrobarometer,

1:00:18 it's from the,

1:00:19 the World Values Survey.

1:00:21 And it's a statement where disagree disagree statement

1:00:26 about having honest elections is very or rather important for whether

1:00:32 their country develops economically.

1:00:35 And what is really striking across all regions,

1:00:40 all countries in which the World Values Survey asked this question.

1:00:44 Is,

1:00:45 uh,

1:00:45 that

1:00:46 there's very little variation

1:00:48 in how people respond to this.

1:00:50 Uh,

1:00:51 most people respond saying that honest elections are very important.

1:00:56 And recently,

1:00:57 uh,

1:00:58 Shanta Devirajan and I revisited this in a paper we just did,

1:01:03 uh,

1:01:03 for the LSC Press,

1:01:05 and,

1:01:05 uh,

1:01:06 you know,

1:01:06 we try to at this while people answer that having honest elections is very,

1:01:11 or rather

1:01:12 important,

1:01:13 um,

1:01:14 uh,

1:01:14 they also answer that they have little or no confidence

1:01:18 in elections as they are.

1:01:20 And in fact,

1:01:20 there's another module in the World Values Survey.

1:01:23 Which uh shows why they have good reason not to have confidence in elections as is,

1:01:30 because those elections are not honest,

1:01:31 they're the opposite.

1:01:32 They are,

1:01:33 they have highly dishonest practices.

1:01:36 Uh,

1:01:37 and but what this scatter plot is showing you

1:01:40 is that regardless of

1:01:42 what the average response rate on no confidence in elections is,

1:01:48 the minimum,

1:01:49 um,

1:01:50 uh.

1:01:50 The Share of respondents in any country

1:01:53 that

1:01:54 the

1:01:55 respondents say they believe in honest elections is at least 70%,

1:01:59 and there's a ton of variation.

1:02:01 So even,

1:02:02 even with very high,

1:02:04 uh,

1:02:05 lack of confidence in elections,

1:02:07 you have respondents saying nevertheless they hope elections could

1:02:12 become honest because that's really important to whether countries

1:02:16 develop economically.

1:02:18 So,

1:02:19 um,

1:02:20 uh,

1:02:21 one other reason it's always a privilege and an honor to,

1:02:24 uh,

1:02:25 to be on a panel with Jim,

1:02:27 is that,

1:02:28 uh,

1:02:28 he endorsed one of the first,

1:02:31 uh,

1:02:31 analytical pieces that we produced in the development research group of the bank,

1:02:37 uh,

1:02:37 by

1:02:38 tackling politics directly.

1:02:40 What do we know from the literature

1:02:42 on.

1:02:43 The role of elections.

1:02:45 If elections are so important to people,

1:02:47 if elections are spreading,

1:02:49 however,

1:02:50 um,

1:02:50 uh,

1:02:51 imperfect and dishonest they might be,

1:02:54 what do we know about

1:02:55 the role of elections?

1:02:57 So I would like,

1:02:58 I would like to advertise Jim's generous endorsement of this book

1:03:04 because uh this was.

1:03:05 Published in 2016,

1:03:08 and uh it's been six years,

1:03:10 and I feel this is more relevant today than when it was published,

1:03:16 and I do not see the lessons of um

1:03:19 of the literature that we distilled in this book

1:03:23 being sufficiently taken up and applied in our programs.

1:03:28 Now,

1:03:28 uh,

1:03:29 I just want to end,

1:03:30 uh,

1:03:30 uh,

1:03:31 with this,

1:03:32 that,

1:03:32 um,

1:03:34 So,

1:03:35 I understand what Jim is trying to say about the historical roots

1:03:40 of uh how people behave,

1:03:42 uh,

1:03:42 which

1:03:44 need not show up in formal incentives,

1:03:47 uh,

1:03:48 but

1:03:48 uh there are

1:03:49 um.

1:03:51 There

1:03:52 there is a whole with these forces of urbanization,

1:03:55 with the uh role of elections and citizens,

1:03:59 and there's lots of other work which shows uh extensive citizen participation

1:04:04 in electoral institutions,

1:04:06 not just as voters,

1:04:08 but also as

1:04:10 candidates for local leadership positions in

1:04:13 in local elections.

1:04:15 How will these institutions work in practice?

1:04:18 Uh,

1:04:18 will it allow government institutions to reconcile

1:04:22 the different policy preferences or views among citizens?

1:04:26 So that this is where I'm going back to,

1:04:28 uh,

1:04:29 the question on the Afrobarometer that Jim focuses on,

1:04:32 uh,

1:04:33 this interesting feature that it has of uh uh a little bit of polarization.

1:04:39 Uh,

1:04:40 and this is,

1:04:41 uh,

1:04:41 this is the defining challenge of government,

1:04:45 as,

1:04:45 uh,

1:04:46 in the polit the political marketplace is the place where

1:04:50 society tries to resolve

1:04:52 it's very different ways of looking at the world,

1:04:55 uh,

1:04:56 of determining what kind of,

1:04:58 uh,

1:04:59 private space are they going to be willing to cede to the public sphere.

1:05:03 Uh,

1:05:03 so while Jim gave us such fascinating stories about rural Africa,

1:05:09 uh,

1:05:10 I do wonder whether,

1:05:13 uh,

1:05:13 like in every other country in the world,

1:05:15 including the United States,

1:05:17 there is,

1:05:18 there are highly divergent views between rural areas and urban areas,

1:05:24 uh,

1:05:24 and how,

1:05:25 uh,

1:05:25 the leadership that emerges through

1:05:28 political institutions in these countries,

1:05:31 uh,

1:05:31 the leader.

1:05:31 Leadership that has traditionally been part

1:05:34 of the bureaucracy in these countries,

1:05:37 how are they going to reconcile these differences?

1:05:40 How are they going to

1:05:42 find some common ground and win legitimacy for policy decisions,

1:05:47 even from people who may not agree with it?

1:05:50 Um,

1:05:51 so I feel as though we have

1:05:54 the tools of examining these relationships

1:05:57 apply equally to Africa.

1:06:00 Um,

1:06:01 I,

1:06:01 uh,

1:06:02 the,

1:06:03 the sources of

1:06:04 how people think about things may be different in

1:06:07 Africa than they are in the United States,

1:06:10 for example,

1:06:11 but

1:06:12 our analytical tools to examine how those affect

1:06:16 which policies get selected and how they are implemented,

1:06:20 uh,

1:06:20 that remains,

1:06:21 uh,

1:06:22 the same and needs to be used

1:06:24 more,

1:06:25 um,

1:06:26 uh,

1:06:27 to,

1:06:28 uh.

1:06:30 As Jim said,

1:06:31 that the World Bank should.

1:06:32 So let me end with that.

1:06:33 Thank you.

1:06:35 Thank,

1:06:35 thank you so much,

1:06:35 Studi,

1:06:36 and I know we're running

1:06:38 close to the hour,

1:06:39 uh,

1:06:40 when we usually stop,

1:06:41 so let me give,

1:06:41 uh,

1:06:43 space now to

1:06:44 Oyebola and then Jim,

1:06:46 I'll ask you

1:06:47 maybe

1:06:48 I'll,

1:06:49 I'll take a few questions.

1:06:50 It will be very few questions,

1:06:51 and then you can respond to both Studi and Ayebola,

1:06:54 is that,

1:06:54 if that's OK,

1:06:55 OK.

1:06:56 Ayebola,

1:06:57 so if you could please limit maybe

1:07:00 your remarks to a few

1:07:02 more minutes,

1:07:03 so.

1:07:07 Hi

1:07:07 everyone.

1:07:07 Thank you again to you,

1:07:08 Andrew,

1:07:09 for inviting me here

1:07:11 and um to Jim for this very thought provoking presentation.

1:07:15 And I think for me,

1:07:16 this line in the paper about

1:07:18 even if states were accountable,

1:07:20 non-corrupt,

1:07:21 And have the capacity to turn tax revenues into public goods,

1:07:25 people do not necessarily want this to happen.

1:07:27 To me,

1:07:27 that's

1:07:28 really define um calls for a lot of

1:07:31 careful thoughts and,

1:07:32 and reflection.

1:07:33 And we all heard the arguments that's about the

1:07:36 smaller um

1:07:38 state's policies and the desire for autonomy being one reason,

1:07:41 and then the second being like

1:07:43 African states post-colonial,

1:07:45 have this task of aggregating different social contracts.

1:07:48 So,

1:07:50 What I'm gonna be doing today is not to go

1:07:52 step by step into trying to do like some deep review

1:07:55 um the paper that he presented to us,

1:07:57 but instead,

1:07:58 I'll be asking

1:07:59 some questions that are trying to put this in a

1:08:01 broader context of what we know about the tax literature

1:08:04 and of um

1:08:06 tax compliance in Africa.

1:08:08 And the first question is,

1:08:09 does Africa have a tax problem?

1:08:11 Uh,

1:08:12 2 is tax collection limited by technical or by political constraints.

1:08:16 3,

1:08:17 Africans who experience better public services,

1:08:19 more accepting of the state's authority to tax.

1:08:22 And 4,

1:08:23 what further evidence could help us better understand the role

1:08:26 of tax aversion.

1:08:27 And so,

1:08:28 given the time that we have,

1:08:29 I might not be able to go through all of this,

1:08:31 but I will do what I can

1:08:32 in the next few minutes.

1:08:35 So this is um.

1:08:39 Where,

1:08:39 where studies started from.

1:08:40 Funny,

1:08:41 we didn't compare notes.

1:08:42 So basically,

1:08:42 this shows

1:08:44 the relationship between on the Y-axis,

1:08:46 tax revenue as a share of GDP and on the X axis,

1:08:49 how um the GDP per capita of the country.

1:08:51 And we do see this cluster of African countries in the bottom.

1:08:54 So,

1:08:54 lowest revenue,

1:08:56 lowest per capita GDP but then always,

1:08:58 also lower um

1:09:01 share of taxes collected as GDP.

1:09:03 Um,

1:09:04 this is just grouping this by region.

1:09:06 And yes,

1:09:07 Africa is here,

1:09:08 but then South Asia is right here,

1:09:10 right about that 12%,

1:09:11 Middle East,

1:09:12 North Africa,

1:09:13 Latin America is here,

1:09:14 and they

1:09:16 The story here is that I'm not seen as very specific Africa

1:09:20 tax problem here.

1:09:21 It seems that lower-income countries in general,

1:09:24 collect less taxes.

1:09:25 Um,

1:09:26 this is um

1:09:27 the high

1:09:28 in developed countries of today,

1:09:31 France,

1:09:31 Sweden,

1:09:31 these

1:09:32 high tax

1:09:33 areas.

1:09:34 100 years ago,

1:09:34 1920,

1:09:35 they were right about that 10%.

1:09:37 So,

1:09:38 It seems to me that there is something about the whole

1:09:40 development process and then you do develop all kinds of institutions,

1:09:43 including um

1:09:44 dispute resolution like he discusses in the paper,

1:09:46 including tax capacity,

1:09:48 and that that happens in this process of

1:09:51 uh of development.

1:09:53 So that's question one.

1:09:54 Question two,

1:09:55 and

1:09:56 is tax collection limited by technical issues or by political constraints?

1:10:00 And this is something that I work on a lot.

1:10:02 A lot of my work in the last 10 years,

1:10:03 I've been working with tax authorities

1:10:05 in places like Liberia,

1:10:06 Tajikistan,

1:10:07 really trying to help them understand how do we increase our tax collection.

1:10:11 And

1:10:12 one of the first things you have to do is to know what needs to be taxed.

1:10:16 Um,

1:10:17 who are the people that

1:10:18 are in the labor force,

1:10:19 who are the businesses?

1:10:21 For the

1:10:22 case of Liberia,

1:10:22 we're working on property taxes.

1:10:24 And the first thing we had to do was to know

1:10:26 what are the properties in the city and creating a database.

1:10:28 And so,

1:10:29 when we're talking about tax capacity,

1:10:30 a big part of it is even just knowing

1:10:32 what needs to be taxed,

1:10:33 which I'm calling detection capacity.

1:10:36 But then,

1:10:37 I completely agree with Jim that that's not enough

1:10:39 because what you find is that in many places,

1:10:42 they are known

1:10:43 unpaid tax liabilities.

1:10:45 So,

1:10:45 properties,

1:10:46 you can see them,

1:10:46 I can see them,

1:10:47 everybody can see them.

1:10:49 And they just go uncollected for decades.

1:10:52 And

1:10:52 in these cases,

1:10:53 it seems there really is something about the political climate.

1:10:56 And one thing I hear a lot of tax officials that

1:10:58 I talked to say is that there's no political will.

1:11:01 And by this,

1:11:02 almost going back to where stood it stopped.

1:11:04 It's talking about,

1:11:05 they know they're just a part of the whole puzzle.

1:11:08 Above them sits the political actors,

1:11:10 and they cannot,

1:11:11 in fact,

1:11:11 even though the law says you can lock up people's houses,

1:11:14 or you can sell them,

1:11:15 they know that their political climate cannot support that.

1:11:17 So I

1:11:18 completely agree that there is this element of political will.

1:11:22 And then the question then is,

1:11:24 um,

1:11:25 How big that is.

1:11:26 Actually,

1:11:26 I wanted to show this very quick graph.

1:11:29 And it is in a case where political will

1:11:32 was present and miraculously,

1:11:34 um,

1:11:35 the technical capacity showed up.

1:11:37 So,

1:11:37 this is Lagos in

1:11:39 mid 2000s when the federal government and

1:11:41 Lagos went Some kind of political dispute,

1:11:43 and Lagos got cut off from the oil revenues

1:11:45 that they got every month from the government.

1:11:48 And within 2 years,

1:11:49 tax revenues generated within Lagos more than doubled.

1:11:52 And so,

1:11:53 I feel like this is one example that if African countries

1:11:56 want to collect taxes,

1:11:57 they find a way to do it.

1:11:59 And um

1:12:00 the next

1:12:01 The

1:12:02 question is about,

1:12:03 um,

1:12:03 there is this image in the paper,

1:12:05 he didn't have the time to discuss it,

1:12:06 but basically,

1:12:07 looking at the relationship between

1:12:09 better public services

1:12:11 and people's um acceptance of the state authority to tax.

1:12:15 And I saw this paper the first time at the AARC when Jim showed it.

1:12:19 And I was stunned because I work with this data quite a lot.

1:12:22 And this did not

1:12:24 resonate with the other work that I've done um

1:12:26 in looking at social contracts in Africa.

1:12:28 And these are the averages of on the

1:12:30 left side is people's acceptance of the question.

1:12:32 And about the state

1:12:33 has the rights to always

1:12:35 tax people

1:12:36 and on the rights of the services that they enjoy.

1:12:38 And

1:12:39 based on this,

1:12:40 the paper just discussed that,

1:12:42 you know,

1:12:42 it really doesn't matter whether the services are high

1:12:45 or low,

1:12:46 on average,

1:12:46 Africans um

1:12:48 do not really

1:12:49 It doesn't shift their acceptance of the authority of the state.

1:12:53 And so,

1:12:53 what I do here is just take the same data and look at it

1:12:56 at the individual.

1:12:57 And this is actually work that I've done um

1:12:59 on this other paper.

1:13:00 And

1:13:01 it seems that there is something going on among the people that get nothing,

1:13:05 where they still have a really high

1:13:07 acceptance of the state's authority to tax.

1:13:09 But the otherwise,

1:13:10 there seems to be this positive correlation

1:13:13 in what individual people enjoy

1:13:16 and what

1:13:17 um

1:13:18 the The relationship and their acceptance of the state's right to tax them.

1:13:21 So this I find hard to reconcile and I've been trying to think,

1:13:24 and I don't know if there are other ideas about how you reconcile this picture

1:13:28 with this one,

1:13:29 where at the average of the country,

1:13:30 there is not,

1:13:31 and it might have to do with polarization of some of these other

1:13:34 um thoughts that we have had where um

1:13:36 you have people on different extremes,

1:13:37 and if uh

1:13:39 the way that the relationship between services and scale,

1:13:42 if there is something that's nonlinear about that,

1:13:44 then maybe that's it.

1:13:45 But it's a puzzle.

1:13:47 And this is the same relationship,

1:13:49 but just here adding country fixed effects.

1:13:50 So if we put in

1:13:51 country institutions,

1:13:52 then we'd still do,

1:13:53 still do have this relationship.

1:13:55 Um,

1:13:56 and here,

1:13:57 all of that over is very descriptive kind of correlations.

1:13:59 There is a paper that I thought was useful to add to this conversation in Haiti,

1:14:03 where there's very low public services,

1:14:05 and the intervention is an RCT

1:14:08 where they actually tried to tax people.

1:14:10 And then there is another arm where they actually

1:14:12 try to provide public goods that people really want,

1:14:13 which is garbage collection.

1:14:15 And here,

1:14:16 actually try

1:14:17 tax people makes tax payments go down

1:14:18 and increases protests.

1:14:20 So there really is something about this being a political problem,

1:14:23 but where there's um providing those public goods,

1:14:26 tax payments goes up and then the political

1:14:29 violence goes down and when they do both,

1:14:31 then they do have this um

1:14:33 uh

1:14:34 the

1:14:35 providing the public goods and collecting the garbage it's.

1:14:38 this negative effects from just trying to tax people.

1:14:40 So,

1:14:40 I think it is,

1:14:42 without doubt,

1:14:42 a tension that governments have to deal with.

1:14:45 And um

1:14:46 part of what as I read the paper,

1:14:48 I just started trying to think about it is,

1:14:50 is this something about tax aversion or is this something

1:14:52 really

1:14:53 about um

1:14:54 what the,

1:14:55 the kind of more generic and quote social

1:14:57 contracts of the government providing public goods.

1:14:59 And finally,

1:15:00 I just had uh some thoughts about

1:15:02 What type of evidence might help us to better

1:15:05 think about this role of tax aversion?

1:15:07 Because I do not doubt,

1:15:08 I mean,

1:15:08 I,

1:15:09 all of these anecdotes and,

1:15:10 and the historical literature and the anthropological literature that he shared,

1:15:15 that there is something about how

1:15:17 states were

1:15:19 in pre-colonial times and the,

1:15:21 and the attitudes of people today.

1:15:23 But I think even just from the presentation,

1:15:25 he.

1:15:27 Give today,

1:15:27 there is clearly it originates about this,

1:15:29 not every

1:15:30 um

1:15:32 Where I have the same.

1:15:33 And so,

1:15:33 one question,

1:15:34 and maybe this is part of the research agenda,

1:15:36 but I think it will be really nice to think about how the variation

1:15:39 from the pre-colonial state presence or whether

1:15:41 there was pre-colonial taxation or maybe there's

1:15:43 kind of autonomous preferences,

1:15:45 whether this does map into Current rates of tax aversion,

1:15:49 or better yet,

1:15:50 actual tax collection today when people are within the same country institution.

1:15:54 So,

1:15:54 these are just some kind of general thoughts to help to frame broader,

1:15:57 the broader conversation.

1:15:58 But thanks again to the very thought-provoking presentations.

1:16:01 I'm glad I had the chance to discuss it.

1:16:05 Thank you.

1:16:06 Excellent,

1:16:06 fascinating.

1:16:07 So,

1:16:08 look,

1:16:08 um,

1:16:09 we have about

1:16:10 3 minutes,

1:16:11 but if I,

1:16:12 if you don't mind,

1:16:12 I can ask

1:16:14 the 1st 2 people who want to

1:16:17 Post the questions,

1:16:18 only 2 questions,

1:16:19 and then we'll turn to Jim and then close after that,

1:16:21 um.

1:16:23 So,

1:16:24 who wants to raise their hand,

1:16:27 um,

1:16:28 and ask a question?

1:16:37 Hello.

1:16:42 Anyone?

1:16:46 OK.

1:16:47 So if there are no questions then um

1:16:50 no people praising their hands.

1:16:52 Jim,

1:16:52 why don't you,

1:16:54 since we're running close to,

1:16:55 why don't you respond to the discussions and then we'll close.

1:16:57 Yeah,

1:16:58 OK,

1:16:58 great,

1:16:58 yeah,

1:16:58 so I won't be able to do justice to all the,

1:17:01 all the points,

1:17:02 you know,

1:17:02 but which,

1:17:02 you know,

1:17:03 and you know I think like in terms of Stussi.

1:17:05 I think,

1:17:06 you know,

1:17:06 there's,

1:17:06 there's lots of sources of variation

1:17:08 in tax rate,

1:17:09 tax relative to GDP so I think it's,

1:17:12 it's kind of difficult to think about these numbers of like China,

1:17:15 compared to Congo or whatever,

1:17:17 you know,

1:17:17 in Dubai,

1:17:18 Sheikh Maktoum,

1:17:19 you know,

1:17:20 owns everything.

1:17:21 So,

1:17:22 so he,

1:17:22 you know,

1:17:23 like,

1:17:23 so enormous,

1:17:24 you know,

1:17:24 you build a hotel,

1:17:25 it's on Sheikh Maktoum's land,

1:17:26 you know,

1:17:27 so,

1:17:27 so the money goes straight into his bank account,

1:17:30 you know,

1:17:30 so,

1:17:30 so there,

1:17:31 there's,

1:17:31 there's almost like no separation between.

1:17:34 The personal finances and the finances of the state,

1:17:37 so of course,

1:17:38 you know,

1:17:38 tax revenues,

1:17:39 you know,

1:17:39 leaving aside all the oil in Abu Dhabi or whatever,

1:17:42 you know,

1:17:42 so,

1:17:42 so I think,

1:17:43 like,

1:17:44 so there's many sources of variation like that,

1:17:46 so it's kind of hard to,

1:17:48 you know,

1:17:48 of course I,

1:17:49 I,

1:17:49 I sort of,

1:17:50 you know,

1:17:50 I try to justify it by quoting that number,

1:17:53 but,

1:17:53 you know,

1:17:53 if we were gonna look at that,

1:17:54 we'd have to try to pin down

1:17:56 some of those other sources of variation.

1:17:58 I think like 56% of people,

1:18:01 you know,

1:18:01 to me,

1:18:02 that's like very small,

1:18:03 you know,

1:18:03 like,

1:18:04 these are,

1:18:04 these,

1:18:05 you know,

1:18:05 Freetown is a place with terrible public goods,

1:18:08 you know,

1:18:08 like have you ever been in Freetown when it rains?

1:18:10 I mean,

1:18:11 so,

1:18:11 like,

1:18:12 I,

1:18:12 you know,

1:18:12 I think for me,

1:18:13 like the null hypothesis in public finance would,

1:18:16 you know.

1:18:16 The value of public goods should be enormously

1:18:18 higher than the resources necessary to provide them,

1:18:21 it seems to me,

1:18:22 you know,

1:18:22 so,

1:18:23 so I guess I would say,

1:18:24 you say 56 is high,

1:18:26 you know,

1:18:26 it's like maybe the glass is half empty,

1:18:28 or,

1:18:28 you know,

1:18:28 I would say 56 is small.

1:18:30 It seems to me like you've come at that from public finance imagining.

1:18:34 There should be like

1:18:36 massive,

1:18:36 massive,

1:18:37 you know,

1:18:37 supermajority in favor of this,

1:18:39 you know,

1:18:39 of course we can disagree

1:18:40 about this,

1:18:41 and like,

1:18:41 so 11 thing that's sort of common about both of your comments,

1:18:45 and I,

1:18:45 I did say that about your book and the,

1:18:47 and the book that you edited,

1:18:48 and the book,

1:18:49 the book is great,

1:18:50 you know,

1:18:50 but,

1:18:50 but there's many things about the world we don't understand.

1:18:53 I mean,

1:18:53 at least I,

1:18:54 there's many things about the world I don't understand.

1:18:56 Let me give you some examples.

1:18:58 You know,

1:18:58 uh,

1:18:59 there's one outlier in the Afrobarometer,

1:19:02 uh,

1:19:02 on that question.

1:19:03 You'll never guess which country it is.

1:19:05 Swaziland.

1:19:06 OK,

1:19:06 so it turns out in Swaziland,

1:19:08 Swaziland is

1:19:10 really in favor of higher taxes and more public goods,

1:19:13 OK?

1:19:14 Why is that?

1:19:15 Cause I think

1:19:16 Swaziland has a legitimate political system,

1:19:19 it's deeply rooted in 200 years of history,

1:19:21 you know.

1:19:22 The king of Swaziland is a sort of laughing stock,

1:19:25 you know,

1:19:25 of many people in the West,

1:19:27 but I think that's just cos they don't understand,

1:19:29 like how people in Swaziland think about the political

1:19:32 institutions.

1:19:33 So I didn't mention Swaziland,

1:19:34 but I think that like I don't really understand Swaziland myself,

1:19:38 but I think.

1:19:38 It

1:19:38 gives you pause

1:19:40 for thought.

1:19:41 Here's another example,

1:19:42 you know,

1:19:42 the Taliban,

1:19:43 OK,

1:19:44 how do you think about

1:19:45 the notion of authority in Afghanistan,

1:19:48 you know,

1:19:48 or the Islamic State,

1:19:49 you know,

1:19:50 how is that organized,

1:19:51 how is

1:19:52 the fiscal system organized?

1:19:54 Well,

1:19:54 the Quran,

1:19:55 you know,

1:19:55 justifies some sorts of taxes,

1:19:58 so

1:19:58 you can legitimately raise some types of taxes

1:20:02 through,

1:20:02 according to the Quran.

1:20:04 That's it.

1:20:05 OK,

1:20:05 so

1:20:06 where's the elasticity of the fiscal

1:20:08 system,

1:20:08 where's the,

1:20:09 you know,

1:20:09 where,

1:20:10 like that,

1:20:10 like.

1:20:11 OK,

1:20:12 that you cannot think of the Taliban state as some sort of kleptocratic,

1:20:16 failed Western liberal,

1:20:18 it isn't,

1:20:18 you know,

1:20:19 there's no concept of legislation,

1:20:21 you know,

1:20:22 in Islam.

1:20:22 I mean,

1:20:23 it's totally different,

1:20:24 OK,

1:20:25 so,

1:20:25 so I think you have like,

1:20:27 and to me,

1:20:27 that's the same with Rwanda,

1:20:29 you know,

1:20:29 it's the same with,

1:20:30 it's not like Western liberal,

1:20:32 we have lots of ideas about

1:20:34 how to make Western liberal democracies work better.

1:20:36 I don't think we have good ideas about how to make.

1:20:39 The Taliban

1:20:40 state worked better,

1:20:41 or the Rwandan state worked better,

1:20:44 and so we have to kind of engage with that,

1:20:46 you know,

1:20:47 I mean,

1:20:47 I understand there's lots of problems with the Taliban,

1:20:49 we can all think about it,

1:20:50 but I have to think,

1:20:51 you have to think it's a real

1:20:52 serious

1:20:53 project,

1:20:54 you know,

1:20:54 under different,

1:20:55 working under different rules,

1:20:57 you know,

1:20:57 than Western

1:20:58 liberal democracy,

1:20:59 and I think that's true in

1:21:01 Rwanda.

1:21:01 It's true

1:21:02 everywhere in Africa,

1:21:04 you know,

1:21:04 so that you could say the Taliban's an extreme example,

1:21:06 but I think it's kind of illustrates

1:21:08 kind of what I have in mind,

1:21:10 I guess,

1:21:10 here,

1:21:10 you know.

1:21:11 Um,

1:21:12 and I just think like,

1:21:13 you know,

1:21:13 in terms of Oyebola's comments,

1:21:15 you know,

1:21:15 like,

1:21:15 uh,

1:21:15 and there there are lots of things to talk about here.

1:21:17 I,

1:21:18 you know,

1:21:18 I would say,

1:21:19 and we could,

1:21:19 you know,

1:21:19 we,

1:21:19 I could look at that data,

1:21:20 I didn't even present that data here,

1:21:22 cos that's,

1:21:23 you know,

1:21:23 that's not.

1:21:24 The main thing,

1:21:25 maybe there's,

1:21:26 you know,

1:21:26 if you slice it in different ways,

1:21:28 that's just what I did,

1:21:28 and

1:21:29 maybe I liked

1:21:30 what I found when I did it that way and I

1:21:32 should have pushed harder and done it a different way,

1:21:34 and you know,

1:21:34 but,

1:21:35 but,

1:21:35 but that,

1:21:35 that's just,

1:21:36 that's why I didn't really talk about it.

1:21:38 But I say like modernization again,

1:21:39 you know,

1:21:40 like,

1:21:41 I've done a lot,

1:21:41 I don't,

1:21:41 you know,

1:21:42 this

1:21:42 modern,

1:21:43 I don't believe in modernization,

1:21:44 like,

1:21:45 it just,

1:21:45 it doesn't work in the data,

1:21:46 you know,

1:21:46 I bet if you look at changes,

1:21:48 that pattern goes away,

1:21:49 you know,

1:21:50 we did a lot of work on this with Daron and Simon.

1:21:52 I don't believe in this idea of modernization at all,

1:21:55 uh,

1:21:56 so,

1:21:56 you know,

1:21:56 the fact that in some cross section,

1:21:58 yeah,

1:21:58 as you know,

1:21:59 you know,

1:21:59 the fact that you have that in that cross section,

1:22:01 I don't think

1:22:02 tells you that,

1:22:03 that much,

1:22:04 uh,

1:22:04 to be honest with you.

1:22:05 And,

1:22:05 you know,

1:22:06 just let me say,

1:22:06 a couple of things,

1:22:07 Lagos,

1:22:08 yeah,

1:22:08 yeah,

1:22:09 lots of interesting.

1:22:09 Things went on in Lagos.

1:22:11 Governor Tinubu privatized,

1:22:13 you know,

1:22:13 the revenue service

1:22:14 to his own company,

1:22:16 you know.

1:22:16 So,

1:22:17 so yeah,

1:22:17 he had a great incentive to raise taxes.

1:22:20 It was flowing into the same accounts as his,

1:22:23 you know,

1:22:24 of his company,

1:22:25 you know,

1:22:25 so,

1:22:25 so,

1:22:26 I think,

1:22:26 you know,

1:22:27 there's more to it

1:22:28 than that in Lagos,

1:22:29 I agree.

1:22:29 But like a lot of that

1:22:31 incentive to raise taxes

1:22:33 was direct

1:22:34 material incentives of Governor.

1:22:36 Tinubu,

1:22:37 you know,

1:22:37 so that's,

1:22:38 that's,

1:22:38 that's an interesting model,

1:22:39 and you could sort of say,

1:22:40 well,

1:22:41 maybe that's a model that works well,

1:22:42 you know,

1:22:43 uh,

1:22:43 and,

1:22:43 and,

1:22:44 you know,

1:22:44 and we should think about it,

1:22:45 but,

1:22:45 but that's,

1:22:46 that's a,

1:22:46 you know,

1:22:47 there's a kind of different set of,

1:22:49 I don't know that that's saying much about people in Lagos,

1:22:51 it's saying a lot about the incentives of,

1:22:53 you know,

1:22:53 Governor Tinubu,

1:22:54 uh,

1:22:55 perhaps,

1:22:55 and,

1:22:56 and,

1:22:56 um,

1:22:57 and I think,

1:22:57 you know,

1:22:57 I think

1:22:58 these examples are interesting,

1:23:00 you know,

1:23:00 I think,

1:23:01 should we be looking at,

1:23:02 you know,

1:23:02 pre-colonial tax systems and how that influences,

1:23:05 you know,

1:23:06 attitudes today?

1:23:07 Yes,

1:23:07 absolutely,

1:23:08 that's on my agenda,

1:23:09 yes,

1:23:10 absolutely,

1:23:10 yes,

1:23:11 so great,

1:23:11 yes,

1:23:12 you read my mind.

1:23:13 And I think Haiti,

1:23:14 you know,

1:23:14 like,

1:23:14 I mean,

1:23:15 I know,

1:23:15 you know,

1:23:15 Ben,

1:23:16 I know Ben's work,

1:23:17 um.

1:23:18 And I think it's interesting,

1:23:19 but I,

1:23:19 but I wouldn't say I understand the political culture in Haiti whatsoever,

1:23:23 you know,

1:23:23 and,

1:23:24 and,

1:23:24 and how

1:23:25 Haitians think about this,

1:23:27 and I guess,

1:23:27 you know,

1:23:27 like

1:23:28 if I could provoke one thought,

1:23:30 you know,

1:23:30 I would provoke the thought that

1:23:32 political will is not just about the rulers,

1:23:34 you know,

1:23:34 or the leaders who we talk to,

1:23:36 you know,

1:23:36 in the ministry of this or the ministry of that,

1:23:38 it's about,

1:23:38 it's about the people,

1:23:39 you know,

1:23:40 it's about the people and it's like about the people.

1:23:42 You know,

1:23:43 more in Africa maybe than anywhere else,

1:23:45 you know,

1:23:45 it's,

1:23:46 you know,

1:23:46 because,

1:23:46 because,

1:23:47 because African

1:23:48 politics historically is incredibly,

1:23:51 you know,

1:23:51 participatory,

1:23:52 and maybe participatory in ways that are

1:23:54 surprising and we don't really understand,

1:23:56 you know,

1:23:56 I once asked a Kuba,

1:23:57 a Kuba chief,

1:23:58 you know,

1:23:58 we,

1:23:58 I did,

1:23:59 we did all this work in the Kuba Kingdom in,

1:24:01 in Congo,

1:24:01 you know,

1:24:02 they have all these drums,

1:24:03 they have the royal drums,

1:24:04 OK,

1:24:05 so

1:24:05 the drums,

1:24:06 like it looks cute,

1:24:07 you know,

1:24:07 the royal drum,

1:24:08 and I'd like,

1:24:08 and he said to me,

1:24:09 I said like,

1:24:10 you know,

1:24:10 what's the.

1:24:11 The drum,

1:24:12 the thing about,

1:24:13 and everywhere,

1:24:13 you know,

1:24:13 all over East Africa,

1:24:15 the,

1:24:15 the Buganda,

1:24:16 Rwanda,

1:24:17 they have these royal drums.

1:24:18 What's the thing about the drum?

1:24:19 Oh,

1:24:20 you play the drum,

1:24:21 people,

1:24:22 people hear the drum.

1:24:23 It's a sym symbol to assemble,

1:24:25 people assemble,

1:24:25 you know,

1:24:26 you assemble,

1:24:26 you deliberate,

1:24:27 that's how legitimate authority is established.

1:24:30 It's not a coincidence that a drum is a symbol of legitimate authority,

1:24:33 because it's about assembling

1:24:35 and.

1:24:36 Participating and,

1:24:38 you know,

1:24:38 and,

1:24:38 and,

1:24:39 and,

1:24:39 and,

1:24:39 and,

1:24:40 and being accountable,

1:24:41 you know,

1:24:41 not being an accountable,

1:24:42 you know,

1:24:42 he's a chief,

1:24:43 he's a hereditary Bouon chief,

1:24:45 you might think,

1:24:45 well,

1:24:46 how is that guy accountable,

1:24:47 you know,

1:24:47 the Queen of England's not accountable,

1:24:49 and,

1:24:49 you know,

1:24:49 but

1:24:50 he may be accountable in different ways,

1:24:51 you know,

1:24:52 that may be extremely significant,

1:24:54 you know,

1:24:54 for,

1:24:54 for,

1:24:55 for the way things work.

1:24:57 So I guess that's,

1:24:58 I don't know how that works in Haiti,

1:24:59 that's so complicated,

1:25:00 Haiti,

1:25:01 um,

1:25:01 but,

1:25:02 but,

1:25:02 but,

1:25:02 but,

1:25:03 but,

1:25:03 you know.

1:25:06 I should shut up.

1:25:07 Thank you,

1:25:07 thank you,

1:25:08 the,

1:25:08 the,

1:25:08 the,

1:25:08 I didn't,

1:25:09 I couldn't do justice to all the

1:25:11 interesting points.

1:25:13 OK.

1:25:13 So,

1:25:14 thank you so much,

1:25:15 uh,

1:25:16 Jim,

1:25:17 uh,

1:25:17 to Stuti and Oyebola.

1:25:19 Look,

1:25:20 I'm sorry that,

1:25:21 uh,

1:25:21 we started a bit late and didn't have a lot more,

1:25:25 you know,

1:25:26 conversation and,

1:25:27 uh,

1:25:27 and,

1:25:28 and for the participants,

1:25:29 but,

1:25:29 uh,

1:25:29 I hope that,

1:25:30 uh,

1:25:31 they went away with

1:25:32 Lots of insights about,

1:25:34 uh,

1:25:34 you know,

1:25:35 this very complex issue,

1:25:36 um,

1:25:38 and,

1:25:38 uh,

1:25:38 I

1:25:39 hope that we'll get you back,

1:25:40 Jim,

1:25:41 uh,

1:25:41 and have,

1:25:42 um,

1:25:43 a less complicated,

1:25:44 technically complicated,

1:25:45 uh,

1:25:46 start to the,

1:25:46 to the process,

1:25:47 um,

1:25:48 yeah,

1:25:48 sorry,

1:25:48 my competence,

1:25:49 so

1:25:50 no,

1:25:50 no,

1:25:50 no,

1:25:50 that's all,

1:25:51 not at all,

1:25:51 um,

1:25:52 but anyway,

1:25:52 so thank you.

1:25:53 So much and I want to thank everyone who joined and stayed on.

1:25:57 Uh,

1:25:57 we had

1:25:58 close to 75 people and,

1:26:01 uh,

1:26:02 more than half of them are still here,

1:26:03 so it was,

1:26:04 it definitely shows that there's a lot of interest and I can see hands clapping.

1:26:08 So,

1:26:09 uh,

1:26:09 thank you so much for everyone else.

1:26:11 Um,

1:26:12 so

1:26:12 take care and have a good day,

1:26:14 uh,

1:26:15 the rest of the

1:26:16 day.

1:26:17 Thank you very much,

1:26:17 yeah,

1:26:18 thank you.

1:26:19 Brilliant.

1:26:19 Thank you very much.

1:26:20 Thank you.

showAllTimestamps
no
transcript
Our regular bi-monthly, uh, seminar on African Economics series. Um, my name is Andrew DoN. For those of you who have not, uh, joined this before, I'm the incoming chief economist. Um, we're delighted to have Jim Robinson, who is not new to a lot of you here. Uh, he's, um, been influential. I think he has influenced a lot of our work in the World Bank. Um, so it's, this is gonna be a continuation of that. Uh, but before I hand over to, um, to, uh, Jim and our discussion, let me just give a couple of remarks, right? Just to set the stage for this. Um, so the, we all know that the development challenge for Africa remains reducing extreme poverty, which is pervasive, um, that, you know, 34% of Africans live below $2.15. Uh, and that remains a major, major obstacle challenge. Tens of millions of children out of school. Mills don't have decent healthcare. Or access to decent energy, water and sanitation, the, the list is long, right? And for some states, you know, even just basic security is a problem. So they are close to state collapses, uh, as we are watching, uh, unfolding in some places, right. At the same time, these countries have signed on to this, you know, international development goals and also their own, in their own, you know, in their own documents, they have either development documents or these vision documents, they have these ambitious goals of trying to, you know, achieve either universal access to a lot of these services, uh, uh, and at the same time reducing poverty, um. But in the current context, that requires enormous financing. Um, and the global financing conditions right now are really not favorable. Interest rates are rising. Debt levels are very high, they don't have a lot of, you know, they've been shut out basically of this global financing, uh, um, mechanisms, um, so they have to rely on domestic resources, that, that's one space open to them, uh, in order to finance these ambitious goals, and yet. I mean, we've, in the bank, we've done a lot of, uh, we've done a lot of analytical work and uh diagnosis around why, you know, domestic resource mobilization is not um uh high in Africa, um, and often we run, we come into these technical, you know, reasons, corruption, lack of capacity, um, you know, administration issues, effort, and so on and so on, right, incentive mechanisms, but I think Jim is gonna share with us another reason why we, you know, this, this, uh, this, uh, um, resource mobilization is lower in Africa. Um, so, I'm keen to hear about this. I'm sure a lot of you are. So, the way we will proceed, we will give Jim about 40 minutes to present, and then we're delighted to have two discussions who have been doing a lot of research in this area as well. Stui Kemani, who is the senior economist in the research department of the, uh, the World Bank, and Oye, um, Oye Bolana, who is also in the research department. So what we'll do is we'll have Jim present for 40 minutes and then we will turn to our discussions who will have 5 to 10 minutes each. And then we will uh open up for conversation. Um, what I would urge all of you to do is, as, as Jim presents, please go ahead and, uh, post your, your comments, uh, but ideally just stay on and then have your ques, you know, ask your questions towards the end. Um, so, with that, over to you, Jim. Brilliant, OK, thank you, I'm sorry that I had technical problems and we're all starting late. I should right, oh gosh. Um Oh gosh. No You can't display your shared, let's see if I can. OK. How do I do this, share screen? Screen or uh who knows how, I don't know how to use the software, so it says I open share content and it says screen and application, what do what do I do, screen or application? Let me have a go. You can't display your shared content. I don't know, it does someone, can someone give me permission to do this, it doesn't look like I have permission to share the screen. I mean, uh, James, you should be able to, but one moment, let me just check on something, but you should be able to share, just, uh, if you could just share your screen. Oh, is it telling you that you need administration? It I don't know, it says you can't display your shared content, make sure you're allowed permission to share content and then try it again. OK, one moment. Oops. I Is it screen or application? Screen. It should be screened. OK, and then it comes up and it says. There's the screen. I can see the screen here, and when I click on and when I click on share, I, I get this says you can't share, you can't display your shared content. Make sure you're allowed permission to share content and try again. Yeah, just try application then uh while I'll try and see if our IT folks can help. It's. This is the first time we are having the slides to someone to display them for you. Could you, could you send, send, if you send the, uh, the slides with not through Google Docs but just regular slides, we can probably upload them for you. I, I think they're too heavy. I sent them on an email. To, um I sent them on an email to somebody, was it Rose Claire Pacabamba, um. Yes, I sent them on an email to Rose Claire. Uh, so I tried downloading, but then it's in Google Docs and it's asking for a sign in, so I, I don't have permission to do that. OK, but it's too heavy to email, I guess that's why it didn't, uh, OK, it didn't work, uh. Um, OK, Andrew. I think I can give Andrew permission. I tried to give you permission, Andrew. Oh Oh, how frustrating. Uh, and so I can feel any document. You can't see that by any chance, can you? No. Too much to hope for. OK. Oh, that's, that's. No, it doesn't work, yeah. I don't know what's going on. It does, I don't know this software very well, I'm sorry, yeah. It says I don't have permission to share anything. Uh There you go. Oh, OK. OK, but who's, you're showing that, are you? OK, so, so somebody else is gonna move it, are they, is that the plan? I thought, hello, can you hear me? Yes, it looks, uh, James, it looks like you're the one who's sharing, so you should be able to, uh, to move it up and down. OK, I don't know how to. OK. But I, it doesn't, I can't. Does it, is it moving? Yes, let's move up and down and see moving, is it? Yes, it is moving. OK, how weird. All right, so let's. Let's um, let's go, alright, so sorry for all the, the, the, the, the confusion, alright, great, so uh it's Andrew, it's Andrew that is sharing, OK, that's fine, no problem. Andrew. OK, so I can't control it, Andrew controls it, is that right? Yes. OK, all right, so I'll tell Andrew, all right, great, so, OK, thanks very much. So let's just go to the first slide, um let's see how far I get. So I think, you know, the big, the big picture here is, you know, I think, you know, there's many things, you know, which Andrew started talking about, you know, concerning these issues that we sort of understand. Uh, but I think there's many things we don't understand, and so I guess my big picture, my sort of the, this is the big picture agenda of the sort of intellectual agenda is kind of trying to understand, um, the sort of deep history of, of political institutions in Africa and the way that influences. Current political institutions, as I think it does, and as I'll try to argue and you know, I talk about a lot of different sorts of evidence in the paper that I won't have a chance to get into, but hopefully, this will just kind of whet your appetite a bit. And I've been very inspired, you know, over the years by the work of the, you know, the great historian Jan van Seena of Central Africa, and here's, you know, here's a. Quote from his book Paths in the Rainforest that sort of it, it kind of inspired this whole project, which is the ability to refuse centralization while maintaining the necessary cohesion amongst a myriad of autonomous units has been the most original contribution of Western Bantu tradition to the institutional history of the world. So I don't think so. Social scientists have really figured this out yet, they haven't lived up to this agenda that Vanine has set out, and they haven't thought through its implications. And so, so I, this is a sort of an attempt to think through some of the implications and, you know, and talk about, you know, I'm not gonna talk too much about why Africans refused centralization, but it's easy to document that they did. OK, so for example, on the next slide. If you just plot, what do I mean by refused centralization? I mean that at the time of the scramble for Africa, Africans lived in thousands and thousands of independent, uh, polities. You know, in eastern Nigeria, there might have been 500 independent polities. OK, so if. You just take historical estimates of population, 1880, round about the time of the scramble for Africa, and then you divide them into these different layer, different levels of um jurisdictional hierarchy from the Murdoch atlas, which is some kind of notion of stateness, uh. At most, one third of Africans, uh, lived in what you would call what anthropologists and historians would describe as states. OK, so, so there's 5. If it's the highest level jurisdictional hierarchy, only 4 polities, they're all in North Africa, uh, not actually in sub-Saharan Africa. The level 4 is, you know, there's 45 sub-Saharan African polities, that's Rwanda, Buganda, you know, Zulu, uh, you know, Hausa, the, you know, Kano, uh, Benin, you know, uh, you know, the, uh, the, the, the Ashanti. So, so big African states there were, you know, but only about 25% of people were living in states like that in Africa. The rest were living in much smaller scale society, so this is, this is what Van Seena's idea is about. It's about, that was intentional, you know, this is not some facet of kind of underdevelopment, it's actually intentional, because Africans refused centralization, and really this project, you know, today is just talking about some of the consequences of that for uh for taxation. But mostly, of course, I'm gonna have to convince you that that these traditional ideas about centralization in Africa have actually perpetuated themselves over time and they significantly affect the kind of way people think about power and legitimate authority and the way they think about political institutions. OK, so, so on the next slide, which is like the small agenda for today, uh, is, um, the next slide. Please. OK. Andrew, who's moving the slides? Can you see it? I can see it, but I can't move it, yeah, so I can, I can. Oh goodness, this is. Is that? Oh, we lost it? Yes, OK, can you see it now? Yes. Which, so where, where, which slide are you on? This one? Uh, I don't know, I can't, I don't know, yeah. Small picture. Yes, yes, perfect. OK, alright, so, so I'm just, you know, there's many aspects of this that one could talk about, uh, but I'm just gonna talk today about the implications of this, uh, for, for sort of taxation, OK? So I think we know, you know, empirically, uh, African states, uh, tax, you know. They don't tax much relative to GDP per capita. I think the, I don't know what the World Bank thinks about this, but I think the International Monetary Fund says, you know, 15% of GDP is the sort of magic number. And many African countries, uh, fall below that. OK? So, so, you know, I think from a public finance perspective, you think that, you know, the people lack basic public goods, and, you know, it's gonna be highly desirable from a normative. Perspective, to raise taxes and provide uh more, more public goods to deal with some of the problems that Andrew was, was outlining at the start of the talk. I think, you know, uh, typical arguments for why that doesn't happen include, you know, uh uh citizens don't want to concede taxation with a history, you know, to states with a history of misallocating and diverting public monies. Uh, states which lack accountability, and there's still quite a few of those in sub-Saharan Africa, do not have the incentives to provide such public goods, and you may also think that African states, you know, however well-intentioned, uh, leaders are or rulers are, they lack just, they just lack the bureaucratic capacity to raise revenues and spend them on, uh, uh, efficiently on public goods. So I think, I think all of those, I think all of those, those, those factors are. Are important, so I don't, don't want to be, I don't wanna be interpreted as saying these are not important, I think they are, and there's plenty of evidence. But what I wanna do is advance a new argument, uh, and I'm gonna show you some evidence from Sierra Leone, uh, to kind of lead you into that new argument. OK, so we go to the next slide, we see that, um. OK, no, wrong, wrong direction. OK, alright, so let me look at attitudes of Sierra Leoneans to, um, why Sierra Leoneans? Well, because I got a lot of these orig, these ideas originally when I was working in Sierra Leone, so, so, so that's, that's why, you know, uh, and I'm gonna come back and talk about Sierra Leone later if I get, get a chance, OK? So, uh, uh, so, so let's look at the attitudes of Sierra Leoneans towards uh taxation, OK, so, so, you know, uh, it turns out, and I think we can all agree, uh, that public good provision is pretty awful. Uh, in Sierra Leone, uh, uh, it's much better than it is, it much, it's much better than it used to be, you know, partially thanks to the World Bank. Uh, and let's see what Sierra Leoneans think about taxation. OK, so on the next slide I just reproduced some data on from the last round of the AfroBarometer, uh, on Sierra Leoneans' attitude towards taxation. So, so only about 10 to 15% of Sierra Leoneans think the government should tax more, uh, and, you know, 47% of rural. People and 24% of urban people think it should tax less. OK, so, so, so that, you know, there's not overwhelming support for a kind of public finance view here, but you can sort of think, OK, fine, but the Sierra Leoneans, there's a lot of problems with governance in Sierra Leone, with kind of clientelism and corruption and diversion of state resources. So of course, Sierra Leoneans, you know, don't want to pay more taxes, they're worried that it's not gonna be spent on things that benefit them. OK, next slide. So that's part of the problem, OK, but I wanna argue it's not the whole uh part of the, it's not the whole story, and there are good kind of profound reasons for why it's not the whole story, which is related to what Vancina was talking about. So there's a very clever question, if you go to the next slide, which the Afrobarometer also asked in the following way. Which of the following statements is closest to your view? Statement 1, it's better to pay higher taxes if it means that there will be more services provided by the government. Statement 2, it's better to pay lower taxes if it means there will be fewer services provided by the government. So the whole point of this question, which they asked everywhere. Is to try to kind of get round this problem of, well, of course you want lower taxes, because you think the money's all gonna be misappropriated, all right, so they're sort of saying hypothetically, if you were absolutely sure this would be spent on public goods, would you be in favor of higher taxes? And remarkably, it seems to me. And this is the sort of start of the whole paper, and this is true right the way across sub-Saharan Africa. 41% of Sierra Leoneans prefer lower taxes and lower levels of services, or lower levels of public goods, OK? And that's 48% of people in rural areas where public goods are, you know, public goods provision in rural Sierra Leone is a lot worse than it is in Freetown, for example, or in Bow. Or McKenny, uh, uh, but nevertheless, almost half of people would like lower taxes and lower public goods. OK, so that's, to me, that's a puzzle, OK, so, so, and, and it's not explicable by these mechanisms of problems of corruption and accountability, and so, uh, so the paper is really about providing an explanation for this puzzle, so let's go. I think it's a puzzle, and I think, you know, to understand that, what I propose is you have to think about Africans' ideas, you know, like people don't talk about political philosophy in Africa or Africans' ideas about legitimate authority or, you know, if we were talking about England, you know, we'd be talking about John Locke and Thomas Hobbes, if we were talking about the United States, we'd be talking about Montesquieua and James Madison and Alexander Hamilton and stuff, but when it comes to Africa, we don't think about. Africans' ideas about authority, but I think that's absolutely critical because we know that Africans organized their polities in extremely different ways, historically and in not very ways which are very distinct from Western societies, and that was exactly uh Van Seena's point. OK, so, you know, what he points out is that Africans grappled in an original way with the question of how to maintain. Contained local autonomy paramount, while enlarging the scale of society. OK, so people understood that there were benefits from scale, cooperation, you know, it, it kind of facilitating trade and providing, you know, public goods, but they were worried about their autonomy. OK, so, yeah, familiar pressures such as population growth or the need to provide public good did. Lead to the birth of some chiefdoms, even kingdoms, mostly they led to the birth of new forms of association to safeguard the autonomy of the basic community in a time of expansion. So what you see throughout, you know, Africa is a very big place, Africa's not a country, there's a lot of heterogeneity here, you know, and I'm happy to talk about that, and, you know, it so obviously I'm kind of riding over that in this discussion, so I should just apologize for that and. You know, uh, but just to give you, you know, he's talking about Bantu Africa, he's talking about Central Africa, the kind of areas of Bantu expansion, and, you know, so obviously Ethiopia's very different, the *** Bend is very different, you know, so, so, but we can talk about all of that, but if I start talking about all the heterogeneity, we'll never, I'll never get anywhere, you know, and I think. There are a lot of similarities in many different African societies in these kind of issues, and we know, we, I talk about a lot of the specifics in the paper. OK, so, so what does he mean by new forms of association and kind of alternatives to the type of centralized state that emerged in, you know, in East Asia or emerged, you know, in, in Western Europe? Next slide. Uh, this is what, you know, modern anthropologists, this is not the, the, the word that, uh, Vancini uses, but would call hybrid institutions. So, so institutions that try to take advantage of some of the, you know, try to kind of reap some of the advantages of scale or states, but in different ways, OK? So the first part of the paper, I point out that these kind of hybrid institutions. Rarely, rarely involve taxation, OK, so uh, let me get, talk, talk a little bit about the kind of canonical example of this from anthropology, which is from, uh, which is from Uganda, it's one of the best studied examples of this, which is the Aur uh polity. So next slide please. OK, just, uh, you know, without insulting anyone's intelligence, these, this is a, this is an ethnographic map, a map of of, of Uganda, which, which I can't point to it, but the Aor country is up, you know, right at the top of Lake Albert, uh, at the top, uh, you know, the northwest corner of the map. Uh, that's just to give you a sense of where the Aor. is, OK, so, so the, the, the formation of the Allor state, if you like, was studied by Aidan Southall, uh, an anthro social anthropologist in the late 1940s and early 1950s who kind of transcribed a lot of the oral history of the origins of the institution. So if you go to the next slide, you know, I'll just tell you the story. That part of uh Uganda was, was inhabited by, by kind of what, uh, you know, what you could call stateless societies, sort of acephalous societies, you know, the Lendu, the Lugbara, uh, uh, some of them very well studied by other anthropologists. So, so they were, they were trying to reap the benefits of scale, uh, and they were suffering from. Some of the problems, you know, connected to the lack of state institutions, particularly uh conflict, OK, so what did they do? They sent a, a, a delegate to the Allur, the Alo were more centralized, and they said, come and rule us, OK, so they brought the Alo chiefs in from outside. To kind of rule them, so they, they created a kind of layer on top of these segmentary, sort of stateless societies, you know, so here's, you know, this is just some of the oral history that Southall transcribed, uh, you know, uh, Amato was the, was the son of Chief Nziri of Ukuru, OK, so Eleu. Uh, went to petition Ziri, who's an Allur chief, uh, because he said, you know, uh, we need a son to rule us, because the people are scattering because of all the fighting. OK, so, you know, think of Thomas Hobbes and the state of nature, you know, people are fighting, they need more centralized authority, uh, uh, so, so what do they do, they send to the Allor to bring, you know, they go to Chief Mazuri and say, you know, send us a son. Uh, and he sends a son, Amafo, and says, you go break that land, guard the subjects there. So he sends a son to become, uh, the chief. So, so the lender invited that Allor in, uh, to rule them. OK. So, so this is just one example, but it's incredibly common in the oral history of African polities to have these rule, rule from outside. So either rule from outside or, you know, you can create the same thing ritually, that's, you know, that's what, what, what historians call a divine monarchy, you know, which we have in Britain, by the way, but don't let me get started on that, OK? So I'm gonna come back to John Locke if I had time in the end, but this is really an instance of, you know, John Locke's inconvenience at what Locke called the inconvenience. of the state of nature, but the Allo came up with a different solution than the one that uh Locke did. They came up with a hybrid, uh, that came up with a hybrid state. So let me emphasize a few things about this hybrid state, this kind of fusion of more centralized institutions with, with these segmentary lineage societies like the Lendu or the Lugbara. So if we go to the next slide, uh, you know, what were the advantages of this? Social contract that was forged, well, one were the Alo were outsiders, you know, so they were not embedded in these quarrels, uh, they were like independent third parties who were there to mediate and resolve disputes, OK, this happened in European history too, you know. Most, uh, most medieval Italian city-states were, the executive was a Podesta who was brought in from outside the city, you know, that's how Florence and Siena was governed, you know, they brought in a Podesta from outside the city to govern the city because that was like a neutral third party. They also, important for the later discussion, had supernatural powers, so they were rainmakers, so they brought supernatural power, and they were intrinsically limited, you know, so this is what Southall points out, they had very limited jurisdictions, they didn't have a monopoly of force, they had no claim to land. Uh, and they had no right to collect taxes, OK, so, so taxes were not part of this social contract, alright? So, so, so, so, so there were, uh, you know, and there was no, I think just what, you know, just the idea to get across here is that, you know, there's no expectations or desire for an invasive state. They, they, they, they, they, they, they created this hybrid institution which brought some benefits. Dispute resolution, rainmaking, uh, without threatening their autonomy, that's the kind of key thing, so if we go to the next slide, um, Uh, this is way too many words on the slide, this is Southall's whole kind of definition of what he called a segmentary state, OK? Uh, uh, and you're thinking to yourself, oh my gosh, you know, but like, how is that relevant for thinking about Africa today? It is, I'm gonna convince you by the end of the talk, alright, so, so, so, so I won't go into all the bits and pieces of this, you know, but, but, but he talks, Southfield talks about how this sort of state was kind of constructed. And it has many elements, you know, of modern African states, if you ask me, you know, like I've been working in the DRC for many years, I'm gonna show you some data from the DRC later, uh, but, but, you know, he sort of points out there's like a core and a periphery, and. The state in the periphery really, you know, has what he calls ritual hegemony, you know, the Congolese state has ritual hegemony, you know, in eastern DRC. Many African states have a kind of, yeah, there's some sort of sovereignty, which is recognized, but it's not actually kind of anything is implemented in reality, you know, uh, there's limited control over the periphery, and, you know, one of the points of his definition here is actually, you know, states don't have a monopoly of violence, OK, so, so. Uh, legitimate force of a more restricted order inheres, inheres in all the peripheral, uh, foci. This is not just in Africa, by the way, the Colombian state looks exactly like this. So, so, so, so I won't, I won't go into this in detail, but the idea I want you to get is, you know, there's this problem, you want to maintain autonomy, you want to take advantage, this is some cooperation, some aspects of scale, dispute resolution, maybe supernatural power. You create this hybrid institution which has limited jurisdictions, and it doesn't involve the right to tax. OK, let's go. So, um, so and I, you know, I wanna say. I wanna call, this is why I call it tax aversion, not evasion. Maybe I should have called it tax refusal, you know, maybe that would have been even better. OK. Now, that's a historic thing, um, you know, and it was made worse by what, you know, it was made worse by colonialism, you know, so here's my favorite Nigerian, uh, Nigerian example from eastern Nigeria. So in Igbo, I'm told, uh, I don't speak Igbo, of course, but, uh, in Igbo I'm told the job for a civil service position is basically. White man's job. If you take the literal Igbo and you translate it into English, it means white man's job. So that's, that's how Igbo people think about working for the government, you know, it's like a white man's job. So obviously colonialism made this antagonism, colonial states were unaccountable, they were violent, you know, they were coercive, they were extractive. That made this antipathy towards power much worse in Africa. And I think it's also been exacerbated. By, by post-colonialism, because why? Because think of a country like Nigeria. So for me, you know, Nigeria is made up of hundreds of different social contracts. The social contract in Igbo land, actually the social contract in one part of Igboland is different from the social contract in a different part of Igbo land. You know, Yoruba social contracts were different. The Hausa social contract, the, you know, the Nupe, the Tiv, the, you know, so there were many different social contracts. So how do you. Aggregate those to create a legitimate way of governing Nigeria. For me, that's the massive, the most massive post-colonial problem. So of course it's incredibly difficult to adjust to a world, you know, where you have this completely arbitrary country created. Africans have all sorts of different ideas about legitimate power and authority, and you have to just find a way of aggregating that, you know, uh, and I should say, you know, many of these social contracts were deliberately designed, you know, not to. Be aggregated, I can come back to that, you know, because of this, this desire for autonomy, OK, you don't want large coercive states, and so, so, and as I, you know, I, I don't have time to talk about this, but, but, you know, even the most centralized states in Africa don't look anything like Western European states. You know, you look at Rwanda, for example. You know, Rwanda had no bureaucracy whatsoever, you know, there was nothing, there was no bureaucracy whatsoever. There was the army. There were the ritualists, yeah, there was the Mwami, the king, and the kind of the pyramid of, you know, authority, but it had nothing like a, a, a bureaucracy, and there was no taxation either. Uh, of course the army had herds and stuff, whatever. OK, so, so I just say, you know, the, what the paper does is to sort of talk about some of the social, historical social contracts and some more aspects of that that I'm not gonna get into. And then sort of try to show how this has flowed into sort of contemporary Africa. OK, now I know you're all skeptical that this has anything to do with the state in Africa today, so let me keep, let's keep going, and I'll try to convince you it does, OK? So, so, my own personal experience is that, you know, if you look, or my understanding of the history, if you look at post-colonial Africa, you see how. State builders, institution builders, tried to adjust, you know, to this history, and they tried to build different types of societies in these post-colonial nations, taking into account this, the way Africans thought about politics and political institutions. I think, you know, if you read about, How and Kruma thought, you know, if you read conscientism or you read Nerere or the Arusha Declaration, they thought that there was a kind of synergy between the community, you know, different aspects of African society, this more kind of, you know, communitarian nature, sort of socialistic and, Modern, a kind of modern socialism, that a socialist state was gonna somehow be able to cut across many of these differences and tap into common aspects of African society in a way that would allow them to build a, a state, OK, so what I, I. Talk about that in the, in the paper, you know, what I talk about is sort of three examples which I find extremely interesting. You know, one is I, I try to reinterpret the way Mobutu ran uh the Congo through the lens of the Allor state. OK, I'm gonna start with that because that's maybe the most outrageous. Then I talk about, you know, why did Sierra Leone end up being governed the way it was after 1960. And then I'll talk a little bit about, uh, Botswana, because, you know, Botswana was the first place I started doing serious research in Africa back in the 1990s. And it's fascinating because Botswana's one place where there's been fantastic institution building, where it's very difficult to argue that, you know, that, that, that, that Africans think, you know, that the money is gonna be stolen or there's no accountability, you know, that, that institutionally, Africa uh Botswana works extremely well, but you'll see when I look at the data that, you know, when I go to the Afrobarometer, you see that the opinions of Botswana about. You know, taxation and public good provision are remarkably similar to Sierra Leoneans, and I don't think that can be explained by the fact that, you know, people think there's massive corruption or whatever because there isn't. Alright, so let me talk a little bit about each of these examples, and I'll, I'll try to, I, I'm, I, we started late and so let me try to keep it fast and provocative. So let's go and talk about, so, so the argument in the paper, I go through it really fast, you know, about President Mobutu is that, you know, in some sense President Mobuto, if you think about how he ruled. You know, the, the image in Western political science, you know, uh, is, is, is this sort of kleptocratic dictator, you know, whatever, unchecked, unbalanced, you know, stealing, whatever. I don't think that provides much insight into the way he governed at all. Uh, if you read how, about how he governed and how he organized things, to me it looks like, and this is what I try to argue in the paper, it looks like a scaled up version of a high. Hyd state. OK, so, so he took a kind of traditional model of how things were organized, and he tried to scale it up, you know, on this massive scale of the Congo, you know, so that was a very unlikely project, uh, and it didn't work very well, but my point is it was a logical thing to do, you know, he had to find a way of governing this place, and he had a model. And it didn't work very well, but I think it was a sensible thing to do, and I don't think it's just about kleptocracy or stealing whatsoever. OK, I think it's a much more genuine project than that, and let me just say a few things about that. Keep going. Uh, you know, the leopard skin hats, so first of all, everything you see about Mobutu, he's endlessly kind of making salient traditional symbols of authority, power, uh, you know, which were connected, you know, including supernatural authority, as I'll talk about. The leopard skin hat, the leopard is power, the leopard is a symbol of. Of, uh, political power, you know, so this is from Van, this is from Vancina's book, you know, uh, uh, the leopard is thoroughly identified with political leadership, you know, so that's not just a kind of fashion, uh, accessory, that's, that's the chief, that's what the chief, and we'll see, I'm gonna come back to King Karma later on. That's the chief, OK, so keep going. Uh, so, here's, you know, this is one of the, the most famous political science books about, um, the Mobutu State by Turner and Young. They sort of produced this praise poem as a sort of laughable kind of, you know, like, look at the guy, he was just so out of, out of touch with reality, you know. Here's the, today we're going to admire the guide Mobutu, if you see him, admire him, if everyone sees him, let them admire him. It's a praise poem, like, big deal. That's everywhere in Africa, go to the next slide, OK? Here's the here's a praise poem, uh, they, they were transcribed, uh, in the 1960s for Botswana by the great anthropologist Isa Shapira, you know, Shikedi Karma, this was Seretsi Karma, the first president, you know, the great state builder, you know, uh uh uh in Botswana. Uh, this was his uncle who was also a great. States builder in many ways, uh uh uh I won't go into that, but let just let me show you, you know, the lion roared in wonder at Shikedi, he saw the chief challenge it, uh, the wind pierced the young men's bones, OK, it pierced the young men's joints. Shikedi alone did not shiver, OK, so he's, he he faces down the lion in the, in, in the bush, OK, so, praise poem, big deal, next, next slide, uh, and how does this, how does this one end? Give us rain, son of Karma, we are nourished by the water of your rain, OK, rainmaking. Next slide, OK. Who are these guys? Prime Minister Matata's praise singers, you know, I was at, uh, I was at a conference in Kinshasa, you know, uh thanks to the World Bank, uh organized with the Prime Minister Matata, you know, uh, well, who are these guys? He's praise singers, you know, big deal, it's just, uh, this is how, this is, this is the trappings of authority, you know, uh like a crown, like, you know, all the stuff the British Royal Family. This is the trappings of authority, there's nothing weird or kleptocratic about it, this is just. How it is, OK, keep going, I'll show you some more praise singers in a minute. Alright, witchcraft, alright, so this is the, this is, you can check this out, it's on, it's on YouTube, this is the famous uh song Franco, the great uh kind of Congolese rumba artist, wrote about Mobutu, he wrote a real. Election song, and, you know, I just emphasize the lyrics, the lyrics are about witchcraft, uh, so our candidate, Mobutu, uh, God sent you, Central Committee, watch out for sorcerers, you know, the Ndoki, uh, their provocations have not stopped. Next slide, um. I'm, I'm sorry to be doing this to Andrew, you're, you're probably a terribly important person, and I'm, I'm getting you to move my slides. I'm feeling very anxious about that, you know, so, uh, uh, I'll make it up to you. Alright. After you vote for him again, look at one another in the eyes, Mobutu, the sorcerers are still here, OK? Now, this is not something exotic. I learned this by doing research in Congo for the last 12 years. Let, let me show you some real data. Next slide, OK, so this is work, ongoing work in Ecuador with Sarah Lowes, Nathan Nunn, and Eduardo Montero, and we've been collecting a lot of data on, uh, on witchcraft, and especially the role of witchcraft in politics, OK, so, so this is not some exotic weird thing, OK, it's absolutely central in politics in the, in Congo, OK, so, so here's a question, this is uh in Equator, where PresidentBubutu was. From in the north of the country up by Central African Republic, does your village have, uh, sorcerers? Basically, 1000% of people say, yes, the village has sorcerers. Do you have diviners? So, you know, if you think you're being attacked by witchcraft, you go to a diviner to sort of figure out what's going on and provide a cure. So everywhere has divi, most most places, over 80% of villages have diviners. OK, keep going. Uh How many people in your village believe in witchcraft? None. Basically nothing, OK? So one third of people say everyone believes in witchcraft in our village, and, you know, or close to 50% say most people believe in witchcraft. So, so if you ask people, do people, basically everybody believes in witchcraft, that's, that's a reasonable generalization, OK, so big deal, how does that affect my life? Go to the next slide. Uh, how important is Bokoko for a village chief? So Bokoko means, uh, power of the ancestors. So this is, you know, the, the, the power of a chief, the supernatural authority of a chief comes from the ancestors, you know, so, so ancestors are very important everywhere, you know, in Africa, uh, and, and so they endow power, you know, there's a sort of hierarchy, god, deity, ancestors, humans. You know, and so they endow you with supernatural power. So how important is the power of, you know, so how important is it for the chief to have supernatural power? Very important, 40% of people say it's extremely important, OK? 30% say it's somewhat important, you know, and so it's extremely important for the chief to have power, OK, supernatural power. Next slide. OK, so we asked, uh, you know, what are the top 3 problems in the village, and we included, you know, you're the World Bank, you might think public services are a problem, the quality of the school is a problem. You didn't think to ask, was weak Bokoko of the chief a problem? OK. So, so, you know, why did we end up studying this? Because all the Congolese, we were doing something else, and all, all the Congolese people kept telling us, well, you're interested in politics, why aren't you studying Bokoko, like you should be studyingbokoku, like this is. The elephant, they would like, our Congolese enumerators told us we should study this, so we started studying it, OK, so close to 50% of people mark the chief has weak bokoko as being one of the top 3 problems in the village. OK, this is a problem. If your chief doesn't have strong bokoko, he can't protect the village, you can't get stuff done. OK, this is just, you know, I'm not gonna show you regressions or anything. I'm just to say, I'm talking about that stuff about President Mobutu, but this. This is a real thing, OK, this is how people think. This is the, the ontology, you know, this is not a Western ontology. The notion of what there is, is different, and we have to accept that and we have to respect it, and we have to try to understand how it shapes their ideas about power and legitimate political institutions, and I think this helps you understand many things that Mobutu did. This is not just about stealing money or kleptocracy, and yeah, that did go on, OK, it went on, why? You know, because. Because, because there's a lot of, there's a lot of room for, there's a lot of wiggle room, you know, at the top of that thing trying to organize all these different historic social contracts, like I was saying in Nigeria. Same problem in Congo, OK, so. Let's go. Um, I feel I should shut up at 12:30, otherwise I'm really, you know, violating talking of social contracts. Alright, so, so you got the idea, OK, so my idea of Mobutu, this, you know, read the, you can read the paper, it's on my webpage, is that, is that this is understandable from this perspective. Of scaling up this traditional social contract. OK, Mobutu didn't tax much, or at all, or provide a lot of services, but I guess the pro the provocative conclusion here is maybe he wasn't expected to, you know, maybe that wasn't part of this social contract, and he wasn't expected to. OK, so that's, that's, that's the provocative bottom line. All right, so let's, let's go. Limited jurisdictions, remember limited jurisdictions. What about Sierra Leone, I think Sierra Leone is very different, you know, Sierra Leone is it the way Sierra Leonean societies, Were organized, was different, you know, there's a lot of heterogeneity in Africa. So the way Mende or Temne society, for instance, which we know much more about in the 19th century, was organized, was different. You know, there were more centralized polities, there were kind of nascent social contracts, not involving taxation, OK. So the way Sierra Leone was run after independence was power was shifted to where it was legitimate, which was out of Freetown and down into the chieftaincies, you know. Everybody ran the state like that, the Sierra Leone People's Party, Saka Stevens, the one party state was sort of run like that, OK? And for me, you know, that, again, that was a sort of plausible model, uh, but it didn't work well because it fails to provide some public goods which turned, you know, which made it extremely vulnerable to invasion from Liberia, you know, which is what started the, the civil war, and it, you know, so, and it was very bad at providing. Lots of types of public good, but my, my point is just that was a logical thing, they didn't have a model, they were kind of improvising, you know, and trying to build institutions. Again, I'm sort of saying, I don't think you want to think about this, you know, people talk about Saka Stevens, oh he was kleptocratic, blah blah blah. I don't think that clarifies why he did what he did. To me, what he did makes a lot of sense, it didn't work well, but give the guy a break, you know, this was a heck of a problem he was trying to solve, you know, it was a heck of a problem. If you go on to the next slide. Uh, more praise singers, this is President Karoma's praise singers. I was in Mackenny, you know, when he was handing out staffs to paramount chiefs, it was a beautiful bit of political theater. And what else does President Koroma do? You know, he's head of the Masonic lodge in Mackenny, there it is, the Wusa Masonic Temple. What the heck is that about? It's the modernization of tradition. Secret societies are incredibly big all over Sierra Leone, OK? The Freemasons are a. Politic uh uh are, are a secret society. The Freemasons are massive in Brazzaville, in Congo, in Gabon, everywhere, you know, President Bongo, they're all free in the Freemasons. Like what is that? That's deeply connected to, to, to, to political and social traditions, uh, in that part of Africa. Uh, OK, keep going. All right. Who's trusted in Sierra Leone, back to the Afrobarometer. Traditional leaders are far more trusted than national politicians, OK, so, so that's where the power and legitimimacy is, you know, I did a lot of work in Sierra Leone with your, your colleague at the World Bank, Tristan Reed, I don't know if Tristan's there today, but Tristan. I spent a lot of time studying the kind of deep history of these chieftaincies when he was a PhD student at Harvard, and you know, there's all these connections. So, so traditional leaders, paramount chiefs, they're still trusted far more than national politicians. Uh religious leaders are also very trusted. OK, keep going. Um, alright, uh, Botswana, just go to the next, next figure. Uh, so here's the great state builder in Botswana. I was reading something by Mo Ibrahim this morning, and he was talking about Festus Mohai, you know, who was a great president in Botswana, but I think you have to go back 100 years before Festus Mohai. This was the guy who created modern Botswana, OK, this was Soretsi Karma's grandfather, King Karma, you know, who, in, in. In, created all these innovations, OK, but what, look, what's he sitting on, a leopard skin. He's sitting on a leopard skin, he's dressed like an Englishman, he started a business, you know, he, he was an incredible innovator, institutions, uh, in many different sorts of institutions, uh, you know, uh, but he never managed to create a fiscal system. Uh, that's my point. No right to tax, still sitting on a leopard skin, you know, in fact, the genius of Botswana, right, is their ability to tap into. Tradition, you know, and scale it up into the modern nation state, and how could they do that? Well, because what ended up as Botswana had some institutional commonalities, you know, uh, which was not true about Nigeria, which was not true about the Congo. So, so I don't wanna say, you know, what these guys did was not amazing, it was, but the problem was easier to solve than the problem in Nigeria and Congo, I would say. OK, keep going. And if I go back to the Afrobarometer, again, you know, this is what I think is interesting about the Botswana case, if I go back to the Afrobarometer, you see that 39% of Botswana prefer lower taxes and lower services. OK, there's, you know, you, you could say, OK, yeah, but they have more services in Botswana, so, OK, that's fine, you know, so if we run, start running regressions, we'll need to control for things or whatever, but again. You know, this is pretty much like Sierra Leone, and you can't explain this by corruption or, you know, because, because that's things don't work like that in Botswana, you know, the state, the, the civil service, it's very well run and, and, you know, and they take resources and diamond wealth and they spend it on roads and health and public goods and OK, so. Um, I wanna shut up because I feel I've gone on too long, but I, OK, so let's, let's jump on that. I, let's jump over that. I kind of had that idea. I, I sort of threw it out. I won't give Mende proverbs. Let's keep going. Um, I want, I want, OK, and let me jump over this, you know, the, uh, Vaninna never sort of clarifies why Africans are so worried about autonomy. So this is, this is, I have lots of ideas on this. I've actually been teaching a class. This year with uh Professor Fran Francis Njoku, who's a professor of philosophy from the University of Nigeria at Nsukka. He's been here and we're working on this. So I have lots of ideas, but let me not talk about it because, cos it'll get, get us all sidetracked. Um, let me, let me, I wanna shut up. Autommy for women as well as men, that's the Aba Women's war in the south of Nigeria, let me keep going. I think I just wanna end with a photograph, you know, so, you know, you know, let's keep going, let's keep going. I'm gonna end with, let's, I wanna keep going. I, you know, this is just keep going. Keep going, keep going, stop, alright, great. No, no, no, no, back, back, back, back to Twitter. OK, so let me, no, let's, let's get, that's it, that's it, great. So, so you've got the idea, you know, I could elaborate on this, we could talk more, I wanna hear what other people have to say, uh, but I think you're still skeptical that these historic practices or ideas influence the way things happen. In Africa today, so I'm gonna give you one example which you can't possibly disagree with, alright, like, no way, just, just no way, like, what is this? This is a tweet from Muhuzi Kae Rugaba, who's a Ugandan, some of you may know who he is, he's a Ugandan military officer, uh, and, uh, he says, I received my cows from His Excellency Paul Kagame, the day before yesterday. I am now. Out officially in Kottai, OK, um, that's like, uh, my understanding is that means he's a member of the party, OK, the Rwandan, uh, party, alright, so, so how, you know, if you go and read about how the traditional state was organized in Rwanda, OK, uh, how was it organized through. Kind of system of clientalism based around cows, OK, I give you cows, you know, you're, you're my, we now we have this relationship, OK, you support me, you work for me, so, so, so, you know, if you look at the way the state works in Rwanda, how does the state implement policy? It has nothing to do with taxation, OK? Most people who work for the state don't get paid at all, so you don't. You don't need any resources to pay them, OK, that it works through these incredibly dense social networks, you know, the way presidents, the biggest kind of policy implementation scheme that they have, you know, works through this very traditional, these very traditional practices of reciprocity, OK, it cascades all the way down into the village. Imehigo is the, the system, it's called Imohiko, OK? You don't need any money for that. I mean you do because you have to provide public goods and things like that, but a vast amount of stuff is people working for free, you know, and that's how the pre-colonial state worked as well, you know, so, so I'm not, uh, you know, I think this is just, you could say, oh it's Rwanda, everyone knows Rwanda is different. Yeah, it is different, everywhere is different in Africa, you know, and, and we have to take that all seriously, but I think like. I don't think anyone can deny that if you wanna understand how the state works in Rwanda today, you need to understand the history and the ideas of Rwandans about legitimate authority and how things ought to be done, so. I shut up then. Oh, and I could talk about Cameroon too, but that's even more outrageous. OK, you, you're done. Yeah, I'm done. I'm done. I'm done. Thank you so much, and that is fascinating, uh, tour de force. Um, let me now, can I stop sharing this now? Is that OK? Yes, please. Yes, thank you, and thank you so much. No, no problem. It's my pleasure. Um, OK, so let me, let me call on, uh, Stuti, uh, to, uh, give her remarks, uh, and then I'll go to, uh, Oyebola. Thank you. Thank you, Andrew, for inviting me to be a discussant. Jim Robinson is my, one of my gurus, so it's an honor to be here, listen to him and have the opportunity to share some thoughts on his paper. Let me see if I can share some slides I did prepare. Uh, is that visible? Yep, I can see it. All right, super. Um, so, uh, Jim's paper really inspired me to go and look at the World Bank's, uh, data page on government financing. And here's what I found. So, uh, using, I'm sure this is data that has a lot of measurement errors. So all the numbers here though are comparable. They're all from this data source. So it seems that there is quite a, there's quite a bit of variation across countries, uh, including within Africa in tax to GDP. Issues. Jim alluded to the IMF saying there's some kind of magic number of 15%, and in fact, uh, at some point in the early 2000s, the world average almost touched that 15%, but in general it's been between 13 to 14.5% of GDP. And how does Africa look? Well, as we've learned from Jim's work, Botswana is indeed an outlier in Africa, very, uh, uh, strong institutions, very well governed, and, uh, in fact, no surprise, um, Botswana is off the charts in its tax to GDP ratio, uh, in this, um, from this data. Uh, it's, uh, I have to move this so I can read my own, uh, OK. Uh, it's, uh, uh, it's at 22.3%, and very much along the lines of Denmark, which is, has, uh, traditionally been at the, the top of the rankings in size of government. So Denmark is at 34%. Nothing really comes close to Denmark, France, Austria, Australia are around 24%, which Botswana is quite close to. And if you want another point of comparison, India and Brazil are much, much smaller in their tax to GDP ratio. Uh, the other interesting thing that jumped out at me from looking at this data, uh, uh, and, you know, linking it to the other country that Jim focused on, Congo. That is much lower at 8.9%, but it's actually quite comparable to China. Uh, uh, at China has a slightly lower tax to GDP ratio. So just from that, it's not quite clear that looking at tax to GDP ratios. Is telling us something about preference for autonomy. I don't think one would characterize the Chinese polity as one where there is a lot of autonomy among citizens, and yet China has a very low tax to GDP ratio. Uh, try to go down and, OK. Does it move? I'm glad it's not just me. Today is a day for like technical problems gremlins are in the works, yeah, as I say. I hit enter, I hit the down button. OK, let me just talk through it, uh. One share and then reshare in case something is wrong. OK. So I, you're saying stop sharing, that's what I'm suggesting and reshare, OK. Then I go down. Yes, OK, thank you, Ebola. Um, so is, is tax aversion, the argument that Jim is, uh, furthering in this paper? Is that an explanation among many others, as Jim recognized for this variation? So I am actually not persuaded that an argument based on a single survey item that uh uh inspired Jim in the Afrobarometer can really throw light at this question. Maybe there is something very important about tax aversion, but so far I've not been convinced by the evidence. So you know, if one gets into survey questions, I mean, just imagine if the question. slightly differently. Is it better to pay higher taxes if it means the government can help grow the economy, create jobs? It's anyone's bet um how the pattern of responses might look for this. Uh, the way the statement in the Afrobarometer that Jim is relying on is, is worded, there could be so many different interpretations across how different respondents heard that statement. And in fact, using the question as is, I was actually persuaded in the entirely opposite direction. So if I look at Jim's table, table 2 I think, on Sierra Leone, what really struck me is the big difference between urban and rural respondents. And in fact that 56% of urban Sierra Leoneans are willing to pay more taxes if it means more services. And uh from other work, uh, a lot of it that colleagues have done at the bank, uh, rapid urbanization is a big story in the African continent. And as climate change and other forces disappearing water, degrading land begins to create these forces of internal migration away from villages to urban centers. That rapid urbanization was exactly the path to building state fiscal capacity in the history of other countries. One story which is well documented in research is, in fact, the United Kingdom. And uh with urbanization and the need for urban public services, uh, uh, it, it seems as though the data is not inconsistent with the, with the expectation that indeed, uh, taxation is going to rise and as urban public goods are demanded by people. Uh, but the other, the one interesting thing that uh uh I did take away from the data on this Afrobarometer question that Jim shared is there does seem to be enormous variation across responses. And in fact, there's a very interesting clustering between high shares of respondents saying they strongly agree with. The statement of better to pay higher taxes, as well as lumping of respondents or strongly agree with the second statement that it is better to not pay higher taxes. And so I wonder whether there is something going on in that question that is in fact showing as we see in other places around the world. And Jim concludes with that, alluding to uh political polarization in the United States, for example, uh, that there could be very different views a polity has. Now I have something more to say on that, but before going there, here is my personal survey question that has always excited me. It is not from the Afrobarometer, it's from the, the World Values Survey. And it's a statement where disagree disagree statement about having honest elections is very or rather important for whether their country develops economically. And what is really striking across all regions, all countries in which the World Values Survey asked this question. Is, uh, that there's very little variation in how people respond to this. Uh, most people respond saying that honest elections are very important. And recently, uh, Shanta Devirajan and I revisited this in a paper we just did, uh, for the LSC Press, and, uh, you know, we try to at this while people answer that having honest elections is very, or rather important, um, uh, they also answer that they have little or no confidence in elections as they are. And in fact, there's another module in the World Values Survey. Which uh shows why they have good reason not to have confidence in elections as is, because those elections are not honest, they're the opposite. They are, they have highly dishonest practices. Uh, and but what this scatter plot is showing you is that regardless of what the average response rate on no confidence in elections is, the minimum, um, uh. The Share of respondents in any country that the respondents say they believe in honest elections is at least 70%, and there's a ton of variation. So even, even with very high, uh, lack of confidence in elections, you have respondents saying nevertheless they hope elections could become honest because that's really important to whether countries develop economically. So, um, uh, one other reason it's always a privilege and an honor to, uh, to be on a panel with Jim, is that, uh, he endorsed one of the first, uh, analytical pieces that we produced in the development research group of the bank, uh, by tackling politics directly. What do we know from the literature on. The role of elections. If elections are so important to people, if elections are spreading, however, um, uh, imperfect and dishonest they might be, what do we know about the role of elections? So I would like, I would like to advertise Jim's generous endorsement of this book because uh this was. Published in 2016, and uh it's been six years, and I feel this is more relevant today than when it was published, and I do not see the lessons of um of the literature that we distilled in this book being sufficiently taken up and applied in our programs. Now, uh, I just want to end, uh, uh, with this, that, um, So, I understand what Jim is trying to say about the historical roots of uh how people behave, uh, which need not show up in formal incentives, uh, but uh there are um. There there is a whole with these forces of urbanization, with the uh role of elections and citizens, and there's lots of other work which shows uh extensive citizen participation in electoral institutions, not just as voters, but also as candidates for local leadership positions in in local elections. How will these institutions work in practice? Uh, will it allow government institutions to reconcile the different policy preferences or views among citizens? So that this is where I'm going back to, uh, the question on the Afrobarometer that Jim focuses on, uh, this interesting feature that it has of uh uh a little bit of polarization. Uh, and this is, uh, this is the defining challenge of government, as, uh, in the polit the political marketplace is the place where society tries to resolve it's very different ways of looking at the world, uh, of determining what kind of, uh, private space are they going to be willing to cede to the public sphere. Uh, so while Jim gave us such fascinating stories about rural Africa, uh, I do wonder whether, uh, like in every other country in the world, including the United States, there is, there are highly divergent views between rural areas and urban areas, uh, and how, uh, the leadership that emerges through political institutions in these countries, uh, the leader. Leadership that has traditionally been part of the bureaucracy in these countries, how are they going to reconcile these differences? How are they going to find some common ground and win legitimacy for policy decisions, even from people who may not agree with it? Um, so I feel as though we have the tools of examining these relationships apply equally to Africa. Um, I, uh, the, the sources of how people think about things may be different in Africa than they are in the United States, for example, but our analytical tools to examine how those affect which policies get selected and how they are implemented, uh, that remains, uh, the same and needs to be used more, um, uh, to, uh. As Jim said, that the World Bank should. So let me end with that. Thank you. Thank, thank you so much, Studi, and I know we're running close to the hour, uh, when we usually stop, so let me give, uh, space now to Oyebola and then Jim, I'll ask you maybe I'll, I'll take a few questions. It will be very few questions, and then you can respond to both Studi and Ayebola, is that, if that's OK, OK. Ayebola, so if you could please limit maybe your remarks to a few more minutes, so. Hi everyone. Thank you again to you, Andrew, for inviting me here and um to Jim for this very thought provoking presentation. And I think for me, this line in the paper about even if states were accountable, non-corrupt, And have the capacity to turn tax revenues into public goods, people do not necessarily want this to happen. To me, that's really define um calls for a lot of careful thoughts and, and reflection. And we all heard the arguments that's about the smaller um state's policies and the desire for autonomy being one reason, and then the second being like African states post-colonial, have this task of aggregating different social contracts. So, What I'm gonna be doing today is not to go step by step into trying to do like some deep review um the paper that he presented to us, but instead, I'll be asking some questions that are trying to put this in a broader context of what we know about the tax literature and of um tax compliance in Africa. And the first question is, does Africa have a tax problem? Uh, 2 is tax collection limited by technical or by political constraints. 3, Africans who experience better public services, more accepting of the state's authority to tax. And 4, what further evidence could help us better understand the role of tax aversion. And so, given the time that we have, I might not be able to go through all of this, but I will do what I can in the next few minutes. So this is um. Where, where studies started from. Funny, we didn't compare notes. So basically, this shows the relationship between on the Y-axis, tax revenue as a share of GDP and on the X axis, how um the GDP per capita of the country. And we do see this cluster of African countries in the bottom. So, lowest revenue, lowest per capita GDP but then always, also lower um share of taxes collected as GDP. Um, this is just grouping this by region. And yes, Africa is here, but then South Asia is right here, right about that 12%, Middle East, North Africa, Latin America is here, and they The story here is that I'm not seen as very specific Africa tax problem here. It seems that lower-income countries in general, collect less taxes. Um, this is um the high in developed countries of today, France, Sweden, these high tax areas. 100 years ago, 1920, they were right about that 10%. So, It seems to me that there is something about the whole development process and then you do develop all kinds of institutions, including um dispute resolution like he discusses in the paper, including tax capacity, and that that happens in this process of uh of development. So that's question one. Question two, and is tax collection limited by technical issues or by political constraints? And this is something that I work on a lot. A lot of my work in the last 10 years, I've been working with tax authorities in places like Liberia, Tajikistan, really trying to help them understand how do we increase our tax collection. And one of the first things you have to do is to know what needs to be taxed. Um, who are the people that are in the labor force, who are the businesses? For the case of Liberia, we're working on property taxes. And the first thing we had to do was to know what are the properties in the city and creating a database. And so, when we're talking about tax capacity, a big part of it is even just knowing what needs to be taxed, which I'm calling detection capacity. But then, I completely agree with Jim that that's not enough because what you find is that in many places, they are known unpaid tax liabilities. So, properties, you can see them, I can see them, everybody can see them. And they just go uncollected for decades. And in these cases, it seems there really is something about the political climate. And one thing I hear a lot of tax officials that I talked to say is that there's no political will. And by this, almost going back to where stood it stopped. It's talking about, they know they're just a part of the whole puzzle. Above them sits the political actors, and they cannot, in fact, even though the law says you can lock up people's houses, or you can sell them, they know that their political climate cannot support that. So I completely agree that there is this element of political will. And then the question then is, um, How big that is. Actually, I wanted to show this very quick graph. And it is in a case where political will was present and miraculously, um, the technical capacity showed up. So, this is Lagos in mid 2000s when the federal government and Lagos went Some kind of political dispute, and Lagos got cut off from the oil revenues that they got every month from the government. And within 2 years, tax revenues generated within Lagos more than doubled. And so, I feel like this is one example that if African countries want to collect taxes, they find a way to do it. And um the next The question is about, um, there is this image in the paper, he didn't have the time to discuss it, but basically, looking at the relationship between better public services and people's um acceptance of the state authority to tax. And I saw this paper the first time at the AARC when Jim showed it. And I was stunned because I work with this data quite a lot. And this did not resonate with the other work that I've done um in looking at social contracts in Africa. And these are the averages of on the left side is people's acceptance of the question. And about the state has the rights to always tax people and on the rights of the services that they enjoy. And based on this, the paper just discussed that, you know, it really doesn't matter whether the services are high or low, on average, Africans um do not really It doesn't shift their acceptance of the authority of the state. And so, what I do here is just take the same data and look at it at the individual. And this is actually work that I've done um on this other paper. And it seems that there is something going on among the people that get nothing, where they still have a really high acceptance of the state's authority to tax. But the otherwise, there seems to be this positive correlation in what individual people enjoy and what um the The relationship and their acceptance of the state's right to tax them. So this I find hard to reconcile and I've been trying to think, and I don't know if there are other ideas about how you reconcile this picture with this one, where at the average of the country, there is not, and it might have to do with polarization of some of these other um thoughts that we have had where um you have people on different extremes, and if uh the way that the relationship between services and scale, if there is something that's nonlinear about that, then maybe that's it. But it's a puzzle. And this is the same relationship, but just here adding country fixed effects. So if we put in country institutions, then we'd still do, still do have this relationship. Um, and here, all of that over is very descriptive kind of correlations. There is a paper that I thought was useful to add to this conversation in Haiti, where there's very low public services, and the intervention is an RCT where they actually tried to tax people. And then there is another arm where they actually try to provide public goods that people really want, which is garbage collection. And here, actually try tax people makes tax payments go down and increases protests. So there really is something about this being a political problem, but where there's um providing those public goods, tax payments goes up and then the political violence goes down and when they do both, then they do have this um uh the providing the public goods and collecting the garbage it's. this negative effects from just trying to tax people. So, I think it is, without doubt, a tension that governments have to deal with. And um part of what as I read the paper, I just started trying to think about it is, is this something about tax aversion or is this something really about um what the, the kind of more generic and quote social contracts of the government providing public goods. And finally, I just had uh some thoughts about What type of evidence might help us to better think about this role of tax aversion? Because I do not doubt, I mean, I, all of these anecdotes and, and the historical literature and the anthropological literature that he shared, that there is something about how states were in pre-colonial times and the, and the attitudes of people today. But I think even just from the presentation, he. Give today, there is clearly it originates about this, not every um Where I have the same. And so, one question, and maybe this is part of the research agenda, but I think it will be really nice to think about how the variation from the pre-colonial state presence or whether there was pre-colonial taxation or maybe there's kind of autonomous preferences, whether this does map into Current rates of tax aversion, or better yet, actual tax collection today when people are within the same country institution. So, these are just some kind of general thoughts to help to frame broader, the broader conversation. But thanks again to the very thought-provoking presentations. I'm glad I had the chance to discuss it. Thank you. Excellent, fascinating. So, look, um, we have about 3 minutes, but if I, if you don't mind, I can ask the 1st 2 people who want to Post the questions, only 2 questions, and then we'll turn to Jim and then close after that, um. So, who wants to raise their hand, um, and ask a question? Hello. Anyone? OK. So if there are no questions then um no people praising their hands. Jim, why don't you, since we're running close to, why don't you respond to the discussions and then we'll close. Yeah, OK, great, yeah, so I won't be able to do justice to all the, all the points, you know, but which, you know, and you know I think like in terms of Stussi. I think, you know, there's, there's lots of sources of variation in tax rate, tax relative to GDP so I think it's, it's kind of difficult to think about these numbers of like China, compared to Congo or whatever, you know, in Dubai, Sheikh Maktoum, you know, owns everything. So, so he, you know, like, so enormous, you know, you build a hotel, it's on Sheikh Maktoum's land, you know, so, so the money goes straight into his bank account, you know, so, so there, there's, there's almost like no separation between. The personal finances and the finances of the state, so of course, you know, tax revenues, you know, leaving aside all the oil in Abu Dhabi or whatever, you know, so, so I think, like, so there's many sources of variation like that, so it's kind of hard to, you know, of course I, I, I sort of, you know, I try to justify it by quoting that number, but, you know, if we were gonna look at that, we'd have to try to pin down some of those other sources of variation. I think like 56% of people, you know, to me, that's like very small, you know, like, these are, these, you know, Freetown is a place with terrible public goods, you know, like have you ever been in Freetown when it rains? I mean, so, like, I, you know, I think for me, like the null hypothesis in public finance would, you know. The value of public goods should be enormously higher than the resources necessary to provide them, it seems to me, you know, so, so I guess I would say, you say 56 is high, you know, it's like maybe the glass is half empty, or, you know, I would say 56 is small. It seems to me like you've come at that from public finance imagining. There should be like massive, massive, you know, supermajority in favor of this, you know, of course we can disagree about this, and like, so 11 thing that's sort of common about both of your comments, and I, I did say that about your book and the, and the book that you edited, and the book, the book is great, you know, but, but there's many things about the world we don't understand. I mean, at least I, there's many things about the world I don't understand. Let me give you some examples. You know, uh, there's one outlier in the Afrobarometer, uh, on that question. You'll never guess which country it is. Swaziland. OK, so it turns out in Swaziland, Swaziland is really in favor of higher taxes and more public goods, OK? Why is that? Cause I think Swaziland has a legitimate political system, it's deeply rooted in 200 years of history, you know. The king of Swaziland is a sort of laughing stock, you know, of many people in the West, but I think that's just cos they don't understand, like how people in Swaziland think about the political institutions. So I didn't mention Swaziland, but I think that like I don't really understand Swaziland myself, but I think. It gives you pause for thought. Here's another example, you know, the Taliban, OK, how do you think about the notion of authority in Afghanistan, you know, or the Islamic State, you know, how is that organized, how is the fiscal system organized? Well, the Quran, you know, justifies some sorts of taxes, so you can legitimately raise some types of taxes through, according to the Quran. That's it. OK, so where's the elasticity of the fiscal system, where's the, you know, where, like that, like. OK, that you cannot think of the Taliban state as some sort of kleptocratic, failed Western liberal, it isn't, you know, there's no concept of legislation, you know, in Islam. I mean, it's totally different, OK, so, so I think you have like, and to me, that's the same with Rwanda, you know, it's the same with, it's not like Western liberal, we have lots of ideas about how to make Western liberal democracies work better. I don't think we have good ideas about how to make. The Taliban state worked better, or the Rwandan state worked better, and so we have to kind of engage with that, you know, I mean, I understand there's lots of problems with the Taliban, we can all think about it, but I have to think, you have to think it's a real serious project, you know, under different, working under different rules, you know, than Western liberal democracy, and I think that's true in Rwanda. It's true everywhere in Africa, you know, so that you could say the Taliban's an extreme example, but I think it's kind of illustrates kind of what I have in mind, I guess, here, you know. Um, and I just think like, you know, in terms of Oyebola's comments, you know, like, uh, and there there are lots of things to talk about here. I, you know, I would say, and we could, you know, we, I could look at that data, I didn't even present that data here, cos that's, you know, that's not. The main thing, maybe there's, you know, if you slice it in different ways, that's just what I did, and maybe I liked what I found when I did it that way and I should have pushed harder and done it a different way, and you know, but, but, but that, that's just, that's why I didn't really talk about it. But I say like modernization again, you know, like, I've done a lot, I don't, you know, this modern, I don't believe in modernization, like, it just, it doesn't work in the data, you know, I bet if you look at changes, that pattern goes away, you know, we did a lot of work on this with Daron and Simon. I don't believe in this idea of modernization at all, uh, so, you know, the fact that in some cross section, yeah, as you know, you know, the fact that you have that in that cross section, I don't think tells you that, that much, uh, to be honest with you. And, you know, just let me say, a couple of things, Lagos, yeah, yeah, lots of interesting. Things went on in Lagos. Governor Tinubu privatized, you know, the revenue service to his own company, you know. So, so yeah, he had a great incentive to raise taxes. It was flowing into the same accounts as his, you know, of his company, you know, so, so, I think, you know, there's more to it than that in Lagos, I agree. But like a lot of that incentive to raise taxes was direct material incentives of Governor. Tinubu, you know, so that's, that's, that's an interesting model, and you could sort of say, well, maybe that's a model that works well, you know, uh, and, and, you know, and we should think about it, but, but that's, that's a, you know, there's a kind of different set of, I don't know that that's saying much about people in Lagos, it's saying a lot about the incentives of, you know, Governor Tinubu, uh, perhaps, and, and, um, and I think, you know, I think these examples are interesting, you know, I think, should we be looking at, you know, pre-colonial tax systems and how that influences, you know, attitudes today? Yes, absolutely, that's on my agenda, yes, absolutely, yes, so great, yes, you read my mind. And I think Haiti, you know, like, I mean, I know, you know, Ben, I know Ben's work, um. And I think it's interesting, but I, but I wouldn't say I understand the political culture in Haiti whatsoever, you know, and, and, and how Haitians think about this, and I guess, you know, like if I could provoke one thought, you know, I would provoke the thought that political will is not just about the rulers, you know, or the leaders who we talk to, you know, in the ministry of this or the ministry of that, it's about, it's about the people, you know, it's about the people and it's like about the people. You know, more in Africa maybe than anywhere else, you know, it's, you know, because, because, because African politics historically is incredibly, you know, participatory, and maybe participatory in ways that are surprising and we don't really understand, you know, I once asked a Kuba, a Kuba chief, you know, we, I did, we did all this work in the Kuba Kingdom in, in Congo, you know, they have all these drums, they have the royal drums, OK, so the drums, like it looks cute, you know, the royal drum, and I'd like, and he said to me, I said like, you know, what's the. The drum, the thing about, and everywhere, you know, all over East Africa, the, the Buganda, Rwanda, they have these royal drums. What's the thing about the drum? Oh, you play the drum, people, people hear the drum. It's a sym symbol to assemble, people assemble, you know, you assemble, you deliberate, that's how legitimate authority is established. It's not a coincidence that a drum is a symbol of legitimate authority, because it's about assembling and. Participating and, you know, and, and, and, and, and, and being accountable, you know, not being an accountable, you know, he's a chief, he's a hereditary Bouon chief, you might think, well, how is that guy accountable, you know, the Queen of England's not accountable, and, you know, but he may be accountable in different ways, you know, that may be extremely significant, you know, for, for, for the way things work. So I guess that's, I don't know how that works in Haiti, that's so complicated, Haiti, um, but, but, but, but, but, you know. I should shut up. Thank you, thank you, the, the, the, I didn't, I couldn't do justice to all the interesting points. OK. So, thank you so much, uh, Jim, uh, to Stuti and Oyebola. Look, I'm sorry that, uh, we started a bit late and didn't have a lot more, you know, conversation and, uh, and, and for the participants, but, uh, I hope that, uh, they went away with Lots of insights about, uh, you know, this very complex issue, um, and, uh, I hope that we'll get you back, Jim, uh, and have, um, a less complicated, technically complicated, uh, start to the, to the process, um, yeah, sorry, my competence, so no, no, no, that's all, not at all, um, but anyway, so thank you. So much and I want to thank everyone who joined and stayed on. Uh, we had close to 75 people and, uh, more than half of them are still here, so it was, it definitely shows that there's a lot of interest and I can see hands clapping. So, uh, thank you so much for everyone else. Um, so take care and have a good day, uh, the rest of the day. Thank you very much, yeah, thank you. Brilliant. Thank you very much. Thank you.
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africa economic seminar 20221110 1741 1
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africa economic seminar 20221110 1741 1
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The AES are monthly events chaired by Andrew Dabalen, Chief Economist for Africa.
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