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00:01 Great.

00:02 Why,

00:02 why don't we start?

00:03 Because,

00:04 um,

00:05 You know,

00:06 this morning's uh seminar is incredibly useful

00:10 and,

00:10 um,

00:11 I'll say really hits the core of a lot of what we do here in the macro,

00:16 uh group

00:17 and um,

00:19 we have lots to discuss.

00:20 Mark and Emmanuel wrote this uh great book

00:24 that kind of gives a

00:26 a broad

00:28 Framework

00:30 To think about,

00:31 uh,

00:32 sovereign debt,

00:33 um,

00:34 the cost of it,

00:35 the cost of default,

00:37 um,

00:37 there's interesting discussion on the debt weight,

00:40 um,

00:41 cost

00:42 of defaulting,

00:43 and I think a,

00:44 a lot of,

00:45 uh,

00:45 of this discussion

00:47 really hits the,

00:48 what's,

00:49 what's going on right now and what our teams are doing.

00:52 We are quite involved in discussing,

00:54 say,

00:55 uh,

00:55 the Sri Lanka debt crisis,

00:57 what should they do?

00:58 Uh,

00:59 we are in the middle of discussing the,

01:01 how to better set up the common framework,

01:03 what's the best way of thinking

01:05 about contracts

01:06 in a way that they facilitate,

01:08 uh,

01:09 renegotiations and minimize

01:12 the cost of default.

01:13 Anyway,

01:14 Mark's book

01:15 touches all these points and,

01:17 um,

01:18 Mark's a professor at Princeton now,

01:19 has had a,

01:20 a,

01:21 a kind of a very interesting career,

01:23 uh,

01:24 both in academics and,

01:25 and in policy.

01:26 He spent some time at the Federal Reserve.

01:28 Bank in Boston.

01:30 So,

01:31 um,

01:31 he's a leading thinker on this issue and you're very excited to have him,

01:35 and you're very excited to have Sergio,

01:38 uh,

01:38 discussing his work as Sergio also has done

01:41 work in the area and leads our,

01:43 um,

01:44 macro team in DC,

01:47 so,

01:47 uh,

01:47 in the research department.

01:49 So let me pass to,

01:50 to,

01:51 to Mark.

01:52 Uh,

01:52 Mark has

01:54 Uh,

01:54 we arranged about 45 minutes to speak and Sergio has a bit under 15 minutes to

02:01 discuss,

02:01 and then you go to a Q&A,

02:03 but I think we can be a bit,

02:04 um,

02:05 flexible on this,

02:06 on this,

02:07 uh,

02:08 timing depending on how the discussion goes

02:10 and how the presentation goes.

02:12 So,

02:12 Mark,

02:12 uh,

02:13 many thanks for coming

02:14 and we are very excited to hear from you this morning.

02:20 All right.

02:20 Well,

02:20 thank you very much.

02:22 This is a great opportunity for me and,

02:24 and,

02:24 uh,

02:25 I hope you guys all find it uh useful as well.

02:29 So,

02:29 uh,

02:30 as,

02:30 this is the book,

02:31 uh,

02:32 written,

02:32 uh,

02:33 with Manuel Amador.

02:35 Um,

02:36 And in it,

02:37 we try to distill some of the

02:40 lessons and the way we think about sovereign debt,

02:43 uh,

02:44 models and markets and reality,

02:46 uh,

02:47 um,

02:48 and the link between the two.

02:50 So I'm hoping to,

02:51 to just kind of give you a sense today

02:53 of what we do,

02:54 how we approach this,

02:56 kind of the basic framework we use to,

02:58 to analyze it,

02:59 which we think is useful,

03:01 um,

03:02 and some of the lessons that we can pull out of it.

03:05 Um.

03:07 So

03:08 You know,

03:09 as you know,

03:10 uh,

03:10 better than me,

03:11 even that,

03:11 you know,

03:11 we have these repeated waves of debt buildups and then defaults,

03:16 uh,

03:17 uh,

03:17 kind of

03:18 repeated cycles of this,

03:21 and

03:21 there's a large literature that has developed

03:24 that

03:25 is designed to document these facts and then match them using

03:30 large quantitative models,

03:32 and what we try to do is take

03:35 a step back from all that and try to think.

03:38 It's just basic,

03:39 the basic economics of what's going on,

03:42 and

03:42 isolate key

03:44 lessons,

03:45 uh,

03:46 and then in the book,

03:47 we go back to the quantitative models and point

03:49 out like why this particular lesson shows up at

03:53 at is useful to match this particular moment,

03:55 etc.

03:56 um.

03:58 But some of these,

03:59 some of these large quantitative models,

04:00 as you know,

04:01 if you've read the literature,

04:02 are a bit of black box.

04:03 They're a bit of a black box.

04:04 So,

04:05 so we try to unpack that.

04:07 Um,

04:09 OK,

04:10 so

04:12 Where do we start?

04:13 So we can start thinking about spreads.

04:15 OK.

04:17 Where did I leave off?

04:18 So,

04:19 we're just started talking about these spreads,

04:21 and uh

04:23 yeah,

04:23 obviously,

04:24 we know,

04:24 they're very volatile.

04:26 Uh,

04:26 um.

04:28 And they captured two components,

04:31 the

04:32 default risk

04:33 and the risk premia.

04:35 And,

04:35 and we,

04:36 like most of the literature,

04:36 are going to focus on the default risk,

04:38 and this is going to be crucial kind of in the,

04:41 the way I'm going to approach

04:42 the economics of these markets.

04:45 Uh,

04:45 to think about these spreads as capturing

04:47 something informative about the default risk.

04:49 Obviously,

04:51 without the default risk,

04:52 we wouldn't really need a risk premium,

04:54 uh,

04:55 uh,

04:55 but,

04:55 um,

04:56 that's kind of how I'm gonna

04:58 just kind of focus on that first one.

05:01 OK,

05:01 and then.

05:04 When we think through the equilibrium of these markets.

05:08 We have to think about this interplay.

05:11 How do the

05:12 bond prices influence the government decisions to borrow or not?

05:16 And then how does government borrowing influence pricing?

05:19 And this is kind of the core of a lot of what we discussed.

05:23 So think about the pricing of a long-term bond.

05:25 Um.

05:27 You know,

05:27 Q would be the price,

05:29 um.

05:31 You know,

05:32 went over the yield,

05:33 the implied yield,

05:34 uh,

05:35 M is some just stochastic discount factor.

05:40 This

05:41 fancy one is the indicator function

05:44 that takes 1 if they repay and 0 if you default.

05:47 So you could think of a haircut as well.

05:49 It could take,

05:50 you know,

05:50 you could get a fraction

05:52 of the payments in a default,

05:53 but,

05:53 you know,

05:54 for simplicity,

05:54 let's just go to the extreme and say you get 0 in a default,

05:57 and,

05:58 you know,

05:58 obviously with repay,

05:59 you get the full amount.

06:01 Kappa is some coupon,

06:03 and then Q is the price going forward in the next period.

06:08 And this is like a key object of,

06:10 of what we do and what many of the models in the literature do is to think through

06:14 that

06:15 the next period's price is going to depend on the government's

06:19 future borrowing decisions,

06:21 uh,

06:22 and the government's future borrowing decisions are going

06:24 to depend on what prices they face.

06:26 And so this is the fixed point that

06:29 we spend a lot of time trying to unpack,

06:31 and it's a complicated one,

06:33 but,

06:34 uh,

06:34 I think we think we've made some progress on this.

06:37 Um.

06:39 OK,

06:40 so.

06:42 And then,

06:43 that was kind of from the lender's perspective is that

06:45 they're trying to forecast what the government's gonna do,

06:48 both in the repayment decision and how much to borrow,

06:51 and of course the government's got to make these decisions.

06:54 Now the very early literature,

06:56 going back to Eaton Gershovitz and then Bella Rogos's,

06:59 uh,

06:59 a well-known critique of Eaton Gersowitz,

07:02 uh,

07:02 focused on why the government should pay at all.

07:05 Um,

07:06 and I think,

07:08 uh,

07:08 uh,

07:09 what that,

07:10 um,

07:11 literature concluded is that direct costs of default are key.

07:15 Uh,

07:16 now,

07:16 there's an enormous bureau rograph literature.

07:18 In fact,

07:18 I was just chatting with uh Sergio before this about,

07:21 uh,

07:22 you know,

07:22 Fernando Bronner and Jama Ventura and Alberto Martine of,

07:24 well-known papers on the secondary market,

07:27 um,

07:28 being a useful way of enforcing repayment and,

07:31 and discrimination default.

07:33 But I would say most of the literature is focused on just adding direct costs,

07:36 and there do seem to be direct costs of default.

07:39 But how do you measure them?

07:41 Uh,

07:41 and I'll give you one.

07:43 Uh,

07:43 mentioned this Herbert Schrager paper was a very creative way of doing it,

07:48 looking at the sequence of court cases that Argentina faced,

07:52 uh,

07:52 in New York,

07:53 uh,

07:54 with holdout

07:55 creditors from their default,

07:57 their 2001 default,

07:58 and then their,

07:59 their subsequent restructuring,

08:01 and they kept,

08:01 you know,

08:02 they kept losing these,

08:03 these court battles and the price,

08:05 uh,

08:05 the probability of default kept creeping up,

08:07 and they looked at the implications for um.

08:11 Uh,

08:11 equity market prices in Argentina,

08:13 they found very big

08:14 implied costs of default.

08:17 Um,

08:19 But

08:20 From our perspective is how do these costs

08:23 affect.

08:25 The government's uh borrowing decisions.

08:29 So this is what we refer to as the,

08:31 the deadweight costs of default.

08:33 Uh,

08:34 and the way I think about them is,

08:36 think about what,

08:38 think about

08:38 the lender gets zero

08:40 in a default.

08:40 Let's go to that extreme again.

08:42 The lender gets 0 in that default.

08:44 Um,

08:45 what does the,

08:46 what does the government get in return?

08:48 OK?

08:48 And it might be less than the full amount,

08:50 uh,

08:51 of the,

08:51 of the value of the bonds that are being defaulted on.

08:54 And that gap is the deadweight loss.

08:56 I'm gonna come back to that in a second.

08:59 And then

09:01 This object uh becomes an important equilibrium uh force

09:06 for borrowing and pricing,

09:08 and,

09:08 and that's kind of what we trace out.

09:11 OK.

09:13 All right,

09:13 so,

09:14 some lessons that we gained.

09:17 I'll summarize the lessons and then I'll talk a little bit about the

09:20 framework just to give you a sense of how we do it.

09:24 So the crucial thing is that the,

09:26 the,

09:27 the,

09:27 the relationship between the lender and the borrower is not zero-sum.

09:32 The

09:33 lenders lose,

09:34 let's again,

09:35 let's take the extreme of the lenders lose everything.

09:37 You could think about a haircut of 40%,

09:39 50%,

09:39 whatever you want,

09:40 but the lenders lose a certain amount.

09:43 The government doesn't gain that much.

09:45 So if the government promised to pay

09:47 $1 in a particular state and defaults,

09:50 the lender loses that $1.

09:53 The government doesn't capture the full dollar

09:55 because of these disruptions to the economy,

09:57 disruptions to the trading relationships,

09:59 spillovers to other relationships,

10:02 all these things that have built up in the literature and we try to measure,

10:06 all these things

10:07 factor in,

10:08 so the government doesn't capture the full.

10:11 Uh,

10:11 amount that the lenders lose,

10:12 so it's not a zero sum.

10:15 These deadweight costs are the,

10:16 the loss to the surplus between the lender and the borrower.

10:20 And the way I,

10:21 the,

10:21 the

10:22 thought experiment I use is what if the government,

10:24 I mean,

10:24 what if the lenders had just forgiven this amount of debt?

10:27 What if they had just said,

10:28 OK,

10:28 we're going to write it off?

10:29 And we saw a bit of that in um

10:31 Europe.

10:32 Uh,

10:33 what if they had just written it off and then we go from there.

10:35 And we,

10:36 we see it uh uh uh in restructuring sometimes,

10:39 but

10:39 That's not

10:41 the equivalent of a default,

10:42 right?

10:43 In the data,

10:44 a default typically

10:46 involves.

10:48 Months,

10:48 if not years

10:49 of

10:50 renegotiation,

10:51 you know,

10:51 the median

10:52 uh uh

10:54 struct restructuring negotiation is multiple years.

10:59 Complicated negotiations

11:03 during which the governments are excluded

11:06 from from borrowing and lending typically,

11:09 and they have disruptions to the domestic financial system.

11:13 So all these things just show up as costs.

11:17 OK,

11:18 so then if you think about that relationship.

11:21 And you think about kind of an efficient

11:23 contract between lenders and borrowers,

11:26 the idea would be,

11:27 let's avoid those costs,

11:29 right?

11:29 There are a loss to the joint surplus

11:31 of this partnership,

11:32 let's avoid it.

11:34 How does the competitive equilibrium

11:37 uh lead the government,

11:39 yeah.

11:42 Oh.

11:45 Take care.

11:48 Um,

11:50 can you please,

11:50 everybody,

11:50 can you please mute.

11:52 Thank you.

11:53 Um.

11:54 OK,

11:55 so in a competitive equilibrium,

11:56 only the government can minimize the chance of default,

11:59 uh,

11:59 and the way they can do that is by restricting how much they borrow,

12:04 or,

12:04 or imposing some additional kind of institutional controls perhaps,

12:07 but really it's kind of avoiding,

12:09 uh,

12:10 Getting a lot of debt in the first place.

12:14 And so what is it about a competitive equilibrium that

12:18 provides the correct incentives,

12:20 correct,

12:20 from the carbon efficiency standpoint,

12:22 for the government to minimize these deadweight costs?

12:26 Now,

12:27 outside of competitive equilibrium,

12:28 there may be paral improvements,

12:30 very,

12:30 uh,

12:31 you know,

12:31 there could be borrowing,

12:32 uh,

12:32 bargaining,

12:33 restructuring,

12:34 thirty-party interventions,

12:35 but

12:36 it's useful to think through what happens in a competitive equilibrium

12:40 before we get to those,

12:41 uh,

12:42 uh,

12:42 non-market interventions.

12:45 OK,

12:46 so,

12:47 going to this idea that only the

12:49 government can minimize uh the probability of default

12:53 in a competitive equilibrium,

12:54 what are some of the

12:55 implications?

12:57 Security design is critical for aligning incentives.

13:01 All right.

13:01 And the lesson that we,

13:03 we emphasize in the models and then,

13:05 you know,

13:05 kind of the discussion for policy or or or.

13:09 Practitioners,

13:10 is that the security design

13:12 needs to align the incentives.

13:14 Now what do I mean by that?

13:16 If the government

13:18 increases the probability of default

13:20 by a certain percentage,

13:23 it's important that the government bears that cost

13:26 at the margin,

13:26 the full cost.

13:27 And if they reduce the probability of default

13:30 by a certain percentage through their actions,

13:32 they need to reap the entire gains.

13:34 Otherwise,

13:35 there's going to be an inefficient um.

13:38 Amount of borrowing or lending.

13:40 And we show that in

13:43 kind of in our simplified model

13:45 that short-term debt does this.

13:48 And what does short-term debt do?

13:49 It forces the government

13:52 to return to the market after every decision and say,

13:56 let's roll over all of our debt at new prices.

14:00 And so if the government has done something

14:02 to reduce the probability of default,

14:04 they capture that full benefit.

14:06 If the government has done something to enhance the probability of default,

14:08 they,

14:09 they pay the full cost.

14:11 And that's gonna lead to a uh what we call the constrained efficient allocation,

14:15 and we show that that's the case.

14:16 Obviously,

14:17 short-term

14:18 debt has other risks,

14:20 mainly rollover risk.

14:22 Uh,

14:23 uh,

14:23 that's,

14:24 I would say the primary shortcoming.

14:25 There's an additional

14:27 hedging,

14:27 uh,

14:28 um,

14:29 argument as well,

14:30 but I think that's secondary.

14:31 The primary one is rollover risk.

14:34 Having long,

14:35 we show having long maturity bonds with the variable coupon does

14:38 exactly what

14:39 the short-term debt does

14:41 in terms of the incentives,

14:43 uh,

14:44 but minimizes the rollover risk cause the principal doesn't have to be rollover,

14:49 rolled over.

14:49 And so that's another thing that we've,

14:51 we argue in the book and we've done some other work on quantifying this,

14:55 that really

14:56 kind of the ideal instrument,

14:58 the,

14:58 the

15:00 Happy medium

15:01 would be a long-term bond

15:04 with a

15:05 coupon that's tied towards

15:08 the government's default probability.

15:10 So maybe the spread between the government's uh um

15:14 Uh,

15:15 short term bond price and

15:17 a comparable emerging market,

15:19 let's say basket,

15:21 uh,

15:21 so they don't have to pay the fluctuations in the risk premium,

15:24 just the,

15:25 the,

15:25 the marginal net

15:27 change between its default probability and its and its

15:31 benchmark peers.

15:34 The other thing we show is that the yield curve

15:36 is not really a useful measure for this cost.

15:38 The yield curve is the average cost,

15:41 uh,

15:41 and it's not a useful

15:43 in the model,

15:44 at least,

15:45 and I think,

15:45 you know,

15:46 we believe that that's kind of an implication for the data.

15:48 It's not a good guide for maturity choice,

15:52 right?

15:52 So,

15:53 I mean,

15:53 that's one of the things that we talk about,

15:55 and I'll I'll come back to that.

15:58 OK.

15:59 Now,

16:00 some alternative non-market mechanisms for doing this,

16:04 and really it's kind of aligning the fiscal

16:08 authorities'

16:09 incentives to minimize this deadweight cost

16:12 occurring in reality.

16:14 Conditionality is exactly what this is trying to do.

16:17 For these governments to pursue a fiscal reform

16:21 uh

16:22 through a non-market mechanism.

16:24 It's an imperfect proxy.

16:26 And the reason it's imperfect,

16:27 it's very hard to monitor and very hard to enforce.

16:29 You,

16:30 you know,

16:30 the,

16:31 uh,

16:31 the World Bank and the IMF know this,

16:33 you know,

16:33 better than anybody.

16:34 It's very difficult,

16:36 uh,

16:37 to set these targets and then,

16:39 um,

16:40 enforce them.

16:42 Forcing the,

16:43 the government to go back to the market

16:46 with at least the coupon payments and pay the costs if they fail and,

16:50 and,

16:50 and reap the benefits uh

16:52 if they succeed,

16:54 uh.

16:55 Is a credible

16:57 enforcement mechanism.

17:00 Uh,

17:01 So this is what I mean by the role for for better security design.

17:05 The other thing that we show is that the lender of last resort functions.

17:09 So think about a rollover crisis,

17:11 uh,

17:12 and the IMF can step in,

17:14 like,

17:14 like they did in Mexico in '94,

17:16 95,

17:17 like the ECB or the troika did in,

17:20 in Europe

17:21 in the 2010s.

17:23 Uh,

17:24 these are very crucial

17:26 uh

17:27 to resolve

17:28 runs.

17:29 Uh,

17:29 what we show is that with long-term bonds,

17:32 uh,

17:33 having this role,

17:34 this lender of last resort can complicate things.

17:37 And,

17:38 uh,

17:39 I'll,

17:39 I'll mention that again.

17:40 I'll come back to these once I showed this kind of the basic framework.

17:45 Then another thing that we show is that political economy frictions.

17:50 Get amplified.

17:51 So small

17:53 gaps in the discount rate

17:55 between the political incumbents and the population get amplified.

17:59 Uh,

18:00 and we show that

18:03 these frictions

18:04 can lead to very big welfare costs because of these deadweight costs of default.

18:08 The government is willing to take on a

18:10 little too much risk relative to the population.

18:13 The other thing that we've shown in other papers

18:15 and we talk about in the book is that uh

18:18 when you just look at

18:20 um outcomes in the world,

18:23 uh,

18:24 Borrowing from it,

18:26 from,

18:26 from international agencies or from uh uh private debt bond markets

18:32 are not

18:32 uh

18:34 um

18:34 common in the countries that have really had long-run growth.

18:37 And you think,

18:37 you know,

18:38 think about the Asian economies

18:40 that have really kind of succeeded in this,

18:42 uh,

18:43 versus kind of some of the Latin America versus some of the uh African countries.

18:47 Obviously,

18:48 they are very,

18:48 these are very different experiences,

18:50 but certainly when you look at kind of what's happening with the

18:54 Uh,

18:54 government

18:56 debt

18:57 process in these economies,

18:58 we don't see a strong argument for government

19:00 borrowing as a as a mechanism for growth.

19:04 And then the final lesson for IFIs

19:06 is that these debt sustainability formulas really need to focus on maturity,

19:10 coupon type,

19:12 bond type,

19:13 flexible versus uh fixed rate,

19:15 uh,

19:16 and then obviously the history

19:17 um

19:18 of debt and default,

19:20 cause that seems to play a role.

19:22 OK.

19:24 So,

19:25 let me just give you an overview of the,

19:26 of the basic uh uh arguments in the book.

19:29 Uh,

19:30 I think I,

19:30 yeah,

19:30 I have

19:31 20 minutes left.

19:32 So,

19:32 um,

19:34 Here's kind of the partial list of frictions that we,

19:36 we eventually put into the model.

19:38 So the lack of commitment obviously is crucial.

19:41 Uh,

19:42 limited state contingency,

19:44 so the bond markets don't

19:46 have a lot of contingent,

19:48 uh,

19:49 to them.

19:50 The GDP warrants,

19:51 you see them,

19:51 but they're very,

19:52 um,

19:54 Very rare.

19:55 Uh,

19:56 even things like in the Caribbean,

19:58 you know,

19:58 you'd make,

19:58 you'd think like hurricane,

20:00 uh,

20:00 um,

20:01 covenants would be a common feature,

20:03 and those are only

20:05 more recent and they're very difficult.

20:07 Uh,

20:08 uh,

20:08 they have had a difficult kind of history.

20:11 There's an incentive to dilute legacy creditors,

20:13 and that's gonna be crucial when we talk about long-term bonds.

20:16 Large deadweight costs of default,

20:18 it seems to be the case

20:19 that it's not a zero-sum game,

20:22 self-fulfilling runs,

20:23 currency mismatch,

20:24 and then these political economy distortions that I've talked about.

20:27 All right,

20:28 so this is kind of just a partial list.

20:31 Uh.

20:34 So we tried to

20:35 Embed those one by one

20:38 in a simple framework.

20:40 Most of the literature,

20:40 as I said,

20:41 uses these medium scale quantitative models,

20:44 uh,

20:44 and we try to unpack that,

20:46 and we,

20:47 we have a way of doing it,

20:48 which,

20:48 which kind of captures these core mechanisms,

20:51 but leaves out

20:52 certain things.

20:54 All right,

20:54 so let me give you the basic overview.

20:58 For those interested in the modeling,

21:00 yes,

21:00 this is kind of how we approach it.

21:03 Um,

21:04 So think about a small open economy.

21:06 They face a large pool of risk neutral lenders,

21:09 atomistic lenders.

21:10 So this is kind of gives rise to the inability to coordinate on better outcomes,

21:14 rollover risk,

21:15 uh,

21:16 Pareto

21:17 suboptimal outcomes.

21:19 There's just a lack of this coordination that goes on.

21:22 The lenders discounted some risk-free rate R,

21:25 and the government discounts at some rate row,

21:28 which is probably

21:29 relatively impatient compared to the world interest rate.

21:35 That

21:36 one of the tricks we use is that the government faces a constant endowment.

21:40 Why?

21:41 Where does that leave out?

21:41 That leaves our business cycle at risk.

21:45 I think

21:46 having studied these models both quantitatively in the data,

21:49 kind of normal business cycle fluctuations are the least of the concern in these,

21:54 these economies.

21:55 In terms of their debt default dynamics,

21:59 you know,

22:00 uh,

22:00 you know,

22:01 think about a normal business cycle,

22:02 1% movement in output.

22:04 It's just not,

22:05 um,

22:06 what we're talking about when we think of these major crises.

22:09 Um.

22:10 Concave utility,

22:11 this gives kind of an incentive to smooth things

22:14 over time so you don't get these lump sum payments and,

22:17 and,

22:18 uh,

22:18 and there's an incentive to default if the payments become owners.

22:22 Uh,

22:22 they trade this non-contingent bond,

22:24 that's what I said.

22:25 This seems to be a defining feature of sovereign debt markets,

22:28 the lack of contingency,

22:29 uh,

22:30 and they cannot commit to repayment.

22:32 All right,

22:33 so those are the core ingredients.

22:35 Then,

22:36 where do we bake in the risk?

22:38 We bake in the risk of payoffs to default.

22:40 So there's some

22:42 outside option the government can grab

22:44 uh the superscript D,

22:46 which we think of kind of like.

22:49 Pay zero debt or some fraction of debt,

22:52 you can,

22:52 we go to a full haircut,

22:54 but it wouldn't be hard to conceptually think about something in between.

22:58 They don't pay anything,

23:00 and they capture their endowment,

23:01 but perhaps with some loss of the endowment because of the dislocation.

23:05 So that's the deadweight cost of default,

23:06 right?

23:07 And you can just think about

23:08 losing some fraction of the endowment and

23:11 The,

23:11 the,

23:12 the

23:13 lenders don't get it.

23:14 So,

23:15 you know,

23:15 think about

23:16 debt forgiveness would be

23:18 the government captures this Y,

23:20 whichever,

23:21 however you want to think about that,

23:22 the output of the economy or the revenues of the government,

23:26 uh,

23:26 without any payments,

23:28 uh,

23:28 if the debt were forgiven and they get 1 minus tau y if they default,

23:33 and so this tau y

23:35 is the

23:36 deadweight cost of default.

23:38 And that varies over time.

23:41 Uh,

23:41 in our model,

23:42 and this idea here is we can think about

23:45 the political consequences of default vary over time,

23:48 the economic consequences.

23:50 We saw in Europe

23:52 that um,

23:55 Uh,

23:55 you know,

23:55 there was some reluctance at the beginning to allow default,

23:59 but then they said,

23:59 OK,

24:00 we're going to have this private sector involvement

24:03 and minimize these costs of default.

24:05 This is the kind of idea that could be bailouts.

24:08 This is the idea that we want to bake into this,

24:10 and we do it in an extremely simple way

24:12 that the normal state

24:14 is this harsh punishment,

24:16 and so you're just not going to see defaults

24:19 in the normal state and then with some probability lambda.

24:23 There's almost like a,

24:24 a,

24:24 a weak enforcement regime,

24:27 right?

24:27 There's almost like the stigma or however you wanna think about these costs

24:31 become

24:32 less,

24:32 and then that's the risk for the creditors.

24:34 It's a,

24:34 it's actually a windfall for the,

24:36 for the lender,

24:37 for the borrower

24:38 that they get to kind of write off this debt at,

24:40 at,

24:41 at less cost,

24:41 but it's a,

24:42 it's a risk to the creditors,

24:44 OK?

24:44 And so that's the underlying risk.

24:46 And so,

24:47 um,

24:50 What this captures is this lack of commitment.

24:53 The deadweight cost of default,

24:55 and again,

24:55 this is,

24:56 you know,

24:56 the payoff to default,

24:58 this is the payoff to just consuming your endowment forever,

25:02 uh,

25:03 having zero debt,

25:04 default gives the government less value than zero debt,

25:07 uh,

25:07 despite the full write-off,

25:09 and that's the gap.

25:10 Lack of state contingency,

25:12 and then we can have this impatience,

25:15 uh,

25:15 which I'm going to ignore for,

25:16 for now and come back to at the very end.

25:19 You know,

25:19 one of the things that we missed,

25:21 risk premium,

25:21 consumption hedging,

25:23 the default renegotiating haircut process,

25:26 all these things are important.

25:27 We just put them to the side to capture what we really want to focus on.

25:32 All right.

25:33 Then with the simple model.

25:35 What would be the first best?

25:37 Well,

25:38 you,

25:38 we show that you keep consumption constant,

25:41 uh,

25:42 then

25:43 when

25:44 this high outside option arrives,

25:46 you don't want the lender,

25:48 the lenders don't want the government to walk away,

25:51 so they adjust

25:52 and just keep them in the,

25:54 they basically write down the debt

25:56 and keep them in the relationship,

25:58 and this makes consumption contingent.

25:59 This would be the ideal thing.

26:01 We see,

26:02 you know,

26:03 something like the COVID pandemic,

26:05 and the private sector,

26:06 we had the ability to just say,

26:08 OK,

26:08 we're gonna write down the debt because of this.

26:10 This is obviously,

26:11 as you know better than I,

26:12 very difficult to do in practice,

26:14 and we rule it out in the,

26:15 in the model.

26:17 So what does it do

26:18 with non-contingent lending?

26:20 Well,

26:20 we

26:21 solve a planning problem.

26:23 And it involves backloading consumption.

26:26 The government is forced to save to avoid default.

26:29 They get to what we call a safe region,

26:32 and then at some point,

26:34 they're

26:35 immune from this outside option.

26:37 They have low enough debt that they're not going to default,

26:40 and that's kind of the goal.

26:42 And so it's a race between how quickly they can get there before the arrival.

26:46 That's what we'd like to see in the competitive equilibrium.

26:50 We show that

26:51 that can be implemented with short-term bonds,

26:54 all right?

26:54 And that's

26:55 the,

26:56 the key

26:57 uh

26:58 role in the competitive equilibrium of prices.

27:01 But let me just kind of walk through this,

27:03 the equilibrium in one slide.

27:07 This is the government's value

27:09 function as a function of debt.

27:11 If they have too much debt.

27:14 Uh,

27:14 this is this the upper bar.

27:16 If they have too much debt,

27:17 when that arrives.

27:20 If they repay,

27:21 they would get this.

27:23 If they default,

27:25 they get this job.

27:27 And they're going to default.

27:28 If they have too much debt,

27:29 they're gonna default.

27:31 Now,

27:31 the interesting thing is,

27:33 why do they save out of this crisis zone?

27:36 As I said,

27:37 why don't they just wait for this.

27:39 Quasi-debt forgiveness or weak enforcement regime,

27:42 or,

27:42 or however you want to interpret this high outside option.

27:46 Why don't they just roll over the debt and wait for that?

27:49 And the insight is that.

27:52 There's a

27:53 price they have to pay

27:55 in the safe region,

27:57 right,

27:57 where they're not going to default,

27:58 they pay the risk-free price,

27:59 R.

28:00 In the crisis region where there's this probability

28:03 hazard of default lambda,

28:06 every period,

28:07 they pay our

28:08 plus lambda.

28:11 The lenders are competitive.

28:12 They're going to get completely compensated for this risk,

28:15 so the government has to pay the full lambda times

28:18 the amount of debt.

28:22 To compensate them for this risk of default

28:24 with a deadweight cost of default,

28:26 the government doesn't capture,

28:28 this is not equivalent to giving them lambda B.

28:31 The government doesn't capture the full loss,

28:33 so they're paying the lenders to compensate them for this,

28:36 but they're not capturing it in the default state.

28:39 We show that that gives them enough incentive

28:42 to save their way out of the crisis region and get to the safe region,

28:46 OK?

28:47 But only

28:48 if

28:49 they're rolling over,

28:50 this is just basically what the slide says,

28:52 only if they're rolling over the full

28:54 amount of debt.

28:56 They fully internalize the deadweight costs of default.

29:00 It's exactly what the planning problem would implement.

29:02 It captures all of the government captures all

29:05 the benefit of reducing the probability of default.

29:07 They go from R plus lambda to our star.

29:10 Everything is aligned,

29:11 OK?

29:16 What if we had

29:17 long term bonds?

29:21 Well,

29:22 We can do a planning problem again.

29:25 There are these legacy bonds.

29:27 They have to pay some coupon.

29:29 We just set it at the R star.

29:31 We look at the new planning problem.

29:34 The key is to the planning problem is that

29:38 like

29:38 the the new lenders get Y,

29:41 the government gets C,

29:42 and then the legacy bondholders get this R times BL.

29:46 And then we assume this paripasu condition that default happens to everybody,

29:50 which is reality.

29:53 Basically it's like

29:55 there's a smaller endowment is split between the new lenders and the government,

29:59 and there's

30:00 a smaller endowment only in the repayment states,

30:03 so

30:04 there's a smaller deadweight cost

30:06 of default,

30:07 ignoring the legacy lender because they're they're not

30:10 the ones who are pricing the new bonds.

30:14 So this is what gives rise to delusion.

30:18 All right,

30:19 we can decentralize this modified planning problem.

30:22 We show that there are these legacy bondholders.

30:26 The government would only issue short-term debt and then going forward,

30:30 they have to service this legacy bondholders.

30:33 We saddled them that at the beginning.

30:35 They never trade the long-term bond,

30:37 they service the coupon.

30:39 But they face this weaker incentive to save,

30:42 right?

30:43 And the weaker incentive comes because they're only rolling over this new debt.

30:48 They're not rolling over the legacy debt,

30:50 and they don't have to then internalize the cost to the legacy lenders of a default.

30:55 They don't reap the benefit of reducing that probability.

30:59 All right.

31:02 The government avoids issuing long-term bonds.

31:04 Actually,

31:05 Sergio has a beautiful paper.

31:06 It started a lot of this literature

31:08 showing that in these crises,

31:10 the government stopped issuing long-term bonds,

31:14 and that was a bit

31:15 puzzling.

31:15 They have an argument about risk premium,

31:17 but it shows up in our model too,

31:19 and it really shows up through this incentive.

31:22 The government doesn't want to be.

31:25 Uh,

31:26 and an inefficient allocation going forward,

31:28 so they rely on short-term debt to align the incentives with the new lenders,

31:33 and it's the,

31:34 it's the efficient thing for the government to do,

31:35 and it's going to be the equilibrium outcome.

31:38 It turns out the yield curve is irrelevant for this.

31:41 The yield curve is kind of the average price,

31:44 uh.

31:45 What we want is the government to have the marginal

31:48 change in the default probability.

31:51 Interestingly,

31:52 we can show in this model.

31:53 What about debt buybacks?

31:56 Debt buybacks

31:57 are.

31:59 A bad idea for the government in equilibrium.

32:02 And the idea is that after the exchange,

32:05 the government is going to have a greater incentive to

32:08 reduce their debt because they have the shorter term bonds.

32:12 The market

32:13 priced in

32:14 this new efficient allocation.

32:17 The,

32:17 the old legacy debt is worth more.

32:20 So if they're going to

32:22 repay these,

32:23 repurchase these at market prices,

32:25 they're going to be very expensive.

32:28 This is never profitable for the government.

32:30 We show this.

32:30 It's very similar to the old Bella Rogoff buyback boondoggle.

32:35 Result,

32:36 but it's a very different mechanism.

32:37 The buyback boondoggle involve the liquidation value and diluting

32:42 uh

32:42 uh the liquidation value.

32:44 Uh,

32:45 this is all about

32:46 incentives going forward.

32:49 Uh,

32:49 you could get a Preto improvement

32:51 through a swap

32:52 at non-market prices,

32:54 but requires a collective,

32:55 uh,

32:56 uh,

32:56 bargaining because there's always this incentive to hold out.

33:00 All right.

33:01 How else to kind of

33:03 mimic

33:04 these incentives,

33:05 fiscal rules,

33:06 hard to enforce.

33:07 I already talked about that.

33:08 We saw in the Eurozone,

33:09 they had built into the Eurozone,

33:11 they had.

33:13 Deficit and actually debt

33:15 to GDP targets that were violated,

33:18 it's just difficult to enforce.

33:20 Conditionality.

33:23 It's very difficult as well.

33:24 What do I mean by conditionality?

33:26 Look at the US Liberty bonds and after World War One.

33:30 It's kind of a rare

33:32 example.

33:32 They issue these bonds and they promise

33:35 to compensate the bondholders if they go back to the market and issue new bonds

33:40 at higher spreads.

33:42 Uh,

33:43 and they basically promised to exchange the old bonds

33:45 for the new bonds if they did that,

33:47 and it did happen.

33:48 But that aligns the incentives

33:50 perfectly in our model.

33:52 Limits on future fiscal policy are hard to enforce.

33:55 You could always have

33:56 the banking system,

33:57 for example,

33:58 accumulating debt,

33:59 which are really implicit liabilities of the of the fiscal authority.

34:04 Again,

34:05 I'm just gonna echo it again.

34:06 Floating rate that does it.

34:07 Uh,

34:08 it,

34:08 uh,

34:09 a perpetuity with a coupon tied to some market rate,

34:12 uh,

34:12 does the efficient outcome,

34:14 and it provides safety from rollover crises.

34:16 I'm not 100% sure why we don't see more of these in the data.

34:20 Um.

34:22 Uh,

34:22 they would have to

34:24 be immune from kind of movements and risk premia.

34:27 But that's not hard to do with these liquid,

34:30 uh,

34:30 and well-known EMBI indices.

34:32 You could just benchmark off of them.

34:35 All right.

34:37 Last,

34:37 uh,

34:38 2 points.

34:41 With long-term bonds,

34:43 we show that there's multiplicity.

34:45 There's well-known uh uh

34:48 benefits of long-term bonds to avoid rollover crisis.

34:53 What is the multiplicity that arises with long-term bonds?

34:57 With long term bonds,

34:58 future fiscal policy determine prices.

35:01 Prices influence the government's willingness to implement a fiscal reform.

35:05 If the government can't commit to these fiscal reforms,

35:08 uh,

35:09 there may be

35:10 multiple equilibrium,

35:11 one where the government.

35:14 Implements the fiscal reform and is rewarded with a very good prices,

35:18 very low spreads

35:20 going forward.

35:21 There's also another equilibrium

35:23 where the government fails to implement the fiscal

35:26 reform and that's priced into the long-term bonds,

35:29 um,

35:30 what we call self-fulfilling delusion,

35:32 OK?

35:33 Interestingly,

35:34 in that model,

35:35 if there is a lender of last resort.

35:39 Which we

35:40 interpret as a floor

35:41 on the price of government bonds.

35:44 And it's.

35:45 Too loose of a floor in terms of uh without conditionality,

35:49 it will select the bad equilibrium.

35:51 It will induce this dilution,

35:53 right?

35:53 And it's because

35:54 with the floor and the prices,

35:55 the government

35:57 doesn't get punished for

35:59 failure to implement a fiscal reform,

36:01 and the reward is not as big

36:03 for implementing it.

36:05 And that's exactly this incentive I've been talking about,

36:07 and it will select the bad equilibrium.

36:10 Really,

36:10 what you need is a lender of last resort plus a hard conditionality.

36:14 If you get to a certain level of debt to

36:15 GDP we'll provide the lender of last resort function.

36:19 That will work in our model,

36:20 but,

36:20 but I've already talked about the um

36:23 Weakness of that in terms of implementability and credibility of these things.

36:28 All right.

36:29 Finally,

36:30 the other things we talk about in the book,

36:31 political economy frictions,

36:33 and we

36:34 mimic them

36:35 by looking uh at

36:37 uh

36:38 impatient governments

36:40 due to political turnover.

36:42 And we showed that just a small.

36:47 gap between the private agents and the government.

36:51 Plus,

36:52 long term bonds,

36:53 plus deadweight costs of default.

36:55 If you put these things in there,

36:57 you get very big welfare losses.

37:00 Now,

37:00 you know,

37:01 and I hope I've convinced you that with short-term debt,

37:04 uh,

37:05 uh,

37:05 these small movements,

37:06 these small gaps don't have a big implication because

37:10 welfare implication because the government has enough.

37:14 Market incentives not to,

37:15 to,

37:16 to,

37:16 to dilute or borrow or to have a high probability of default.

37:20 But

37:21 given the long maturity bonds,

37:23 the non-contingencies,

37:25 and a small

37:26 gap in the discount factors between private agents and,

37:29 and the government,

37:30 you'll see big welfare consequences.

37:33 To the point when we've done the quantitative implementation,

37:36 I'm skeptical now

37:38 of even the value.

37:40 Of

37:41 allowing these governments to borrow.

37:43 Obviously they have debt outstanding,

37:44 so it's hard

37:46 to unwind that.

37:47 But starting from a state in which there's very low debt to GDP,

37:52 facilitating

37:53 their access to international loan markets,

37:56 to me it's not a clear welfare win.

37:59 The

38:00 the debt overhang,

38:01 and then we have an extension with investment.

38:04 The debt overhang not only brings these,

38:06 these deadweight costs to default,

38:08 there's a debt overhang to investment because once

38:11 the government has this high debt to GDP,

38:13 there's an incentive for the government to tax.

38:16 Or expropriate,

38:17 however you wanna

38:18 term it,

38:19 uh,

38:20 capital that's installed in the economy,

38:22 OK,

38:23 and,

38:23 and,

38:23 uh,

38:24 and that.

38:26 That overhang then becomes a,

38:27 a

38:29 disincentive to invest in these economies.

38:31 Uh,

38:32 this is what I referred to at the very beginning.

38:34 There's this allocation puzzle that was,

38:36 I think,

38:36 first documented,

38:37 at least I first saw it by Gerrius

38:39 and Jean,

38:40 uh,

38:41 and we

38:42 kind of

38:43 built on that empirically

38:45 to,

38:45 to look at government borrowing versus private sector.

38:48 And so let me just say what the allocation puzzle is.

38:51 And the way we document it with the government borrowing.

38:54 If you look at government borrowing,

38:57 uh,

38:57 uh,

38:57 net borrowing versus net saving,

39:00 uh,

39:00 as a function of long-run growth,

39:02 you get a relationship that the countries that grow,

39:05 the governments were net lenders.

39:07 So think of China as the extreme example.

39:09 They're net lenders to the rest of the world.

39:12 But,

39:12 you know,

39:12 there are many of these.

39:13 Singapore,

39:14 even Botswana will show up,

39:16 um,

39:17 in the,

39:17 in the scatter plot as a

39:19 Uh,

39:20 as a high growth,

39:21 uh,

39:21 low,

39:22 low debt country.

39:23 And then you have on the other side,

39:25 countries that have a lot of debt to GDP just have very low

39:29 growth.

39:30 And,

39:30 you know,

39:30 we do a lot of controls for this,

39:32 uh,

39:32 uh,

39:33 initial debt and,

39:34 and things like that,

39:35 um,

39:37 but it seems to be a,

39:37 a fairly robust pattern.

39:40 Uh,

39:40 and we have,

39:41 you know,

39:41 we show in the models that that actually,

39:44 uh,

39:44 with debt overhang to capital taxation,

39:47 it makes perfect sense in the model.

39:49 So,

39:50 one of the things after all these,

39:51 uh,

39:52 all this work,

39:52 both empirical and theoretical,

39:54 is I'm a skeptic

39:56 about the value of access to international loans and,

39:59 you know,

39:59 the World Bank,

40:00 you might have a different view or you might have

40:02 come around to this,

40:03 but,

40:04 uh,

40:04 um,

40:05 given the political economy frictions,

40:07 the deadweight cost of default,

40:09 and the debt overhang,

40:10 I think it's a high bar.

40:12 Uh,

40:14 before we start saying that this is actually a good thing.

40:17 So let me

40:18 stop there,

40:19 and I apologize for the technical difficulties.

40:23 Thank you so much,

40:24 Mark.

40:25 Um,

40:26 I basically,

40:26 I have a million questions,

40:27 but let,

40:27 let me ask,

40:28 let me ask,

40:29 uh,

40:29 um,

40:31 The discussion to come in session.

40:47 Can you see this?

40:49 Yup.

40:50 OK.

40:50 Thank you very much.

40:51 Um,

40:51 thank you very much,

40:52 uh,

40:52 Marcelo,

40:53 for the invitation to be here.

40:54 It's a pleasure to discuss,

40:57 uh,

40:57 Mark's,

40:58 uh,

40:58 work with,

40:59 um,

41:00 Manuel.

41:03 So,

41:03 the

41:04 type of um analysis that they are making in the book is super interesting

41:08 and it's done by two leading economists with a lot of brainpower.

41:13 So I think that we should listen to them carefully.

41:16 Uh,

41:16 when you talk to both Mark and,

41:18 and Manuel,

41:19 I have interacted with them over the years,

41:21 um,

41:22 they,

41:22 they think hard about these issues.

41:24 So I think it's,

41:25 it's a privilege for us to have him here.

41:28 And,

41:29 and what I try to do in my comments is to

41:32 try to take a look at the book and some of the topics that they cover

41:36 and,

41:37 and that Mark covered in his presentation

41:40 and put them from a

41:41 different perspective here

41:43 and try to pick,

41:44 um,

41:44 use this opportunity that we have,

41:46 Mark,

41:46 to pick his brain on some of these issues that he mentioned and some other,

41:51 uh,

41:51 issues that might be missing.

41:53 From,

41:53 from the book,

41:54 but they tend to come out when we think about

41:57 uh debt,

41:58 uh,

41:59 particularly in developing countries.

42:02 So the book provides a very,

42:04 as Marx mentioned,

42:05 is a very simple,

42:06 unified and canonical framework,

42:08 theoretical framework

42:09 on sovereign debt

42:11 and the incentives to default,

42:13 the cost of default,

42:14 etc.

42:15 The book covers several aspects like frictions in debt market,

42:19 commitment,

42:20 enforcement,

42:21 self-fulfilling crisis,

42:22 government choices,

42:24 uh,

42:24 about debt and default,

42:26 uh,

42:26 the issue of long-term bonds

42:28 that is,

42:28 uh,

42:28 important,

42:29 and he characterizes different equilibrium outcomes

42:33 and how the model behaves under different scenarios.

42:36 I think that for grad students or economists working on debt,

42:41 It's a must read to,

42:42 uh,

42:43 to try to understand some of the issues

42:45 when government start issuing debt.

42:48 There's plenty of uh food for thought in for one talk and for um this discussion here.

42:54 So let me pick up on some of the issues that I,

42:57 I think to me

42:58 were in my mind before

43:00 and they're still there when,

43:01 when reading the book.

43:03 So we'll um make different points.

43:06 One is to compare first,

43:07 uh,

43:07 sovereign debt with private debt so we can see the differences and why

43:11 uh sovereign debt might behave in this way that uh Mark was mentioning.

43:16 Then talk a bit about this issue of multiple equilibrium,

43:20 um,

43:20 and the choice of uh instruments.

43:22 Talk about defaults,

43:24 talk about,

43:24 about the political economy and the role of

43:27 institutions in trying to uh limit uh debt,

43:31 the role of IFIs

43:32 and heterogeneous debtors,

43:34 uh,

43:35 and also,

43:36 um,

43:38 the other questions.

43:42 So in terms of the,

43:43 the corporate finance literature and the finance literature look at,

43:47 typically looks at private debt,

43:49 uh,

43:49 and there is a difference,

43:50 big difference between private debt and sovereign debt.

43:53 Uh,

43:53 in

43:54 one is that the contracts are for private debt are enforceable.

43:58 Uh,

43:58 if a company

44:00 doesn't pay,

44:01 usually you have the courts that come in,

44:03 you have the,

44:04 the investors,

44:05 uh,

44:05 the debt,

44:06 the creditors,

44:07 they,

44:08 they are,

44:08 or they start acting.

44:10 With sovereign debt,

44:11 um,

44:12 the,

44:12 the courts have limited power.

44:14 They have limited power to grab assets of countries,

44:17 uh,

44:18 sovereign countries.

44:20 So the,

44:21 the countries,

44:21 um,

44:23 it's impossible for them to commit given that they are not going to be published,

44:26 uh,

44:26 punished.

44:28 In terms of the resolution,

44:29 uh,

44:30 it's a very different,

44:31 um,

44:31 uh,

44:31 resolution mechanism.

44:33 In,

44:33 in the case of private debt,

44:34 there is a bankruptcy,

44:35 and liquid an eventual liquidation of the company

44:38 after Chapter 11.

44:40 In the case of sovereign debt,

44:41 there is a lack of liquidation capacity,

44:44 and countries continue to exist.

44:46 That doesn't matter what happens.

44:48 The,

44:48 the country might not pay,

44:50 it might be in default for many years.

44:51 The country is still there,

44:52 and eventually it might pay.

44:55 And I think that that may

44:56 play a role in terms of the,

44:57 the amount of debt that is accumulated by governments versus the private sector.

45:04 There is the other issue which are the principals.

45:07 If the shareholders,

45:08 uh,

45:09 uh,

45:09 of the companies,

45:11 they are at risk from default.

45:12 If the government,

45:13 if the company defaults,

45:15 the share equity holders lose everything,

45:18 uh,

45:18 so they try,

45:19 uh,

45:20 the company not to default.

45:21 In the case of voters,

45:23 households,

45:24 the,

45:25 the,

45:25 the incentives are not that aligned in the sense that,

45:29 uh,

45:29 when they don't pay,

45:30 um,

45:32 They don't have to go through these adjustments.

45:35 They have to balance the cost of default,

45:37 but there is also incentives to renege on the debt.

45:41 So the,

45:42 the incentives from the principals are different.

45:44 And,

45:45 and also um the agents behave differently.

45:48 Managers,

45:49 uh,

45:49 they are having a short-term monitoring,

45:51 but they might have a long-term view in many cases,

45:54 not always,

45:55 but in some cases.

45:57 And the government,

45:57 they have a political cycle that they need to get re-elected.

46:01 And these short term incentives to kind of win

46:04 the next election and do well in within that cycle

46:08 is important and I think it's a central piece on what

46:12 Mark mentioned

46:13 in his book.

46:15 Uh,

46:15 so the lenders in the private sector are at risk of losing everything.

46:19 In the sovereign side,

46:21 they can lose everything,

46:22 as Mark mentioned,

46:23 but I think in many cases they're don't lose everything.

46:25 It's,

46:26 it's kind of

46:27 tends to be rare,

46:28 the cases in which lenders

46:31 lose everything,

46:32 so they usually recuperate part of the,

46:34 of the,

46:35 of the,

46:36 of the debt later on with future

46:38 debt renegotiations.

46:39 That might take long,

46:40 but eventually they get paid off.

46:42 And that might uh

46:44 add into the willingness of investors to lend aside from the

46:48 high risk premium that they can capture to begin with.

46:51 So I think that that might lead to large

46:53 uh debt accumulation sometimes on the government side,

46:56 uh,

46:56 plus this

46:58 um incentives sometimes to,

47:00 to go into default.

47:01 That is very different dynamics from the private sector.

47:05 So what happens,

47:06 um,

47:08 In

47:09 with the government is that usually during normal times,

47:12 the government pays low interest rates,

47:14 the debt is sustainable,

47:15 and then you have a feedback loop there,

47:18 everything looks good.

47:19 Normal times you don't have a problem,

47:21 but many times we enter into crisis times.

47:24 And crisis times,

47:24 you can enter because you either shock,

47:27 um,

47:27 sometimes you

47:28 accumulate a bit more debt that becomes unsustainable,

47:32 and then you start

47:33 triggering high interest rates,

47:35 or sometimes there can be a shock to high interest rates to

47:38 marking his top kind of discounts with the business cycle.

47:42 But during the business cycle,

47:43 you might get

47:44 a shock to,

47:45 let's say,

47:46 high interest rates

47:47 that might make an otherwise sustainable debt unsustainable very fast.

47:54 And this happens especially when you have short-term debt.

47:57 You have short-term debt is necessary.

47:59 Uh,

48:00 it could be a disciplining mechanism,

48:02 as Mark mentioned,

48:03 to,

48:04 for the government to reap the benefits from behaving well.

48:08 Um,

48:08 but that puts you,

48:10 uh,

48:10 in a situation in which you have multiple equilibrium very

48:15 easily.

48:16 Uh,

48:17 so,

48:17 so therefore,

48:19 the current

48:21 Because

48:21 of this,

48:21 myopath tries to maybe uh get the

48:25 uh the short-term debt

48:26 that usually entails low,

48:28 low cost,

48:29 but the,

48:30 at the risk of running into this

48:32 multiple equilibrium and crisis.

48:35 The long term debt

48:37 Can avoid this type of self-fulfilling crisis or multiple equilibrium,

48:40 but not the fundamental ones.

48:42 You can see how a crisis with long-term debt.

48:45 So I think that the,

48:45 the short-term debt

48:47 that um Mark was mentioning that can align incentives can put you in these

48:52 uh type of situations very easily and that's where countries end up being.

48:57 Uh,

48:57 the short term debt could be also,

48:59 uh,

49:00 thought about some type of,

49:01 um,

49:02 foreign currency debt that you,

49:03 you might be hit when you borrowing short in foreign currency.

49:06 You,

49:07 uh,

49:07 there is a,

49:08 um,

49:08 an exchange rate shock.

49:09 That exchange rate shock might trigger again,

49:12 um,

49:12 a kind of a multiple equilibrium type of situation.

49:18 So

49:19 that leads me a little bit to default when,

49:21 when you run into these,

49:22 uh,

49:23 debt problems,

49:23 a sustainable debt,

49:25 or the,

49:26 the,

49:27 the,

49:27 the,

49:27 the

49:28 cause of default that that uh Mark mentioned is a big debt

49:32 weight loss that the government doesn't capture when there are these default.

49:36 There are different ways to,

49:37 to measure it.

49:38 Uh,

49:39 one

49:39 way to capture the cost of default

49:42 is,

49:42 uh,

49:43 that the average default,

49:44 uh,

49:44 spell is 8 years,

49:45 and this is work that,

49:46 um,

49:46 people,

49:47 um,

49:49 at Carmen's,

49:49 uh,

49:50 uh,

49:50 Reinhard's Group,

49:51 uh,

49:51 did for the WDR,

49:53 Clemens,

49:53 and Sebastian.

49:55 Uh,

49:56 so,

49:56 and it,

49:57 it takes,

49:57 it entails usually to restructurings.

50:00 And,

50:00 and the times that they have these big,

50:02 um,

50:03 um,

50:05 These defaults,

50:06 usually you have big um GDP collapses for a long time.

50:10 So in the future,

50:11 you pay the cost eventually of these defaults,

50:14 they are there for sure.

50:16 But one thing that is important is that these high default

50:20 uh costs make probably uh financing possible.

50:23 If you don't have a

50:25 high cost of default,

50:26 uh,

50:27 governments will tend

50:28 to default very easily because they don't face any cost.

50:32 And given that the government will tend to default very easily,

50:36 um,

50:37 lenders might not be willing to lend to

50:39 the government because the incentive to default is,

50:41 is too great.

50:43 So there are a lot of efforts as um

50:46 Marcelo was mentioning to try to reduce the,

50:49 the,

50:49 the,

50:50 the,

50:50 the cost of default.

50:51 The question is to what extent

50:53 these efforts

50:55 are,

50:55 can lead to some type of resolution

50:58 um

50:59 because you need some type

51:01 of high cost of default

51:03 to avoid the government from defaulting.

51:05 Otherwise,

51:05 uh,

51:06 governments will default.

51:07 So,

51:08 so the question is whether we can have a happy meddling with

51:13 But at the same time,

51:14 align the incentives of government to default,

51:17 um,

51:18 to not default.

51:19 Uh,

51:20 and that's,

51:20 I don't,

51:21 I don't know the answer to that,

51:22 but that's something that maybe,

51:23 um,

51:24 Mark can elaborate on.

51:28 Uh,

51:28 but it could be also that defaults are hard

51:31 to resolve because of other inefficiencies like market microstructure.

51:35 You have many bond holders,

51:36 you all have to agree,

51:37 etc.

51:38 You have a core process that is lengthy,

51:40 etc.

51:41 So I don't know to what extent the,

51:43 the cost of the high cost of default comes from these microstructural,

51:47 um,

51:48 issues in the market,

51:49 or they might

51:50 be intrinsic to,

51:52 uh,

51:52 the nature of the debt,

51:53 and,

51:54 and,

51:54 and what type of penalty you need to impose.

51:57 On,

51:57 on,

51:57 on the borrowers

51:59 to not default.

52:03 Um,

52:03 the other part that Mark mentioned,

52:05 I think,

52:06 is this issue of um impatient politicians that uh

52:10 plays a big role there.

52:12 I think that's an essential part,

52:15 and I think that's key in the case of sovereign debt.

52:19 And it,

52:20 it tends to lead to very risky bets,

52:22 both,

52:23 both ex ante and exposed.

52:25 Ex ante in terms of

52:26 governments trying to borrow short term

52:29 because it is kind of a lower,

52:31 uh lower cost.

52:32 It allows also governments to borrow a lot.

52:36 And when there is a crisis,

52:38 uh,

52:38 governments tend to kind of bet for survival

52:43 and take even riskier bets

52:45 to be able to make it to the next election and survive,

52:48 otherwise they wouldn't be in power.

52:50 So,

52:51 so this kind of

52:52 impatient politicians or short term horizonal political cycle

52:56 might induce to kind of bad situations

52:59 for governments.

53:00 So the big question here is,

53:04 If we assume that cutting debt is beneficial in terms of

53:09 market is very negative about debt

53:12 financing growth opportunities,

53:15 and it could be also the case that debt is not good for consumption smoothing,

53:19 but a big chunk of the literature argues that

53:22 there might be some room for consumption smoothing.

53:25 There might be some room for

53:28 financing.

53:30 Grow

53:30 through debt

53:31 instruments.

53:33 So to the extent that we want

53:35 some type of debt,

53:36 uh,

53:36 the question is to what extent we have,

53:38 can have some type of uh ins fiscal institution or institution

53:42 that might help,

53:43 um,

53:45 uh,

53:46 alleviate these problems that,

53:48 um,

53:48 Mark was mentioning.

53:50 I know that the fiscal stability pact might be hard to enforce,

53:53 uh,

53:54 but at least it imposes some constraints on,

53:57 on the executive.

53:59 To take some risk.

54:00 I mean,

54:01 I have experienced the case of Chile when they have this stability pact.

54:04 It's very different when you have some type of

54:06 agreement with Congress that you have to go through to get more,

54:09 more debt.

54:10 It's cumbersome,

54:11 but at the same time it constrains a little bit

54:14 the executive from maybe taking more risky behaviors

54:19 than otherwise.

54:21 Um,

54:23 the other,

54:23 other type of solution that can be imposed is,

54:25 is to have,

54:26 uh,

54:27 uh,

54:27 limits on certain type of debt that puts you

54:30 in,

54:30 in certain situations.

54:32 Uh,

54:32 the question is,

54:33 once you impose limits on,

54:35 on certain type of debt,

54:36 then the markets are less complete,

54:38 you,

54:38 the incentives might not be aligned in,

54:40 in other senses,

54:41 etc.

54:42 So

54:43 I don't know,

54:44 they,

54:44 I think they,

54:46 Mark mentioned is

54:47 negative on debt

54:48 and maybe the solution is set on debt.

54:50 But I think we might need to start to think creatively about other

54:55 solutions that is not zero debt because governments are going to borrow.

54:58 There might be a benefit from that.

55:01 To what extent we can implement debt arrangements

55:04 that are incentive compatible.

55:06 Another issue that comes

55:08 a lot in the discussions

55:11 in the political economy is when our governments have shocks,

55:14 and this happens not only with debt but with asset accumulation

55:17 and let's say the sovereign wealth funds,

55:20 to what extent shocks are transitory or permanent.

55:23 Uh,

55:24 so there is a lot of discussion there.

55:27 Uh,

55:27 government faces a shock.

55:28 They don't know,

55:30 the,

55:30 the,

55:30 the argument usually is that the shock is transitory,

55:34 saying you need to borrow or you need to

55:36 use the accumulated assets to smooth the shock,

55:39 but,

55:40 uh,

55:40 the shocks might be more permanent.

55:42 To what extent we can distinguish the more permanent

55:44 versus the transitory shocks might play a big role there

55:48 and the political economy.

55:50 Uh,

55:50 plays a big part

55:51 on that issue as well.

55:54 There is another issue that I think is central

55:56 to both the bank and the IMF and other institutions

56:00 is that the debt sustainability

56:02 um

56:03 analysis,

56:04 um,

56:04 agreements that they have.

56:06 And usually,

56:07 a lot is focused on the level of debt

56:10 over time and whether debt is sustainable over the long term,

56:13 long term under different scenarios.

56:16 And a lot of discussion

56:17 goes there into looking at the rate of

56:20 growth of the economy.

56:22 And the cause of death over the long term.

56:27 Um,

56:28 this is not the only indicator.

56:29 Mark mentioned that we,

56:30 we should be considering

56:32 other issues like maturity and seniority,

56:35 which I think are already considered

56:37 in the debt sustainability analysis that the bank and the fund make on an

56:42 almost daily basis.

56:43 I don't know how they are incorporated

56:45 and,

56:46 and how they should be modified in practice.

56:50 to make this debt sustainability analysis

56:54 more robust and less influenced by political decisions.

56:58 And what I mean by the political economic frictions that Mark mentioned is not only

57:03 the political economic frictions that we have at

57:05 the domestic level with the political cycles,

57:08 but also at the international levels.

57:10 When there are decisions about whether debt is sustainable or not,

57:14 there are also,

57:14 also pressures at the institutions from different stakeholders

57:19 about whether at the end it's a judgment call whether debt is sustainable or not

57:24 to some degree,

57:25 because you have to make assumptions about growth rates.

57:28 Uh,

57:28 and,

57:29 and cost of borrowing,

57:30 etc.

57:31 in the future.

57:32 So to,

57:33 to what extent,

57:33 we can make that type of framework a little bit more robust to uh

57:38 political and econo economy frictions,

57:39 I think uh might help

57:41 a lot.

57:43 So

57:44 Mark might have some thoughts about it

57:46 without going too negative.

57:48 On that.

57:49 The other issue that I think is um they are on the,

57:52 when

57:53 IFIs are called

57:55 is usually

57:56 um

57:57 when you have this uh a situation of crisis,

58:00 you have high interest rates,

58:01 unsustainable debt,

58:03 then you call

58:04 in many cases,

58:04 the IMF.

58:07 So the idea of this IMF interventions or IFI's intervention more generally,

58:12 is that um

58:13 you anchor the interest rate.

58:15 The interest rates are very um

58:18 um high.

58:19 So the idea is that you start lending at low-interest rates

58:22 that kind of stabilize will calm the markets

58:25 and then will become sustainable.

58:27 Again,

58:28 and the idea is that

58:29 you lower,

58:30 you lend at low interest rates and the assumption basically from the IFIs

58:35 is that the,

58:35 the debt that um

58:38 the IFIs are lending is senior debt.

58:40 So it's going to be paid first.

58:43 But one thing that I'm not sure that is taken into account so often.

58:47 Is that,

58:48 that by doing that,

58:50 um,

58:50 you might have,

58:51 you might be

58:52 diluting the existing bond holders.

58:55 Many times there is a,

58:57 in a situation in which you have

58:59 um

59:00 high debt,

59:02 um once uh debt that looks unsustainable given the interest rates.

59:06 Uh,

59:07 you lend

59:09 from,

59:09 let's say,

59:09 the IMF,

59:10 and that debt is usually in many cases used to repay existing bondholders.

59:15 Part of them and the other bondholders remain,

59:18 but you're replacing kind of junior debt for

59:22 senior debt,

59:23 debt that cannot be defaulted,

59:25 so you won't be able to write down that debt.

59:28 So that puts the country,

59:30 even the,

59:30 when the interest rates are lower,

59:32 you put the country

59:33 in a

59:34 difficult position

59:35 in which you cannot

59:37 just take a write down on,

59:39 on that debt

59:40 because um you're going to pay in full back

59:43 to the IMF.

59:44 That might make

59:45 the remaining debt more unsustainable given that it's junior to the senior debt

59:51 that the IFIs are lending.

59:53 So,

59:54 so you,

59:55 when you have these IFI interventions,

59:57 um,

59:57 you,

59:58 you,

59:59 you can have two scenarios.

1:00:00 Uh,

1:00:00 you have the scenarios in the,

1:00:01 the good equilibrium in which things

1:00:04 improve,

1:00:04 but it could be very easily the bad equilibrium

1:00:07 in which you end up with a lot of

1:00:09 um

1:00:10 Uh,

1:00:11 senior debt,

1:00:12 uh,

1:00:12 government indebted with the IFIs,

1:00:15 and at the same time,

1:00:16 some type of private debt that becomes,

1:00:18 uh,

1:00:18 that has,

1:00:19 even though it's lower than,

1:00:20 might be lower than before,

1:00:21 it has,

1:00:22 um,

1:00:22 high spreads,

1:00:23 uh,

1:00:24 and the high spreads

1:00:26 might

1:00:27 be a drag on the economy,

1:00:28 um,

1:00:28 moving forward.

1:00:31 Um,

1:00:32 I have other questions.

1:00:33 Um,

1:00:33 it,

1:00:34 it,

1:00:34 um,

1:00:35 some of them are related to the,

1:00:36 uh,

1:00:36 previous ones that are,

1:00:37 are,

1:00:37 are related,

1:00:38 but I think also

1:00:39 if Mark can elaborate on some of these issues as well,

1:00:42 that would,

1:00:42 that'd be great.

1:00:44 Um,

1:00:44 Mark mentioned this issue of,

1:00:46 um,

1:00:47 the,

1:00:47 the work that,

1:00:48 um,

1:00:49 Fernando Bruner,

1:00:50 Jae Ventura,

1:00:51 Alberto Martin have done

1:00:53 on between having

1:00:55 um

1:00:55 heterogeneous agents.

1:00:57 It,

1:00:57 the model that in the framework that Mark has is a representative agent,

1:01:02 but you can have secondary market trading between domestic

1:01:04 and foreign investors that might be playing a role.

1:01:07 You also,

1:01:08 aside from IFIs,

1:01:09 um,

1:01:10 you also have bilateral lenders now.

1:01:12 You have China

1:01:13 lending in debt markets

1:01:15 with

1:01:15 maybe a different seniority relative to others,

1:01:18 and that might be playing a role

1:01:20 in terms of the debt dynamics that and

1:01:22 the incentives that governments might have to default.

1:01:26 And it could,

1:01:27 you see it also in this pattern of reserve accumulation,

1:01:31 sometimes that happens with debt accumulation

1:01:34 uh that you see that uh governments have debt,

1:01:37 but they also want to prop up the reserves

1:01:39 to kind of

1:01:41 The balance sheet of the government that don't look very uh bad.

1:01:45 Um,

1:01:46 and even um China with the debt swaps is doing that.

1:01:50 They,

1:01:50 you reinforce reserves at the same time that you have debt.

1:01:53 And in fact,

1:01:54 um,

1:01:54 some work that um

1:01:56 our colleague here at the bank now,

1:01:58 Austin Samano,

1:01:59 that was a previous,

1:02:00 uh,

1:02:00 a student of uh Manuel at Minnesota.

1:02:04 Yeah,

1:02:04 on his job market paper,

1:02:05 he was documenting

1:02:07 the increase in both

1:02:09 uh reserves and debt.

1:02:11 So it's not that

1:02:13 government has assets and liabilities that the

1:02:15 two things accumulate at the same time.

1:02:17 Uh,

1:02:17 it's not that the,

1:02:19 the government accumulates.

1:02:20 I mean,

1:02:21 when they have,

1:02:22 uh,

1:02:22 reserves,

1:02:23 they don't use it to pay,

1:02:24 and write down the debt.

1:02:25 They just

1:02:26 keep the two things on the balance sheet

1:02:29 and they are kind of happy with that,

1:02:30 uh,

1:02:31 type of situation.

1:02:32 So we observed those types of cases.

1:02:35 So I was wondering whether

1:02:36 Mark has any thought about why

1:02:38 you might have incentive to accumulate both uh assets and liabilities

1:02:42 at the same time.

1:02:45 Um,

1:02:45 the other issue that that Mark was mentioning,

1:02:48 um,

1:02:49 and this is something that he mentioned in passing,

1:02:50 but I would like to,

1:02:51 to,

1:02:52 to see

1:02:53 if he can elaborate more,

1:02:55 is this issue of floating a rate debt that he,

1:02:57 he mentioned is might be a solution.

1:02:59 Is equity-like

1:03:01 in the sense that

1:03:02 um it's variable,

1:03:04 it's different from,

1:03:05 from equity in the sense that inequity during good

1:03:08 uh states,

1:03:10 you pay more than shareholders.

1:03:12 Here the good states,

1:03:13 you pay less,

1:03:14 the government reach the reach the benefit.

1:03:17 That's kind of the beauty of um this

1:03:19 floating rate debt.

1:03:21 In some sense,

1:03:22 it's similar to index debt.

1:03:24 Um,

1:03:26 and Mark mentioned that this type of debts,

1:03:28 uh,

1:03:29 instruments have not,

1:03:30 um,

1:03:30 um,

1:03:31 taken off.

1:03:33 So I was wondering why

1:03:34 that might have been the case.

1:03:36 I mean,

1:03:36 this issue of index debt had been proposed by many people like,

1:03:39 I mean,

1:03:39 Jeff Frankel

1:03:41 many years ago and others,

1:03:43 but,

1:03:43 um,

1:03:44 for some reason,

1:03:45 he,

1:03:45 I mean,

1:03:45 uh,

1:03:46 Eduardo Boristen also has papers on that,

1:03:47 and he,

1:03:48 he hasn't picked up.

1:03:50 Uh,

1:03:50 so I was wondering whether he has any,

1:03:52 any,

1:03:52 uh,

1:03:53 thoughts about that.

1:03:54 The same thing about domestic currency debt.

1:03:56 Now we have more domestic currency debt than before,

1:03:59 but probably not as much as before.

1:04:03 Usually,

1:04:03 in domestic currency debt,

1:04:05 you don't have incentive to default,

1:04:07 even though they might default on domestic currency debt as well.

1:04:10 But to some extent,

1:04:11 it isolates more,

1:04:12 you at least from the um

1:04:14 from the exchange rate shocks.

1:04:16 Uh,

1:04:16 so,

1:04:17 so the question is to what extent these type of debts that are

1:04:20 more kind of variable payments

1:04:22 are

1:04:23 not used more often.

1:04:26 Um,

1:04:27 the framework that Mark mentioned,

1:04:29 I think,

1:04:30 it seems to fully account for infrequent,

1:04:32 uh,

1:04:33 uh,

1:04:34 and cultural repurchases,

1:04:35 that might be the case.

1:04:37 Um,

1:04:37 that,

1:04:38 that I think is a useful,

1:04:40 um,

1:04:41 aspect of the book because when we were doing

1:04:43 And they were,

1:04:44 for example,

1:04:45 with Fernando,

1:04:45 we are wondering to what extent are repurchases are frequent or not,

1:04:49 and we found that they are not very frequent.

1:04:52 So I think in that sense,

1:04:53 the book provides a good

1:04:54 understanding of the incentives of why

1:04:56 uh those things might not happen.

1:04:59 And there is this issue of risk premium that um Mark,

1:05:03 he kind of um

1:05:04 sets aside in the book to do an analysis and to focus on default probability,

1:05:08 which is a good start,

1:05:09 but I think risk premium

1:05:11 uh is very important.

1:05:13 It might be difficult to incorporate in the analysis

1:05:15 that I would like to hear more from Mark,

1:05:17 but I think

1:05:18 might be a next step in terms of some of the work that they do.

1:05:21 But overall,

1:05:22 I found

1:05:22 the book and his work

1:05:24 super enlightening.

1:05:25 And I'd like to engage Mark in uh some

1:05:28 of these topics and congratulations on the book.

1:05:31 Thank you very much.

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transcript
Great. Why, why don't we start? Because, um, You know, this morning's uh seminar is incredibly useful and, um, I'll say really hits the core of a lot of what we do here in the macro, uh group and um, we have lots to discuss. Mark and Emmanuel wrote this uh great book that kind of gives a a broad Framework To think about, uh, sovereign debt, um, the cost of it, the cost of default, um, there's interesting discussion on the debt weight, um, cost of defaulting, and I think a, a lot of, uh, of this discussion really hits the, what's, what's going on right now and what our teams are doing. We are quite involved in discussing, say, uh, the Sri Lanka debt crisis, what should they do? Uh, we are in the middle of discussing the, how to better set up the common framework, what's the best way of thinking about contracts in a way that they facilitate, uh, renegotiations and minimize the cost of default. Anyway, Mark's book touches all these points and, um, Mark's a professor at Princeton now, has had a, a, a kind of a very interesting career, uh, both in academics and, and in policy. He spent some time at the Federal Reserve. Bank in Boston. So, um, he's a leading thinker on this issue and you're very excited to have him, and you're very excited to have Sergio, uh, discussing his work as Sergio also has done work in the area and leads our, um, macro team in DC, so, uh, in the research department. So let me pass to, to, to Mark. Uh, Mark has Uh, we arranged about 45 minutes to speak and Sergio has a bit under 15 minutes to discuss, and then you go to a Q&A, but I think we can be a bit, um, flexible on this, on this, uh, timing depending on how the discussion goes and how the presentation goes. So, Mark, uh, many thanks for coming and we are very excited to hear from you this morning. All right. Well, thank you very much. This is a great opportunity for me and, and, uh, I hope you guys all find it uh useful as well. So, uh, as, this is the book, uh, written, uh, with Manuel Amador. Um, And in it, we try to distill some of the lessons and the way we think about sovereign debt, uh, models and markets and reality, uh, um, and the link between the two. So I'm hoping to, to just kind of give you a sense today of what we do, how we approach this, kind of the basic framework we use to, to analyze it, which we think is useful, um, and some of the lessons that we can pull out of it. Um. So You know, as you know, uh, better than me, even that, you know, we have these repeated waves of debt buildups and then defaults, uh, uh, kind of repeated cycles of this, and there's a large literature that has developed that is designed to document these facts and then match them using large quantitative models, and what we try to do is take a step back from all that and try to think. It's just basic, the basic economics of what's going on, and isolate key lessons, uh, and then in the book, we go back to the quantitative models and point out like why this particular lesson shows up at at is useful to match this particular moment, etc. um. But some of these, some of these large quantitative models, as you know, if you've read the literature, are a bit of black box. They're a bit of a black box. So, so we try to unpack that. Um, OK, so Where do we start? So we can start thinking about spreads. OK. Where did I leave off? So, we're just started talking about these spreads, and uh yeah, obviously, we know, they're very volatile. Uh, um. And they captured two components, the default risk and the risk premia. And, and we, like most of the literature, are going to focus on the default risk, and this is going to be crucial kind of in the, the way I'm going to approach the economics of these markets. Uh, to think about these spreads as capturing something informative about the default risk. Obviously, without the default risk, we wouldn't really need a risk premium, uh, uh, but, um, that's kind of how I'm gonna just kind of focus on that first one. OK, and then. When we think through the equilibrium of these markets. We have to think about this interplay. How do the bond prices influence the government decisions to borrow or not? And then how does government borrowing influence pricing? And this is kind of the core of a lot of what we discussed. So think about the pricing of a long-term bond. Um. You know, Q would be the price, um. You know, went over the yield, the implied yield, uh, M is some just stochastic discount factor. This fancy one is the indicator function that takes 1 if they repay and 0 if you default. So you could think of a haircut as well. It could take, you know, you could get a fraction of the payments in a default, but, you know, for simplicity, let's just go to the extreme and say you get 0 in a default, and, you know, obviously with repay, you get the full amount. Kappa is some coupon, and then Q is the price going forward in the next period. And this is like a key object of, of what we do and what many of the models in the literature do is to think through that the next period's price is going to depend on the government's future borrowing decisions, uh, and the government's future borrowing decisions are going to depend on what prices they face. And so this is the fixed point that we spend a lot of time trying to unpack, and it's a complicated one, but, uh, I think we think we've made some progress on this. Um. OK, so. And then, that was kind of from the lender's perspective is that they're trying to forecast what the government's gonna do, both in the repayment decision and how much to borrow, and of course the government's got to make these decisions. Now the very early literature, going back to Eaton Gershovitz and then Bella Rogos's, uh, a well-known critique of Eaton Gersowitz, uh, focused on why the government should pay at all. Um, and I think, uh, uh, what that, um, literature concluded is that direct costs of default are key. Uh, now, there's an enormous bureau rograph literature. In fact, I was just chatting with uh Sergio before this about, uh, you know, Fernando Bronner and Jama Ventura and Alberto Martine of, well-known papers on the secondary market, um, being a useful way of enforcing repayment and, and discrimination default. But I would say most of the literature is focused on just adding direct costs, and there do seem to be direct costs of default. But how do you measure them? Uh, and I'll give you one. Uh, mentioned this Herbert Schrager paper was a very creative way of doing it, looking at the sequence of court cases that Argentina faced, uh, in New York, uh, with holdout creditors from their default, their 2001 default, and then their, their subsequent restructuring, and they kept, you know, they kept losing these, these court battles and the price, uh, the probability of default kept creeping up, and they looked at the implications for um. Uh, equity market prices in Argentina, they found very big implied costs of default. Um, But From our perspective is how do these costs affect. The government's uh borrowing decisions. So this is what we refer to as the, the deadweight costs of default. Uh, and the way I think about them is, think about what, think about the lender gets zero in a default. Let's go to that extreme again. The lender gets 0 in that default. Um, what does the, what does the government get in return? OK? And it might be less than the full amount, uh, of the, of the value of the bonds that are being defaulted on. And that gap is the deadweight loss. I'm gonna come back to that in a second. And then This object uh becomes an important equilibrium uh force for borrowing and pricing, and, and that's kind of what we trace out. OK. All right, so, some lessons that we gained. I'll summarize the lessons and then I'll talk a little bit about the framework just to give you a sense of how we do it. So the crucial thing is that the, the, the, the relationship between the lender and the borrower is not zero-sum. The lenders lose, let's again, let's take the extreme of the lenders lose everything. You could think about a haircut of 40%, 50%, whatever you want, but the lenders lose a certain amount. The government doesn't gain that much. So if the government promised to pay $1 in a particular state and defaults, the lender loses that $1. The government doesn't capture the full dollar because of these disruptions to the economy, disruptions to the trading relationships, spillovers to other relationships, all these things that have built up in the literature and we try to measure, all these things factor in, so the government doesn't capture the full. Uh, amount that the lenders lose, so it's not a zero sum. These deadweight costs are the, the loss to the surplus between the lender and the borrower. And the way I, the, the thought experiment I use is what if the government, I mean, what if the lenders had just forgiven this amount of debt? What if they had just said, OK, we're going to write it off? And we saw a bit of that in um Europe. Uh, what if they had just written it off and then we go from there. And we, we see it uh uh uh in restructuring sometimes, but That's not the equivalent of a default, right? In the data, a default typically involves. Months, if not years of renegotiation, you know, the median uh uh struct restructuring negotiation is multiple years. Complicated negotiations during which the governments are excluded from from borrowing and lending typically, and they have disruptions to the domestic financial system. So all these things just show up as costs. OK, so then if you think about that relationship. And you think about kind of an efficient contract between lenders and borrowers, the idea would be, let's avoid those costs, right? There are a loss to the joint surplus of this partnership, let's avoid it. How does the competitive equilibrium uh lead the government, yeah. Oh. Take care. Um, can you please, everybody, can you please mute. Thank you. Um. OK, so in a competitive equilibrium, only the government can minimize the chance of default, uh, and the way they can do that is by restricting how much they borrow, or, or imposing some additional kind of institutional controls perhaps, but really it's kind of avoiding, uh, Getting a lot of debt in the first place. And so what is it about a competitive equilibrium that provides the correct incentives, correct, from the carbon efficiency standpoint, for the government to minimize these deadweight costs? Now, outside of competitive equilibrium, there may be paral improvements, very, uh, you know, there could be borrowing, uh, bargaining, restructuring, thirty-party interventions, but it's useful to think through what happens in a competitive equilibrium before we get to those, uh, uh, non-market interventions. OK, so, going to this idea that only the government can minimize uh the probability of default in a competitive equilibrium, what are some of the implications? Security design is critical for aligning incentives. All right. And the lesson that we, we emphasize in the models and then, you know, kind of the discussion for policy or or or. Practitioners, is that the security design needs to align the incentives. Now what do I mean by that? If the government increases the probability of default by a certain percentage, it's important that the government bears that cost at the margin, the full cost. And if they reduce the probability of default by a certain percentage through their actions, they need to reap the entire gains. Otherwise, there's going to be an inefficient um. Amount of borrowing or lending. And we show that in kind of in our simplified model that short-term debt does this. And what does short-term debt do? It forces the government to return to the market after every decision and say, let's roll over all of our debt at new prices. And so if the government has done something to reduce the probability of default, they capture that full benefit. If the government has done something to enhance the probability of default, they, they pay the full cost. And that's gonna lead to a uh what we call the constrained efficient allocation, and we show that that's the case. Obviously, short-term debt has other risks, mainly rollover risk. Uh, uh, that's, I would say the primary shortcoming. There's an additional hedging, uh, um, argument as well, but I think that's secondary. The primary one is rollover risk. Having long, we show having long maturity bonds with the variable coupon does exactly what the short-term debt does in terms of the incentives, uh, but minimizes the rollover risk cause the principal doesn't have to be rollover, rolled over. And so that's another thing that we've, we argue in the book and we've done some other work on quantifying this, that really kind of the ideal instrument, the, the Happy medium would be a long-term bond with a coupon that's tied towards the government's default probability. So maybe the spread between the government's uh um Uh, short term bond price and a comparable emerging market, let's say basket, uh, so they don't have to pay the fluctuations in the risk premium, just the, the, the marginal net change between its default probability and its and its benchmark peers. The other thing we show is that the yield curve is not really a useful measure for this cost. The yield curve is the average cost, uh, and it's not a useful in the model, at least, and I think, you know, we believe that that's kind of an implication for the data. It's not a good guide for maturity choice, right? So, I mean, that's one of the things that we talk about, and I'll I'll come back to that. OK. Now, some alternative non-market mechanisms for doing this, and really it's kind of aligning the fiscal authorities' incentives to minimize this deadweight cost occurring in reality. Conditionality is exactly what this is trying to do. For these governments to pursue a fiscal reform uh through a non-market mechanism. It's an imperfect proxy. And the reason it's imperfect, it's very hard to monitor and very hard to enforce. You, you know, the, uh, the World Bank and the IMF know this, you know, better than anybody. It's very difficult, uh, to set these targets and then, um, enforce them. Forcing the, the government to go back to the market with at least the coupon payments and pay the costs if they fail and, and, and reap the benefits uh if they succeed, uh. Is a credible enforcement mechanism. Uh, So this is what I mean by the role for for better security design. The other thing that we show is that the lender of last resort functions. So think about a rollover crisis, uh, and the IMF can step in, like, like they did in Mexico in '94, 95, like the ECB or the troika did in, in Europe in the 2010s. Uh, these are very crucial uh to resolve runs. Uh, what we show is that with long-term bonds, uh, having this role, this lender of last resort can complicate things. And, uh, I'll, I'll mention that again. I'll come back to these once I showed this kind of the basic framework. Then another thing that we show is that political economy frictions. Get amplified. So small gaps in the discount rate between the political incumbents and the population get amplified. Uh, and we show that these frictions can lead to very big welfare costs because of these deadweight costs of default. The government is willing to take on a little too much risk relative to the population. The other thing that we've shown in other papers and we talk about in the book is that uh when you just look at um outcomes in the world, uh, Borrowing from it, from, from international agencies or from uh uh private debt bond markets are not uh um common in the countries that have really had long-run growth. And you think, you know, think about the Asian economies that have really kind of succeeded in this, uh, versus kind of some of the Latin America versus some of the uh African countries. Obviously, they are very, these are very different experiences, but certainly when you look at kind of what's happening with the Uh, government debt process in these economies, we don't see a strong argument for government borrowing as a as a mechanism for growth. And then the final lesson for IFIs is that these debt sustainability formulas really need to focus on maturity, coupon type, bond type, flexible versus uh fixed rate, uh, and then obviously the history um of debt and default, cause that seems to play a role. OK. So, let me just give you an overview of the, of the basic uh uh arguments in the book. Uh, I think I, yeah, I have 20 minutes left. So, um, Here's kind of the partial list of frictions that we, we eventually put into the model. So the lack of commitment obviously is crucial. Uh, limited state contingency, so the bond markets don't have a lot of contingent, uh, to them. The GDP warrants, you see them, but they're very, um, Very rare. Uh, even things like in the Caribbean, you know, you'd make, you'd think like hurricane, uh, um, covenants would be a common feature, and those are only more recent and they're very difficult. Uh, uh, they have had a difficult kind of history. There's an incentive to dilute legacy creditors, and that's gonna be crucial when we talk about long-term bonds. Large deadweight costs of default, it seems to be the case that it's not a zero-sum game, self-fulfilling runs, currency mismatch, and then these political economy distortions that I've talked about. All right, so this is kind of just a partial list. Uh. So we tried to Embed those one by one in a simple framework. Most of the literature, as I said, uses these medium scale quantitative models, uh, and we try to unpack that, and we, we have a way of doing it, which, which kind of captures these core mechanisms, but leaves out certain things. All right, so let me give you the basic overview. For those interested in the modeling, yes, this is kind of how we approach it. Um, So think about a small open economy. They face a large pool of risk neutral lenders, atomistic lenders. So this is kind of gives rise to the inability to coordinate on better outcomes, rollover risk, uh, Pareto suboptimal outcomes. There's just a lack of this coordination that goes on. The lenders discounted some risk-free rate R, and the government discounts at some rate row, which is probably relatively impatient compared to the world interest rate. That one of the tricks we use is that the government faces a constant endowment. Why? Where does that leave out? That leaves our business cycle at risk. I think having studied these models both quantitatively in the data, kind of normal business cycle fluctuations are the least of the concern in these, these economies. In terms of their debt default dynamics, you know, uh, you know, think about a normal business cycle, 1% movement in output. It's just not, um, what we're talking about when we think of these major crises. Um. Concave utility, this gives kind of an incentive to smooth things over time so you don't get these lump sum payments and, and, uh, and there's an incentive to default if the payments become owners. Uh, they trade this non-contingent bond, that's what I said. This seems to be a defining feature of sovereign debt markets, the lack of contingency, uh, and they cannot commit to repayment. All right, so those are the core ingredients. Then, where do we bake in the risk? We bake in the risk of payoffs to default. So there's some outside option the government can grab uh the superscript D, which we think of kind of like. Pay zero debt or some fraction of debt, you can, we go to a full haircut, but it wouldn't be hard to conceptually think about something in between. They don't pay anything, and they capture their endowment, but perhaps with some loss of the endowment because of the dislocation. So that's the deadweight cost of default, right? And you can just think about losing some fraction of the endowment and The, the, the lenders don't get it. So, you know, think about debt forgiveness would be the government captures this Y, whichever, however you want to think about that, the output of the economy or the revenues of the government, uh, without any payments, uh, if the debt were forgiven and they get 1 minus tau y if they default, and so this tau y is the deadweight cost of default. And that varies over time. Uh, in our model, and this idea here is we can think about the political consequences of default vary over time, the economic consequences. We saw in Europe that um, Uh, you know, there was some reluctance at the beginning to allow default, but then they said, OK, we're going to have this private sector involvement and minimize these costs of default. This is the kind of idea that could be bailouts. This is the idea that we want to bake into this, and we do it in an extremely simple way that the normal state is this harsh punishment, and so you're just not going to see defaults in the normal state and then with some probability lambda. There's almost like a, a, a weak enforcement regime, right? There's almost like the stigma or however you wanna think about these costs become less, and then that's the risk for the creditors. It's a, it's actually a windfall for the, for the lender, for the borrower that they get to kind of write off this debt at, at, at less cost, but it's a, it's a risk to the creditors, OK? And so that's the underlying risk. And so, um, What this captures is this lack of commitment. The deadweight cost of default, and again, this is, you know, the payoff to default, this is the payoff to just consuming your endowment forever, uh, having zero debt, default gives the government less value than zero debt, uh, despite the full write-off, and that's the gap. Lack of state contingency, and then we can have this impatience, uh, which I'm going to ignore for, for now and come back to at the very end. You know, one of the things that we missed, risk premium, consumption hedging, the default renegotiating haircut process, all these things are important. We just put them to the side to capture what we really want to focus on. All right. Then with the simple model. What would be the first best? Well, you, we show that you keep consumption constant, uh, then when this high outside option arrives, you don't want the lender, the lenders don't want the government to walk away, so they adjust and just keep them in the, they basically write down the debt and keep them in the relationship, and this makes consumption contingent. This would be the ideal thing. We see, you know, something like the COVID pandemic, and the private sector, we had the ability to just say, OK, we're gonna write down the debt because of this. This is obviously, as you know better than I, very difficult to do in practice, and we rule it out in the, in the model. So what does it do with non-contingent lending? Well, we solve a planning problem. And it involves backloading consumption. The government is forced to save to avoid default. They get to what we call a safe region, and then at some point, they're immune from this outside option. They have low enough debt that they're not going to default, and that's kind of the goal. And so it's a race between how quickly they can get there before the arrival. That's what we'd like to see in the competitive equilibrium. We show that that can be implemented with short-term bonds, all right? And that's the, the key uh role in the competitive equilibrium of prices. But let me just kind of walk through this, the equilibrium in one slide. This is the government's value function as a function of debt. If they have too much debt. Uh, this is this the upper bar. If they have too much debt, when that arrives. If they repay, they would get this. If they default, they get this job. And they're going to default. If they have too much debt, they're gonna default. Now, the interesting thing is, why do they save out of this crisis zone? As I said, why don't they just wait for this. Quasi-debt forgiveness or weak enforcement regime, or, or however you want to interpret this high outside option. Why don't they just roll over the debt and wait for that? And the insight is that. There's a price they have to pay in the safe region, right, where they're not going to default, they pay the risk-free price, R. In the crisis region where there's this probability hazard of default lambda, every period, they pay our plus lambda. The lenders are competitive. They're going to get completely compensated for this risk, so the government has to pay the full lambda times the amount of debt. To compensate them for this risk of default with a deadweight cost of default, the government doesn't capture, this is not equivalent to giving them lambda B. The government doesn't capture the full loss, so they're paying the lenders to compensate them for this, but they're not capturing it in the default state. We show that that gives them enough incentive to save their way out of the crisis region and get to the safe region, OK? But only if they're rolling over, this is just basically what the slide says, only if they're rolling over the full amount of debt. They fully internalize the deadweight costs of default. It's exactly what the planning problem would implement. It captures all of the government captures all the benefit of reducing the probability of default. They go from R plus lambda to our star. Everything is aligned, OK? What if we had long term bonds? Well, We can do a planning problem again. There are these legacy bonds. They have to pay some coupon. We just set it at the R star. We look at the new planning problem. The key is to the planning problem is that like the the new lenders get Y, the government gets C, and then the legacy bondholders get this R times BL. And then we assume this paripasu condition that default happens to everybody, which is reality. Basically it's like there's a smaller endowment is split between the new lenders and the government, and there's a smaller endowment only in the repayment states, so there's a smaller deadweight cost of default, ignoring the legacy lender because they're they're not the ones who are pricing the new bonds. So this is what gives rise to delusion. All right, we can decentralize this modified planning problem. We show that there are these legacy bondholders. The government would only issue short-term debt and then going forward, they have to service this legacy bondholders. We saddled them that at the beginning. They never trade the long-term bond, they service the coupon. But they face this weaker incentive to save, right? And the weaker incentive comes because they're only rolling over this new debt. They're not rolling over the legacy debt, and they don't have to then internalize the cost to the legacy lenders of a default. They don't reap the benefit of reducing that probability. All right. The government avoids issuing long-term bonds. Actually, Sergio has a beautiful paper. It started a lot of this literature showing that in these crises, the government stopped issuing long-term bonds, and that was a bit puzzling. They have an argument about risk premium, but it shows up in our model too, and it really shows up through this incentive. The government doesn't want to be. Uh, and an inefficient allocation going forward, so they rely on short-term debt to align the incentives with the new lenders, and it's the, it's the efficient thing for the government to do, and it's going to be the equilibrium outcome. It turns out the yield curve is irrelevant for this. The yield curve is kind of the average price, uh. What we want is the government to have the marginal change in the default probability. Interestingly, we can show in this model. What about debt buybacks? Debt buybacks are. A bad idea for the government in equilibrium. And the idea is that after the exchange, the government is going to have a greater incentive to reduce their debt because they have the shorter term bonds. The market priced in this new efficient allocation. The, the old legacy debt is worth more. So if they're going to repay these, repurchase these at market prices, they're going to be very expensive. This is never profitable for the government. We show this. It's very similar to the old Bella Rogoff buyback boondoggle. Result, but it's a very different mechanism. The buyback boondoggle involve the liquidation value and diluting uh uh the liquidation value. Uh, this is all about incentives going forward. Uh, you could get a Preto improvement through a swap at non-market prices, but requires a collective, uh, uh, bargaining because there's always this incentive to hold out. All right. How else to kind of mimic these incentives, fiscal rules, hard to enforce. I already talked about that. We saw in the Eurozone, they had built into the Eurozone, they had. Deficit and actually debt to GDP targets that were violated, it's just difficult to enforce. Conditionality. It's very difficult as well. What do I mean by conditionality? Look at the US Liberty bonds and after World War One. It's kind of a rare example. They issue these bonds and they promise to compensate the bondholders if they go back to the market and issue new bonds at higher spreads. Uh, and they basically promised to exchange the old bonds for the new bonds if they did that, and it did happen. But that aligns the incentives perfectly in our model. Limits on future fiscal policy are hard to enforce. You could always have the banking system, for example, accumulating debt, which are really implicit liabilities of the of the fiscal authority. Again, I'm just gonna echo it again. Floating rate that does it. Uh, it, uh, a perpetuity with a coupon tied to some market rate, uh, does the efficient outcome, and it provides safety from rollover crises. I'm not 100% sure why we don't see more of these in the data. Um. Uh, they would have to be immune from kind of movements and risk premia. But that's not hard to do with these liquid, uh, and well-known EMBI indices. You could just benchmark off of them. All right. Last, uh, 2 points. With long-term bonds, we show that there's multiplicity. There's well-known uh uh benefits of long-term bonds to avoid rollover crisis. What is the multiplicity that arises with long-term bonds? With long term bonds, future fiscal policy determine prices. Prices influence the government's willingness to implement a fiscal reform. If the government can't commit to these fiscal reforms, uh, there may be multiple equilibrium, one where the government. Implements the fiscal reform and is rewarded with a very good prices, very low spreads going forward. There's also another equilibrium where the government fails to implement the fiscal reform and that's priced into the long-term bonds, um, what we call self-fulfilling delusion, OK? Interestingly, in that model, if there is a lender of last resort. Which we interpret as a floor on the price of government bonds. And it's. Too loose of a floor in terms of uh without conditionality, it will select the bad equilibrium. It will induce this dilution, right? And it's because with the floor and the prices, the government doesn't get punished for failure to implement a fiscal reform, and the reward is not as big for implementing it. And that's exactly this incentive I've been talking about, and it will select the bad equilibrium. Really, what you need is a lender of last resort plus a hard conditionality. If you get to a certain level of debt to GDP we'll provide the lender of last resort function. That will work in our model, but, but I've already talked about the um Weakness of that in terms of implementability and credibility of these things. All right. Finally, the other things we talk about in the book, political economy frictions, and we mimic them by looking uh at uh impatient governments due to political turnover. And we showed that just a small. gap between the private agents and the government. Plus, long term bonds, plus deadweight costs of default. If you put these things in there, you get very big welfare losses. Now, you know, and I hope I've convinced you that with short-term debt, uh, uh, these small movements, these small gaps don't have a big implication because welfare implication because the government has enough. Market incentives not to, to, to, to dilute or borrow or to have a high probability of default. But given the long maturity bonds, the non-contingencies, and a small gap in the discount factors between private agents and, and the government, you'll see big welfare consequences. To the point when we've done the quantitative implementation, I'm skeptical now of even the value. Of allowing these governments to borrow. Obviously they have debt outstanding, so it's hard to unwind that. But starting from a state in which there's very low debt to GDP, facilitating their access to international loan markets, to me it's not a clear welfare win. The the debt overhang, and then we have an extension with investment. The debt overhang not only brings these, these deadweight costs to default, there's a debt overhang to investment because once the government has this high debt to GDP, there's an incentive for the government to tax. Or expropriate, however you wanna term it, uh, capital that's installed in the economy, OK, and, and, uh, and that. That overhang then becomes a, a disincentive to invest in these economies. Uh, this is what I referred to at the very beginning. There's this allocation puzzle that was, I think, first documented, at least I first saw it by Gerrius and Jean, uh, and we kind of built on that empirically to, to look at government borrowing versus private sector. And so let me just say what the allocation puzzle is. And the way we document it with the government borrowing. If you look at government borrowing, uh, uh, net borrowing versus net saving, uh, as a function of long-run growth, you get a relationship that the countries that grow, the governments were net lenders. So think of China as the extreme example. They're net lenders to the rest of the world. But, you know, there are many of these. Singapore, even Botswana will show up, um, in the, in the scatter plot as a Uh, as a high growth, uh, low, low debt country. And then you have on the other side, countries that have a lot of debt to GDP just have very low growth. And, you know, we do a lot of controls for this, uh, uh, initial debt and, and things like that, um, but it seems to be a, a fairly robust pattern. Uh, and we have, you know, we show in the models that that actually, uh, with debt overhang to capital taxation, it makes perfect sense in the model. So, one of the things after all these, uh, all this work, both empirical and theoretical, is I'm a skeptic about the value of access to international loans and, you know, the World Bank, you might have a different view or you might have come around to this, but, uh, um, given the political economy frictions, the deadweight cost of default, and the debt overhang, I think it's a high bar. Uh, before we start saying that this is actually a good thing. So let me stop there, and I apologize for the technical difficulties. Thank you so much, Mark. Um, I basically, I have a million questions, but let, let me ask, let me ask, uh, um, The discussion to come in session. Can you see this? Yup. OK. Thank you very much. Um, thank you very much, uh, Marcelo, for the invitation to be here. It's a pleasure to discuss, uh, Mark's, uh, work with, um, Manuel. So, the type of um analysis that they are making in the book is super interesting and it's done by two leading economists with a lot of brainpower. So I think that we should listen to them carefully. Uh, when you talk to both Mark and, and Manuel, I have interacted with them over the years, um, they, they think hard about these issues. So I think it's, it's a privilege for us to have him here. And, and what I try to do in my comments is to try to take a look at the book and some of the topics that they cover and, and that Mark covered in his presentation and put them from a different perspective here and try to pick, um, use this opportunity that we have, Mark, to pick his brain on some of these issues that he mentioned and some other, uh, issues that might be missing. From, from the book, but they tend to come out when we think about uh debt, uh, particularly in developing countries. So the book provides a very, as Marx mentioned, is a very simple, unified and canonical framework, theoretical framework on sovereign debt and the incentives to default, the cost of default, etc. The book covers several aspects like frictions in debt market, commitment, enforcement, self-fulfilling crisis, government choices, uh, about debt and default, uh, the issue of long-term bonds that is, uh, important, and he characterizes different equilibrium outcomes and how the model behaves under different scenarios. I think that for grad students or economists working on debt, It's a must read to, uh, to try to understand some of the issues when government start issuing debt. There's plenty of uh food for thought in for one talk and for um this discussion here. So let me pick up on some of the issues that I, I think to me were in my mind before and they're still there when, when reading the book. So we'll um make different points. One is to compare first, uh, sovereign debt with private debt so we can see the differences and why uh sovereign debt might behave in this way that uh Mark was mentioning. Then talk a bit about this issue of multiple equilibrium, um, and the choice of uh instruments. Talk about defaults, talk about, about the political economy and the role of institutions in trying to uh limit uh debt, the role of IFIs and heterogeneous debtors, uh, and also, um, the other questions. So in terms of the, the corporate finance literature and the finance literature look at, typically looks at private debt, uh, and there is a difference, big difference between private debt and sovereign debt. Uh, in one is that the contracts are for private debt are enforceable. Uh, if a company doesn't pay, usually you have the courts that come in, you have the, the investors, uh, the debt, the creditors, they, they are, or they start acting. With sovereign debt, um, the, the courts have limited power. They have limited power to grab assets of countries, uh, sovereign countries. So the, the countries, um, it's impossible for them to commit given that they are not going to be published, uh, punished. In terms of the resolution, uh, it's a very different, um, uh, resolution mechanism. In, in the case of private debt, there is a bankruptcy, and liquid an eventual liquidation of the company after Chapter 11. In the case of sovereign debt, there is a lack of liquidation capacity, and countries continue to exist. That doesn't matter what happens. The, the country might not pay, it might be in default for many years. The country is still there, and eventually it might pay. And I think that that may play a role in terms of the, the amount of debt that is accumulated by governments versus the private sector. There is the other issue which are the principals. If the shareholders, uh, uh, of the companies, they are at risk from default. If the government, if the company defaults, the share equity holders lose everything, uh, so they try, uh, the company not to default. In the case of voters, households, the, the, the incentives are not that aligned in the sense that, uh, when they don't pay, um, They don't have to go through these adjustments. They have to balance the cost of default, but there is also incentives to renege on the debt. So the, the incentives from the principals are different. And, and also um the agents behave differently. Managers, uh, they are having a short-term monitoring, but they might have a long-term view in many cases, not always, but in some cases. And the government, they have a political cycle that they need to get re-elected. And these short term incentives to kind of win the next election and do well in within that cycle is important and I think it's a central piece on what Mark mentioned in his book. Uh, so the lenders in the private sector are at risk of losing everything. In the sovereign side, they can lose everything, as Mark mentioned, but I think in many cases they're don't lose everything. It's, it's kind of tends to be rare, the cases in which lenders lose everything, so they usually recuperate part of the, of the, of the, of the debt later on with future debt renegotiations. That might take long, but eventually they get paid off. And that might uh add into the willingness of investors to lend aside from the high risk premium that they can capture to begin with. So I think that that might lead to large uh debt accumulation sometimes on the government side, uh, plus this um incentives sometimes to, to go into default. That is very different dynamics from the private sector. So what happens, um, In with the government is that usually during normal times, the government pays low interest rates, the debt is sustainable, and then you have a feedback loop there, everything looks good. Normal times you don't have a problem, but many times we enter into crisis times. And crisis times, you can enter because you either shock, um, sometimes you accumulate a bit more debt that becomes unsustainable, and then you start triggering high interest rates, or sometimes there can be a shock to high interest rates to marking his top kind of discounts with the business cycle. But during the business cycle, you might get a shock to, let's say, high interest rates that might make an otherwise sustainable debt unsustainable very fast. And this happens especially when you have short-term debt. You have short-term debt is necessary. Uh, it could be a disciplining mechanism, as Mark mentioned, to, for the government to reap the benefits from behaving well. Um, but that puts you, uh, in a situation in which you have multiple equilibrium very easily. Uh, so, so therefore, the current Because of this, myopath tries to maybe uh get the uh the short-term debt that usually entails low, low cost, but the, at the risk of running into this multiple equilibrium and crisis. The long term debt Can avoid this type of self-fulfilling crisis or multiple equilibrium, but not the fundamental ones. You can see how a crisis with long-term debt. So I think that the, the short-term debt that um Mark was mentioning that can align incentives can put you in these uh type of situations very easily and that's where countries end up being. Uh, the short term debt could be also, uh, thought about some type of, um, foreign currency debt that you, you might be hit when you borrowing short in foreign currency. You, uh, there is a, um, an exchange rate shock. That exchange rate shock might trigger again, um, a kind of a multiple equilibrium type of situation. So that leads me a little bit to default when, when you run into these, uh, debt problems, a sustainable debt, or the, the, the, the, the cause of default that that uh Mark mentioned is a big debt weight loss that the government doesn't capture when there are these default. There are different ways to, to measure it. Uh, one way to capture the cost of default is, uh, that the average default, uh, spell is 8 years, and this is work that, um, people, um, at Carmen's, uh, uh, Reinhard's Group, uh, did for the WDR, Clemens, and Sebastian. Uh, so, and it, it takes, it entails usually to restructurings. And, and the times that they have these big, um, um, These defaults, usually you have big um GDP collapses for a long time. So in the future, you pay the cost eventually of these defaults, they are there for sure. But one thing that is important is that these high default uh costs make probably uh financing possible. If you don't have a high cost of default, uh, governments will tend to default very easily because they don't face any cost. And given that the government will tend to default very easily, um, lenders might not be willing to lend to the government because the incentive to default is, is too great. So there are a lot of efforts as um Marcelo was mentioning to try to reduce the, the, the, the, the cost of default. The question is to what extent these efforts are, can lead to some type of resolution um because you need some type of high cost of default to avoid the government from defaulting. Otherwise, uh, governments will default. So, so the question is whether we can have a happy meddling with But at the same time, align the incentives of government to default, um, to not default. Uh, and that's, I don't, I don't know the answer to that, but that's something that maybe, um, Mark can elaborate on. Uh, but it could be also that defaults are hard to resolve because of other inefficiencies like market microstructure. You have many bond holders, you all have to agree, etc. You have a core process that is lengthy, etc. So I don't know to what extent the, the cost of the high cost of default comes from these microstructural, um, issues in the market, or they might be intrinsic to, uh, the nature of the debt, and, and, and what type of penalty you need to impose. On, on, on the borrowers to not default. Um, the other part that Mark mentioned, I think, is this issue of um impatient politicians that uh plays a big role there. I think that's an essential part, and I think that's key in the case of sovereign debt. And it, it tends to lead to very risky bets, both, both ex ante and exposed. Ex ante in terms of governments trying to borrow short term because it is kind of a lower, uh lower cost. It allows also governments to borrow a lot. And when there is a crisis, uh, governments tend to kind of bet for survival and take even riskier bets to be able to make it to the next election and survive, otherwise they wouldn't be in power. So, so this kind of impatient politicians or short term horizonal political cycle might induce to kind of bad situations for governments. So the big question here is, If we assume that cutting debt is beneficial in terms of market is very negative about debt financing growth opportunities, and it could be also the case that debt is not good for consumption smoothing, but a big chunk of the literature argues that there might be some room for consumption smoothing. There might be some room for financing. Grow through debt instruments. So to the extent that we want some type of debt, uh, the question is to what extent we have, can have some type of uh ins fiscal institution or institution that might help, um, uh, alleviate these problems that, um, Mark was mentioning. I know that the fiscal stability pact might be hard to enforce, uh, but at least it imposes some constraints on, on the executive. To take some risk. I mean, I have experienced the case of Chile when they have this stability pact. It's very different when you have some type of agreement with Congress that you have to go through to get more, more debt. It's cumbersome, but at the same time it constrains a little bit the executive from maybe taking more risky behaviors than otherwise. Um, the other, other type of solution that can be imposed is, is to have, uh, uh, limits on certain type of debt that puts you in, in certain situations. Uh, the question is, once you impose limits on, on certain type of debt, then the markets are less complete, you, the incentives might not be aligned in, in other senses, etc. So I don't know, they, I think they, Mark mentioned is negative on debt and maybe the solution is set on debt. But I think we might need to start to think creatively about other solutions that is not zero debt because governments are going to borrow. There might be a benefit from that. To what extent we can implement debt arrangements that are incentive compatible. Another issue that comes a lot in the discussions in the political economy is when our governments have shocks, and this happens not only with debt but with asset accumulation and let's say the sovereign wealth funds, to what extent shocks are transitory or permanent. Uh, so there is a lot of discussion there. Uh, government faces a shock. They don't know, the, the, the argument usually is that the shock is transitory, saying you need to borrow or you need to use the accumulated assets to smooth the shock, but, uh, the shocks might be more permanent. To what extent we can distinguish the more permanent versus the transitory shocks might play a big role there and the political economy. Uh, plays a big part on that issue as well. There is another issue that I think is central to both the bank and the IMF and other institutions is that the debt sustainability um analysis, um, agreements that they have. And usually, a lot is focused on the level of debt over time and whether debt is sustainable over the long term, long term under different scenarios. And a lot of discussion goes there into looking at the rate of growth of the economy. And the cause of death over the long term. Um, this is not the only indicator. Mark mentioned that we, we should be considering other issues like maturity and seniority, which I think are already considered in the debt sustainability analysis that the bank and the fund make on an almost daily basis. I don't know how they are incorporated and, and how they should be modified in practice. to make this debt sustainability analysis more robust and less influenced by political decisions. And what I mean by the political economic frictions that Mark mentioned is not only the political economic frictions that we have at the domestic level with the political cycles, but also at the international levels. When there are decisions about whether debt is sustainable or not, there are also, also pressures at the institutions from different stakeholders about whether at the end it's a judgment call whether debt is sustainable or not to some degree, because you have to make assumptions about growth rates. Uh, and, and cost of borrowing, etc. in the future. So to, to what extent, we can make that type of framework a little bit more robust to uh political and econo economy frictions, I think uh might help a lot. So Mark might have some thoughts about it without going too negative. On that. The other issue that I think is um they are on the, when IFIs are called is usually um when you have this uh a situation of crisis, you have high interest rates, unsustainable debt, then you call in many cases, the IMF. So the idea of this IMF interventions or IFI's intervention more generally, is that um you anchor the interest rate. The interest rates are very um um high. So the idea is that you start lending at low-interest rates that kind of stabilize will calm the markets and then will become sustainable. Again, and the idea is that you lower, you lend at low interest rates and the assumption basically from the IFIs is that the, the debt that um the IFIs are lending is senior debt. So it's going to be paid first. But one thing that I'm not sure that is taken into account so often. Is that, that by doing that, um, you might have, you might be diluting the existing bond holders. Many times there is a, in a situation in which you have um high debt, um once uh debt that looks unsustainable given the interest rates. Uh, you lend from, let's say, the IMF, and that debt is usually in many cases used to repay existing bondholders. Part of them and the other bondholders remain, but you're replacing kind of junior debt for senior debt, debt that cannot be defaulted, so you won't be able to write down that debt. So that puts the country, even the, when the interest rates are lower, you put the country in a difficult position in which you cannot just take a write down on, on that debt because um you're going to pay in full back to the IMF. That might make the remaining debt more unsustainable given that it's junior to the senior debt that the IFIs are lending. So, so you, when you have these IFI interventions, um, you, you, you can have two scenarios. Uh, you have the scenarios in the, the good equilibrium in which things improve, but it could be very easily the bad equilibrium in which you end up with a lot of um Uh, senior debt, uh, government indebted with the IFIs, and at the same time, some type of private debt that becomes, uh, that has, even though it's lower than, might be lower than before, it has, um, high spreads, uh, and the high spreads might be a drag on the economy, um, moving forward. Um, I have other questions. Um, it, it, um, some of them are related to the, uh, previous ones that are, are, are related, but I think also if Mark can elaborate on some of these issues as well, that would, that'd be great. Um, Mark mentioned this issue of, um, the, the work that, um, Fernando Bruner, Jae Ventura, Alberto Martin have done on between having um heterogeneous agents. It, the model that in the framework that Mark has is a representative agent, but you can have secondary market trading between domestic and foreign investors that might be playing a role. You also, aside from IFIs, um, you also have bilateral lenders now. You have China lending in debt markets with maybe a different seniority relative to others, and that might be playing a role in terms of the debt dynamics that and the incentives that governments might have to default. And it could, you see it also in this pattern of reserve accumulation, sometimes that happens with debt accumulation uh that you see that uh governments have debt, but they also want to prop up the reserves to kind of The balance sheet of the government that don't look very uh bad. Um, and even um China with the debt swaps is doing that. They, you reinforce reserves at the same time that you have debt. And in fact, um, some work that um our colleague here at the bank now, Austin Samano, that was a previous, uh, a student of uh Manuel at Minnesota. Yeah, on his job market paper, he was documenting the increase in both uh reserves and debt. So it's not that government has assets and liabilities that the two things accumulate at the same time. Uh, it's not that the, the government accumulates. I mean, when they have, uh, reserves, they don't use it to pay, and write down the debt. They just keep the two things on the balance sheet and they are kind of happy with that, uh, type of situation. So we observed those types of cases. So I was wondering whether Mark has any thought about why you might have incentive to accumulate both uh assets and liabilities at the same time. Um, the other issue that that Mark was mentioning, um, and this is something that he mentioned in passing, but I would like to, to, to see if he can elaborate more, is this issue of floating a rate debt that he, he mentioned is might be a solution. Is equity-like in the sense that um it's variable, it's different from, from equity in the sense that inequity during good uh states, you pay more than shareholders. Here the good states, you pay less, the government reach the reach the benefit. That's kind of the beauty of um this floating rate debt. In some sense, it's similar to index debt. Um, and Mark mentioned that this type of debts, uh, instruments have not, um, um, taken off. So I was wondering why that might have been the case. I mean, this issue of index debt had been proposed by many people like, I mean, Jeff Frankel many years ago and others, but, um, for some reason, he, I mean, uh, Eduardo Boristen also has papers on that, and he, he hasn't picked up. Uh, so I was wondering whether he has any, any, uh, thoughts about that. The same thing about domestic currency debt. Now we have more domestic currency debt than before, but probably not as much as before. Usually, in domestic currency debt, you don't have incentive to default, even though they might default on domestic currency debt as well. But to some extent, it isolates more, you at least from the um from the exchange rate shocks. Uh, so, so the question is to what extent these type of debts that are more kind of variable payments are not used more often. Um, the framework that Mark mentioned, I think, it seems to fully account for infrequent, uh, uh, and cultural repurchases, that might be the case. Um, that, that I think is a useful, um, aspect of the book because when we were doing And they were, for example, with Fernando, we are wondering to what extent are repurchases are frequent or not, and we found that they are not very frequent. So I think in that sense, the book provides a good understanding of the incentives of why uh those things might not happen. And there is this issue of risk premium that um Mark, he kind of um sets aside in the book to do an analysis and to focus on default probability, which is a good start, but I think risk premium uh is very important. It might be difficult to incorporate in the analysis that I would like to hear more from Mark, but I think might be a next step in terms of some of the work that they do. But overall, I found the book and his work super enlightening. And I'd like to engage Mark in uh some of these topics and congratulations on the book. Thank you very much.
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EconomicsSovereignDebt BBL 5May2022
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EconomicsSovereignDebt BBL 5May2022
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At this Macroeconomics, Trade, and Investment (MTI) seminar on May 5, 2022, Professor Mark Aguiar (Princeton University), following the book “The Economics of Sovereign Debt and Default,” used relatively tractable planning problems to discuss efficiency properties of the sovereign debt market, how these properties fail due to the incentive to dilute legacy bondholders, and how issuing or repurchasing legacy debt may improve efficiency but may not occur in a competitive equilibrium. The framework also allowed discussion of how long-term bonds, while useful in resolving rollover crises, bring their own, novel source of self-fulfilling debt dynamics. Sergio Schmukler (Research Manager, Development Research Group) provided comments.
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