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00:00 OK,

00:01 I think let's get going.

00:03 Well,

00:03 welcome everybody.

00:04 Uh,

00:05 good morning,

00:05 good afternoon,

00:06 good evening,

00:07 depending on where you are.

00:08 Um,

00:09 my name is Deon Filmer,

00:10 the director of the World Bank's Development Research Group.

00:12 It's my pleasure to welcome you today to

00:15 this November edition of our policy research talks.

00:19 Um,

00:20 as some of you may know,

00:21 these talks provide us the opportunity to present

00:23 work coming out of the bank's research department.

00:26 With the goal of sharing,

00:27 uh,

00:28 the findings with colleagues inside and outside the department,

00:31 along with others outside the World Bank.

00:33 So with that,

00:34 I'd like to welcome our online audience,

00:36 both on Webex,

00:37 um,

00:38 as well as on YouTube.

00:40 Uh,

00:41 our presenter today is my colleague,

00:42 uh,

00:43 Oyebola Okunnobe,

00:45 who's an economist in the Human Development

00:47 and Public Services team in the department.

00:49 Um,

00:50 she

00:51 joined the department shortly after completing her

00:53 PhD at Harvard University in 2016,

00:56 and she's a research associate at the Institute for Fiscal Studies UK

01:00 and an advisory Committee member of the Nigerian Tax Research Network.

01:06 So today Oyebola will present her research on the potential

01:09 of technology to transform 3 core tax administration functions.

01:14 Um,

01:14 identifying the tax base,

01:16 reducing compliance costs,

01:18 and monitoring compliance.

01:20 She's also going to discuss factors that limit the effectiveness of

01:24 tax digitalization and increasing tax revenues,

01:27 such as a lack of complementary enforcement capacity.

01:32 So we're very grateful today to have uh Kiara Bronke as a discussant.

01:36 Uh,

01:36 Kiara is the Practice Manager for the Fiscal

01:39 Policy and Sustainable Growth Unit in the Macroeconomics,

01:42 Trade and Investment Global Practice of the World Bank.

01:45 She leads a group of macro fiscal economists and tax

01:48 experts who work on fiscal policy and sustainable growth.

01:52 She's over 25 years of professional

01:53 experience in managing multi-stakeholder and multi-disciplinary programs

01:58 at various international organizations with positions in the UK government,

02:02 the OECD,

02:03 the IMF,

02:04 and the ADB,

02:05 among others,

02:06 prior to the World Bank.

02:08 She's published on taxation and public ser spending,

02:11 and recently,

02:12 uh,

02:12 she co-authored an approach paper for the conclave of ministers on Finance,

02:16 of Finance on financing human capital development.

02:20 So today,

02:21 I'll ask Ayebola to talk for approximately,

02:23 to present for approximately 45 minutes,

02:25 after which we'll hear from Kiara for about 10 to 15 minutes.

02:29 Uh,

02:30 we'll conclude the session with questions and answers from the audience.

02:33 If you have a question,

02:34 please use the either the raised hand function on Webex

02:38 or signal to me in the chat,

02:39 um,

02:40 and that you have a question,

02:41 and I'll call on you.

02:43 To pose your question out loud.

02:45 If you're following on YouTube,

02:46 uh,

02:47 please submit your question in the chat there and it will get related

02:51 to me.

02:52 Um,

02:53 just a reminder,

02:54 we're recording the session today.

02:56 So with that over to you,

02:58 Oyeboa.

03:01 Thank you,

03:01 Dion,

03:03 for that introduction and thank you very much to

03:05 every single one of you for joining this conversation

03:08 on the use of technology in tax mobilization.

03:12 So,

03:13 given that this was a self-selected audience,

03:15 maybe this first slide is not essential,

03:18 but I think that it's important to establish this case

03:21 to start with.

03:22 So,

03:22 in a place like the World Bank,

03:23 where we have colleagues working on

03:26 Very important things like health,

03:29 education,

03:29 social protection,

03:30 climate.

03:31 Why do we still care about taxes?

03:34 And the simple answer

03:36 is that

03:37 taxes are what fund all of these things that I just mentioned,

03:40 these core

03:42 functions of government,

03:43 from investing in public goods to providing social protection,

03:47 governments needs taxes to function.

03:49 And this is highlighted more than ever before

03:52 in the response to the current pandemic.

03:56 Now,

03:57 besides taxes,

03:58 the other sources of revenue that governments typically would

04:01 rely on are foreign aid and natural resource revenues,

04:04 and taxes have the advantage of being a lot less volatile and more sustainable.

04:09 And one final thing to highlight in the importance of taxation is that it's

04:13 a core part of the social contracts that governments have with their citizens.

04:17 So,

04:17 any government that's seeking to tax its subjects

04:20 needs to bargain with them over policy

04:23 and provide the types of public goods that they desire.

04:25 And so,

04:26 we find that

04:27 taxes play this role,

04:28 this accountability role as well.

04:32 Now,

04:33 what we do also observe is that low-income countries,

04:36 they tend to collect less tax.

04:38 So,

04:38 this graph is showing the relationship between tax revenues

04:42 as a percentage of GDP on the Y axis

04:45 and

04:47 GDP per capita on the X axis.

04:50 And what we see here is that a country,

04:52 a low-income country like the Central African Republic

04:55 here is at less than 10% of GDP that they collect in taxes,

04:59 compared to a country like Norway,

05:00 that's closer to 40%.

05:02 And what we also need to keep in mind is that these rich countries today,

05:06 France,

05:06 Norway,

05:07 Luxembourg,

05:08 100 years ago,

05:09 so in 1920,

05:10 they were exactly here

05:11 at about 10%

05:13 of GDP.

05:14 And so this capacity and ability to tax

05:16 is something that countries develop over time.

05:20 And why is it that we observe such

05:22 low rates of tax collection in low-income countries?

05:27 There are a few reasons.

05:29 The first one that I'll talk about is

05:31 that

05:32 countries have limited information on their tax base.

05:35 So one of the key findings in the recent tax literature

05:38 is that information is central to tax collection.

05:41 In cases um where there's high levels of informality,

05:45 the government has less opportunity

05:48 to have information on what are taxable transactions and assets.

05:51 And this is a

05:53 crucial function that the government needs to have the

05:56 capacity to understand what the tax base is.

05:59 Because from

06:00 Places all across the board at different income levels.

06:03 What we find is that taxes that are subject to things like third party

06:07 information,

06:08 where another entity,

06:09 for instance,

06:10 an employer is reporting one's wages to the government,

06:14 levels of compliance are much higher in those settings.

06:16 And so,

06:17 when large majority of the population

06:19 is not having any

06:21 um formal links through which there's other parties reporting their income,

06:26 um

06:26 this could lead to lower tax collection.

06:30 The second one I will discuss is administrative capacity.

06:34 And so,

06:35 for those of us who spent time in government offices in

06:38 developing countries,

06:39 this scene would not be too unfamiliar.

06:42 Many times you have a lot of manual processes

06:45 that leads to inefficiencies as well as high compliance costs for the taxpayers.

06:51 The 3rd

06:53 dimension of capacity that I would like to emphasize is enforcement.

06:57 So,

06:57 at the end of the day,

06:58 tax officials are typically the ones who go in the field to enforce tax

07:03 laws.

07:03 And if they are compromised,

07:05 this leads to leakages in revenue.

07:07 In addition,

07:08 even thinking outside the tax

07:10 authority,

07:11 if the

07:12 legal systems of the courts are not functioning properly,

07:15 and there are no credible threats of either financial or criminal

07:19 consequences for evasion,

07:21 then you find that collection levels will continue to remain low.

07:26 Now,

07:26 if we switch hats for a second,

07:28 at this same time,

07:30 we know that there's

07:31 ways in which technology

07:34 is reshaping different functions of the government.

07:36 So,

07:37 we have examples from things like procurement,

07:39 education,

07:39 voting,

07:40 social protection,

07:41 and in fact,

07:42 our 2016 World Development report was exactly on this topic.

07:48 So the big question that we're asking today is,

07:50 can technology

07:51 improve tax collection?

07:53 And this is in light of the fact that there's been a rapid adoption

07:57 of technology in taxes over the last decade.

07:59 So,

07:59 even from the time that I started working on this in about 2014 until now,

08:04 just the rates at which different countries have moved

08:06 forward in their journey has been quite impressive.

08:09 And we know that this would only continue to increase.

08:12 We are now um

08:13 moving to a world where social distancing,

08:16 remote engagement

08:18 are becoming more and more of the norm.

08:19 Look at all of us on this floor.

08:21 Uh,

08:22 and this we think,

08:23 I think will continue also in taxation.

08:25 And so,

08:26 we can only expect the use of technology to increase.

08:29 There is also a lot of enthusiasm around the potential of technology.

08:33 So,

08:34 there's several,

08:35 um

08:35 both from the research side but most important from

08:38 the policy side about how technology might change things.

08:40 And it's important to have a critical look at

08:42 the extent to which this potential is being realized

08:45 and how we might be able to maximize the impact.

08:49 So,

08:49 what we're going to do today is that I'm going to walk you through 3 papers.

08:53 The first one is an overview of the literature

08:55 to understand um

08:57 what we've learned so far on the promise and limitations of

09:00 IT for tax mobilization.

09:03 And then I'm going to do deep dives into two

09:06 case studies from low,

09:08 very low-income context,

09:09 where we can look at what was the technological intervention,

09:13 what was the

09:15 impact that it had on tax collection,

09:17 or the challenges,

09:18 what are the lessons learned?

09:21 And so there's a paper like this and one in Tajikistan.

09:24 And so to give you the punchline first,

09:27 the fact is that yes,

09:29 technology can help the tax authority and

09:31 in

09:31 three dimensions.

09:33 One is helping the tax authority to define compliance,

09:36 meaning to identify what needs to be taxed.

09:38 It could be a major source of information on what the tax base is.

09:42 Two is to facilitate compliance by making it easier for people to pay.

09:45 And 3 is to monitor compliance,

09:48 to detect evasion

09:50 when it occurs because it almost always does occur.

09:54 Very quickly,

09:55 I need to break the news that technology is by no means a silver bullet.

09:59 Uh,

09:59 its impact is going to depend on other dimensions of capacity in the government,

10:04 one of which is the enforcement capacity.

10:08 At the end of the day,

10:09 it's going to require,

10:11 um,

10:11 it could provide a lot of

10:13 resources,

10:13 but enforcing the tax laws,

10:16 having that capacity remains crucial.

10:18 The other point that I would emphasize today

10:20 is that technology creates winners and losers.

10:23 Uh,

10:24 people who benefit

10:25 may

10:26 easily comply,

10:27 but the losers may act strategically to undermine the impact

10:30 of the technology that has been introduced.

10:35 So let's dive into the first speaker.

10:37 This is joint work with Fabricio Santoro,

10:40 who is at the

10:41 ICTD,

10:42 the International Center for Tech and Development,

10:44 leading,

10:45 uh,

10:45 a

10:45 great project they have going on on the on the digitalization of taxation.

10:56 So as I mentioned,

10:58 we will be looking at the role of technology in transforming 3 functions,

11:02 3 of the core functions of the tax administration.

11:05 The first one being to define compliance,

11:07 to facilitating it,

11:08 and 3 monitoring it.

11:13 So let's start with how technology might

11:15 help governments to understand what the tax base

11:17 is.

11:18 This could happen in many ways,

11:19 for instance,

11:20 through creating completely new

11:22 databases,

11:23 such as

11:24 taxpayer

11:25 registration drive or property registration drive.

11:27 Essentially,

11:28 there's this process of making

11:30 The tax base more legible to the state,

11:32 helping the state to understand

11:34 who are my taxable

11:35 individuals,

11:36 what are taxable um assets that they are,

11:38 and

11:39 having these electronic databases makes

11:41 the landscape a lot more clear to the taxing

11:44 authority.

11:46 A second way this might happen is

11:48 to capture transactions right as they're occurring.

11:51 So,

11:51 for instance,

11:52 the use of electronic billing machines.

11:54 As soon as the

11:55 customer is

11:56 checking out in the store,

11:58 that information on the transaction,

11:59 what was spent

12:00 is immediately transmitted to the tax authority.

12:04 Third is using existing databases to create

12:09 to as sources of third-party information to understand

12:12 more fully what this tax liability of an individual is.

12:16 And to illustrate this,

12:17 we can think of

12:18 how the tax authority might build the profile of the taxpayer.

12:21 So,

12:21 for instance,

12:23 there could be um reports of wages that come from an employer,

12:27 similar to the W-2 system we have in the US

12:30 um for a business,

12:31 it could be this electronic sales register that I just described.

12:34 In fact,

12:35 you could also have credit card companies

12:37 put in all the sales that the company has.

12:40 Um,

12:40 you could have their clients supporting how much they paid to them.

12:42 You could have the electricity company

12:45 saying this is how much power that they use for a factory,

12:47 which gives a proximity of what they're producing.

12:49 Um,

12:49 on the VHC you could have the people that buy from them

12:53 report how much VAT they paid to them,

12:54 and it serves as a cross-check on what the firm itself reports.

12:57 You can think of

12:58 on and on using all these pieces of information,

13:01 the government can create a

13:03 more comprehensive profile

13:05 of the taxpayer and what all their liabilities can be.

13:09 OK,

13:09 thank you.

13:10 Thanks for alerting me to it.

13:12 Um,

13:14 OK,

13:14 so I was talking about

13:17 The role of

13:19 Um,

13:20 technology in defining compliance and thinking about how it could

13:22 be used to link different databases on an individual.

13:26 And so these tiles were showing different sources

13:29 of information that the tax authority could have

13:32 on the full profile of a taxpayer.

13:35 So,

13:35 for example,

13:36 we could have employers that are reporting the wages as in a W-2 in the US.

13:40 We could have the electronic sales register

13:44 reporting um purchases as I just described on the previous slide.

13:48 We could have an electricity company

13:50 report how much the

13:52 Um,

13:53 company's bill is as a proxy for what the factory is producing.

13:56 We could have VAT,

13:58 um,

13:58 purchases report how much they paid.

14:01 And so the idea is that

14:03 with

14:04 different sources of third-party information,

14:06 a tax authority can have

14:08 rich information on what um

14:10 the tax level of an individual or firm should be.

14:14 So now moving to the next

14:17 um

14:19 area in which technology may help to

14:22 improve taxation

14:23 is in making compliance easier,

14:25 so facilitating compliance

14:27 and

14:29 There are many ways that this could happen,

14:30 and I'll start with the most basic,

14:31 which is having a good,

14:33 nice,

14:34 clear website

14:35 where all the tax rules are clearly stated,

14:37 how to guide,

14:38 what exactly needs to be paid,

14:40 when and how.

14:41 Um,

14:42 in many developing countries,

14:43 you find out that individuals feel the need to have an

14:47 insider,

14:47 like a contact in the tax office to guide them through the process.

14:51 And a lot of this needless um interactions between

14:54 taxpayers and tax officials could be solved with clear

14:58 information,

14:58 even

14:59 disseminated through a website.

15:01 Another major thing is how the tax authority communicates.

15:04 So,

15:04 the modern methods use an email,

15:06 SMS,

15:07 voice calls,

15:08 reminders,

15:08 things that could um

15:10 alert the

15:11 individuals

15:12 of information from the tax authority.

15:16 Next,

15:16 we move on to things like e-filing and e-payments,

15:18 which we'll discuss quite a bit here.

15:20 And um we could also have

15:22 things like pre-fuel returns.

15:24 This would be great,

15:24 even in the US where the government essentially sends

15:28 the taxpayer

15:30 information that they've gathered from the different sources.

15:32 So like I was showing from the previous tile,

15:34 um,

15:35 from the previous slide,

15:36 where all the taxpayer then needs to do.

15:38 is to sign and submit.

15:40 And so the goal in all of these is to have an easy transparent process

15:45 that would not require any personalized

15:47 interactions between taxpayers and tax officials,

15:50 and you find that these tend to have a dual effect.

15:53 So not only does it

15:54 make compliance costs lower,

15:56 but then it also reduces instances of corruption and harassment that happen.

16:03 The third big bucket of ways in which technology can improve tax collection is

16:09 through monitoring compliance,

16:11 detecting evasion when it's happening.

16:14 And so we could think of the tax authority using IT to

16:18 automate

16:19 regular crosschecks

16:20 of self-reported tax liability.

16:22 So

16:23 not only do they,

16:24 does it help to collect this information,

16:26 but how How do you

16:27 actually then use it to detect

16:30 where,

16:30 oh,

16:31 why did your um suppliers say that you paid X,

16:33 but instead you're claiming to have paid Y?

16:36 And so that's a very promising way of

16:38 um

16:39 monitoring compliance.

16:40 And one interesting application also is using

16:44 all this information to build a risk profile

16:46 for taxpayers.

16:47 So they're interested in um

16:50 Uh,

16:50 exciting machine learning methods where using the

16:52 vast information that the tax authority is collecting

16:56 on individual taxpayers,

16:58 they can build a

17:00 way of predicting

17:01 who is likely to be evading

17:03 based on past behavior.

17:06 These are some promising avenues.

17:08 And so very quickly now,

17:10 I want to then point us in the

17:14 other direction,

17:15 which is

17:16 thinking about the limitations.

17:17 Why is it that sometimes

17:19 tax um

17:20 IT projects and taxes don't yield the desired

17:23 results?

17:26 So the first point here is thinking about infrastructure and connectivity.

17:29 This sounds really basic,

17:30 I know,

17:31 but it's surprising how often it happens where

17:35 the tax authority might purchase software

17:38 and they realize that,

17:39 oh,

17:39 we actually don't have all that we need to

17:42 run this and we don't have the right computers

17:45 that we need to make this work.

17:46 And then by the time you get the computers,

17:48 the license has expired.

17:49 And so

17:50 thinking very carefully about what the The structure and connectivity needs are.

17:55 And we can also think about this on the side of taxpayers

17:58 to think about

17:59 what is it going to be,

18:01 what type of technology would be easy for people to adopt.

18:03 And one nice example from this we see is from Rwanda where

18:07 they had an

18:08 initial filing,

18:09 e-filing system,

18:10 but then they created another version

18:13 that could be used on mobile phones with it,

18:15 it's called the N Declaration,

18:17 such that um

18:18 to address equity concerns.

18:23 The second point under the limitations of technology,

18:26 which I think is

18:28 perhaps

18:30 The

18:34 Perhaps the,

18:35 uh,

18:36 one of the most important is to think about the human factor.

18:39 So,

18:40 technology is a tool at the end of the day,

18:41 it's only as good as its users.

18:43 And we might think about taxpayers who

18:45 may need training and subsidies to actually use

18:48 the technology that has been made available.

18:50 And very importantly,

18:51 we need to think about tax officials

18:53 who need the right skills

18:55 and training

18:56 to be able to use technology.

18:58 as well as the need to have aligned incentives.

19:02 Um,

19:02 there's a very interesting paper by our colleagues in the World Bank,

19:05 um,

19:06 in Madagascar,

19:08 where

19:09 there were different IT interventions introduced in customs,

19:13 and it was literally trying to

19:15 be one step ahead of the tax officials

19:17 as it kept finding ways to

19:20 um circumvent the controls that have been put in with the technology system.

19:24 And so at the end of the day,

19:26 it's um

19:27 IT that IT is not going to enforce the tax laws.

19:30 We need to

19:32 put very careful attention

19:33 in the incentives and the training that tax officials have.

19:38 Other things to think about are

19:40 um

19:41 the overall institutional strategy for adopting technology.

19:44 One mistake is to think that,

19:46 oh,

19:47 this is the IT department,

19:49 and they are going to deal with it.

19:51 No,

19:51 technology has to be thought up through in the entire

19:54 um

19:55 Work that the institution does.

19:57 So one example

19:58 is imagine you start e-filing,

20:00 and now all of a sudden,

20:01 all these officials whose previous job it was

20:04 to collect tax revenues are now redundant,

20:06 we must think about how do they

20:08 find new roles in the tax authority.

20:11 And the final point here is thinking about the regulatory environment,

20:15 um,

20:16 timely prosecution of evaders,

20:17 that's what really sends a strong deterrent message

20:20 on

20:22 tax compliance,

20:23 as well as the need for modern laws to support

20:27 this,

20:28 um,

20:29 to be able to actually use these data points like

20:31 I was describing with the tiles across different agencies,

20:33 they need to be the right environment,

20:35 the right laws that would

20:37 support that type of sharing.

20:40 So,

20:41 this was a very quick overview.

20:43 The paper just came out.

20:44 I saw that Ryan

20:45 posted it in the chat earlier.

20:46 Thank you.

20:47 So it's a fresh hub

20:49 of the press working paper that gives a lot of those examples on

20:53 the um high-level,

20:54 um

20:56 Limitations and promise of technology.

20:59 Um,

20:59 but now what I'm going to do is to move into specific examples from my research,

21:05 um,

21:05 in thinking about

21:06 how this plays out in practice.

21:08 And so,

21:08 the first paper that I'll be discussing

21:10 is on real estate taxes in Liberia.

21:13 And this is a close partnership that I had with the

21:17 Liberian Revenue Authority.

21:18 Over several years,

21:19 they're like my second family,

21:21 and um just thinking through

21:23 different ways in which technology

21:27 could be used in that context.

21:29 And so,

21:30 what

21:31 this paper would be doing would be looking at that first bullet

21:34 under identifying the tax base in the potential of technology,

21:38 and it would also illustrate

21:40 one of the limitations,

21:41 which is thinking about the broader regulatory environment.

21:46 So,

21:47 the context in which this study occurs is that there's extremely high

21:51 rates of noncompliance with the real estate tax

21:55 in Liberia.

21:56 One of the major issues is that there is no um comprehensive cavester,

22:00 no information on

22:01 who owns what property,

22:03 where things are located.

22:05 What are the values of these properties.

22:07 And so,

22:08 um,

22:09 what ends up happening is that many properties

22:11 remain completely out of the tax register.

22:14 Some analysis I did for them

22:16 many years ago was showing that about

22:18 5% of property owners

22:21 in the residential property were actually estimated to be on the tax roll.

22:24 So,

22:24 huge.

22:25 I mean,

22:25 it's

22:27 huge room for increasing compliance.

22:30 What we also noticed from analyzing the data that

22:32 existed was that among those on the tax roll,

22:34 there are high delinquencies in subsequent years.

22:37 So among those that paid in one year,

22:38 only about 40% actually paid in the next year.

22:43 indicating that there are probably um major issues on the enforcement side.

22:47 And the tax rates are comparable to other settings,

22:49 it's about 0.25% for residential property

22:52 and 1.5% for commercial property.

22:56 So,

22:56 in this case,

22:57 the technology investment

22:59 was what I'll call a very low-tech investment.

23:02 It was um training youth to use open-source software on tablets

23:07 to go around and enumerate properties in a specific um pilot

23:12 community.

23:13 So,

23:13 they were supposed to get the ownership.

23:14 They had a quick survey with the residents.

23:17 So up is someone sitting with the residents to discuss

23:20 who owns this property,

23:21 getting that um contact information.

23:23 And

23:24 at the end of this exercise,

23:25 what happened was they were able to create a new electronic property database

23:30 that previously did not exist.

23:31 And so this pilot we did was in with about

23:35 close to 600 properties that were enumerated

23:37 and in subsequent phases,

23:38 the government went on to expand this to about 40,000 properties.

23:45 Then we use this information to conduct a randomized

23:48 intervention where we wanted to see what the impact was

23:52 of

23:53 alerting people that their lack of compliance had been detected by the state.

23:58 So two questions here was,

24:01 what happens when you alert them that the state knows

24:03 that they own this property and they've not paid,

24:05 and 2,

24:06 was there any

24:08 additional impacts from informing them about

24:10 what the penalties of noncompliance are.

24:14 This is the um

24:17 way we run this

24:18 experiment.

24:19 Our control group

24:21 here um

24:22 get a notice

24:23 that only gives them information on the tax requirements.

24:27 It says,

24:27 Dear property owner,

24:29 these are the requirements for property tax,

24:31 please comply.

24:33 In our first treatment group,

24:34 we have that basic information,

24:37 but then it's personalized

24:39 with the name of the property owner as well as a photograph of their property,

24:43 which we derived from this new electronic database collected in the

24:47 pilot project.

24:49 The second treatment group

24:52 has

24:52 a,

24:53 has some information

24:54 on what are the legal penalties for noncompliance,

24:57 it cites relevant portions of the revenue code.

25:00 And then in the final group we have both of these elements included.

25:07 What do we find?

25:08 So,

25:10 The first outcome is people come into the tax office as instructed in the letter

25:15 to register their properties,

25:17 and what we find is about 4.4% of people do this in our control group.

25:22 This goes up a bit in our among the people who

25:25 get the picture of their property and their name on it,

25:29 but not statistically significant.

25:31 But when we have the combination of this

25:33 detection information as well as the penalty information,

25:36 there's about a tripling

25:38 of the registration rate.

25:40 Um,

25:41 in terms of the payments,

25:42 we find that uh this goes up from about 2.2%

25:46 to almost 10% in our combined group again.

25:49 So,

25:50 pretty large impacts on people choosing to um

25:54 register and also following through and actually making payments.

25:58 In terms of the amounts paid,

26:00 we find an

26:01 increase,

26:02 uh,

26:02 in our combined group again,

26:03 but given the large

26:05 amounts of zeros,

26:06 people that just do not pay anything at all,

26:08 we don't detect a statistically diff significant impact.

26:12 When we use other methods like doing an inverse hyperbolic sign,

26:15 then we do see an increase.

26:19 And to think about what these numbers mean,

26:22 what it actually,

26:23 it's quite cost effective because in the first year,

26:28 the tax revenues that are collected,

26:29 they more than cover the cost of

26:31 this entire enumeration process and the delivery

26:34 of these notices to the property owners

26:37 and We look to see,

26:38 OK,

26:38 what happens after the first year,

26:39 and we see that there's a sustained impact.

26:41 So

26:42 4 years later we're still seeing that people who

26:45 received the

26:46 detection and penalty notice

26:48 in 2017

26:49 are still more likely to make a payment,

26:52 and we don't observe these for the other two individual treatments.

26:56 Now,

26:56 one might look at

26:58 these results and think,

26:59 wow,

26:59 that's great.

27:00 We're able to quadruple the payment rates,

27:03 but one could also look at it and think that

27:05 there are people who,

27:06 even after knowing that the government is telling you that Ishani,

27:10 I know that you own this house.

27:12 I know that you've not paid your tax,

27:14 uh,

27:15 and,

27:15 and these are the penalties if you do not pay,

27:17 people just

27:18 don't respond.

27:19 And this is not unique to our paper.

27:21 We find this in other studies where large shares of the population

27:24 who are faced with this type of information where there's perfect detection,

27:28 the government is telling you that we know what you've done.

27:31 They just do not comply.

27:33 And in our setting,

27:34 we are quite confident that this is not because

27:36 they don't understand the notice or didn't get it.

27:39 So the hypothesis is that maybe they just have a very low

27:42 expectation that any penalties are going to be enforced on them.

27:46 Fine,

27:46 the government might know,

27:47 but

27:47 I've never seen anybody go to jail for

27:50 not paying their taxes.

27:52 And so why do I think they would care about little me?

27:55 And so we do a second experiment,

27:56 uh,

27:56 we conduct this experiment to test this hypothesis.

28:00 So what we have here is that in our control group,

28:03 we have it as

28:05 similar as possible to

28:07 the combined treatment group where there is the information

28:10 on what the penalties are and also the detection information

28:13 that tells people that shows the photo.

28:16 And then in the treatment group,

28:18 there's an additional message that lets them know

28:20 that they've been selected for intensive follow-up.

28:23 If there's no response,

28:24 the LRA will proceed to the next stage of enforcement actions.

28:28 And this message is deliberately quite vague because

28:32 um just given the.

28:35 The legal and the

28:37 administrative context,

28:38 the LRA at that point could not commit

28:40 to what exactly these enforcement actions would be.

28:43 Typically,

28:44 um,

28:44 the end,

28:45 what they,

28:46 what they do is repeated visits to the person,

28:49 half cajoling,

28:50 half threatening,

28:51 but essentially just trying to use their words and their visits to

28:55 get them to eventually pay.

28:57 And

28:58 In fact,

28:59 there have been different parts of the law

29:01 that have been adopted in different years.

29:03 So,

29:03 before they could lock up buildings,

29:05 but then they're no longer allowed to do that

29:07 because of the,

29:08 a government rule,

29:09 a,

29:09 a legal ruling.

29:10 And so,

29:11 in fact,

29:11 one time,

29:12 one of the LRA

29:15 officials told me that they feel like a toothless bulldog,

29:17 because in terms of their actual

29:19 ability to enforce,

29:20 they have to use very mild means to cajole people.

29:24 And so,

29:26 what we do find here is that this message actually still does have quite a

29:30 bit of a significant impact where there's a 7%

29:33 point increase in people responding to this notice.

29:36 And in terms of their payments,

29:37 we also see a similar

29:39 increase.

29:40 In terms of the amount paid,

29:41 this goes up significantly by about um

29:44 close to $60

29:45 on average,

29:46 meaning that for each

29:49 person that paid,

29:50 I think it was an average of about $600

29:52 paid by each person that paid.

29:55 And so,

29:56 one of the lessons from this um Liberia study.

29:59 So,

29:59 the first thing is that,

30:00 yes,

30:01 technology can provide crucial information.

30:04 This was a,

30:05 this

30:06 was a data source that

30:08 did not previously exist,

30:10 but from collecting this data,

30:12 the government was able to look and know where the um

30:16 who exactly had not complied.

30:18 And

30:18 as I mentioned,

30:19 it was a technology that was very

30:22 um that was selected.

30:24 Taking into account very much so the conditions of the country.

30:27 There are more fancy ways one could have done this.

30:29 You could have drones,

30:30 you know,

30:31 using satellite imagery,

30:32 but they also had an incentive of providing employment for young people.

30:36 And so this low-tech way still delivered significant outcomes.

30:40 Um,

30:40 and this is not limited to this setting.

30:42 So,

30:43 this same

30:44 idea we could think of in

30:46 information,

30:46 other sources of information,

30:48 um,

30:48 third party information that could give

30:50 the government information on the tax base.

30:53 But I think one of the main lessons that's coming out of

30:55 this study is that information on tax base is not sufficient.

30:59 It's not going to,

31:00 we might know exactly

31:02 who owes what,

31:03 but unless there is credible

31:05 enforcement

31:06 that can be carried out,

31:08 we find that this is not going to be sustained

31:11 in the long run.

31:12 So,

31:13 for example,

31:13 in this case,

31:14 by the 2nd year,

31:15 those um impacts are completely gone.

31:19 So we saw this first example looking at technology

31:22 use in

31:24 understanding the tech space.

31:25 We're going to move on to a second example that's

31:29 going to be looking at

31:32 the role of technology and facilitating.

31:34 So this is joint work with Victor Poloquin,

31:38 um,

31:39 And it was done in partnership with the Tajikistan Tax Committee.

31:44 Again,

31:44 we're very grateful for their support and interest in learning together

31:49 with us and,

31:50 and,

31:50 um,

31:51 experimenting in trying to understand exactly the best

31:54 ways to roll out this e-filing program.

31:56 And uh there's a very um

31:59 strong World Bank team that was involved in,

32:02 in setting this up.

32:05 So,

32:05 like I said,

32:06 this

32:07 paper will be looking at facilitating compliance,

32:09 and in terms of the limitation,

32:11 one of the key things we'll highlight is the human factor.

32:18 The question that we're asking in Tajikistan is,

32:20 how does the introduction of e-filing,

32:23 in this case,

32:23 it's replacing in-person submissions to a tax official,

32:27 how does it affect firms' compliance costs,

32:29 their tax payments,

32:31 and their bribe payments?

32:33 We're working with small and medium firms in

32:37 uh Duchambe.

32:38 And what we do is the randomized encouragement of e-filing.

32:42 So e-filing is available to every,

32:43 was available to everyone,

32:45 um,

32:45 but we,

32:46 um,

32:47 try to encourage a randomly selected group of people to adopt at a higher rate.

32:51 So we're able to achieve

32:53 a 93% adoption in this

32:55 treatment group

32:56 compared to 60% in our control group.

32:58 And it's this difference in the adoption rates that we use to

33:02 identify the impact of e-filing.

33:06 Uh,

33:07 the context in the setting,

33:09 again,

33:09 it's a very low-income setting,

33:10 and here,

33:11 firms face very high compliance costs.

33:13 They have to go every month,

33:15 leave whatever you're doing in your business,

33:17 go and line up at the tax office,

33:19 submit different forms,

33:20 get different signatures before you're considered to have complied.

33:24 Uh,

33:24 and corruption was also a major concern.

33:26 So almost a third of firms see that they expect to give gifts

33:30 when they meet with tax officials.

33:33 The tax officials in this setting are very,

33:35 very key part of the story because they have strong incentives

33:39 as well as discretionary powers.

33:40 So in terms of the incentives,

33:42 each official monitoring taxpayers

33:44 is given a target

33:46 of how much tax they're expected to

33:48 collect from the people that they're monitoring,

33:49 so they have an incentive to collect as much as possible.

33:53 And they also have discretion in that until they sign the declaration,

33:57 the tax,

33:59 the

33:59 firm is not considered to have complied.

34:01 And so

34:02 there's a holdup opportunity where if I tell you I'm like,

34:05 Dion,

34:05 no,

34:06 this is too low,

34:07 really,

34:07 you didn't make any money last month.

34:09 You need to bump this up.

34:11 And until he complies with what I want,

34:14 I do not accept that declaration.

34:16 So they're able to influence the declaration upwards.

34:19 Or um from the different,

34:21 um.

34:22 Interviews and focus groups we did,

34:24 there's also the opportunity to

34:26 help firms with advice on how they might minimize their liabilities.

34:30 And in this setting,

34:31 the government was particularly interested in

34:33 using e-filing to one,

34:35 improve their service deliveries to cut this compliance costs down,

34:38 but also to reduce corruption.

34:42 The design of this experiment is that we have a control group who we invite to the tax

34:49 authority seminar to get a general training on taxation.

34:54 Then there's the first treatment group that

34:56 gets information and training on e-filing,

34:58 so they get a walkthrough of the entire system.

35:00 This is how you use it,

35:01 this is all the way,

35:03 this is exactly

35:04 what needs to happen.

35:05 And our third group

35:07 gets in addition to that,

35:09 logistical help for registration.

35:11 Now,

35:11 in

35:12 Tajikistan at this time,

35:13 it was quite a hassle to actually start e-filing.

35:17 You had to submit several documents

35:19 um

35:20 to the tax office,

35:21 and they would review.

35:23 Over about 2 weeks,

35:24 and once it's approved,

35:25 they would come to your

35:27 premises and help to install it on your computer

35:30 and give you an e-token,

35:32 and that was the point at which you could start e-filing.

35:34 So what this intervention did was to create

35:37 um

35:38 was to have a firm,

35:39 a private firm,

35:40 facilitate this entire process for firms so that

35:43 they could actually start e-filing quite easily.

35:46 Um,

35:47 in thinking about our.

35:50 Um,

35:51 results,

35:51 we

35:53 expect that e-filing,

35:55 the impact will vary by the prior compliance behavior of firms.

35:59 And in terms of thinking about firms' prior compliance behavior,

36:02 we're using the risk profile score as a proxy for firms

36:05 that are more likely to collude or evade.

36:08 So,

36:09 We think about two types of firms.

36:11 One is those that are in active collusion with tax authority,

36:14 with tax officials,

36:16 where they like they like paper filing because the tax official helps them.

36:20 And the second set of firms are those that are not in this um cohesive equilibrium.

36:26 And we think that for both types of firms,

36:28 if they start to e-file,

36:29 their compliance costs reduce.

36:31 We think that the unofficial payments would also reduce,

36:34 although,

36:35 in one case,

36:36 it's the payments for collusion,

36:38 and in the other case,

36:39 it's coercive payments because we've heard a

36:41 lot of that anecdotally of coercive payments

36:43 um

36:44 obtained by tax officials.

36:46 When it comes to the tax payments,

36:48 we think that this could actually go

36:49 in different directions.

36:51 So for our

36:52 collusive firms,

36:53 if they no longer have the opportunity to collude,

36:56 then

36:57 their tax payments might increase.

36:59 On the other hand,

37:00 for the non-collusive firm for whom the tax official is really almost like

37:05 an enforcement agent.

37:06 And forcing enforcing them to pay more taxes

37:09 than maybe they actually wanted to.

37:11 So,

37:12 this is the example I had again earlier about saying,

37:14 you're not allowed to

37:16 pay this low level,

37:18 I want you to increase it.

37:20 For them,

37:20 we think that if you remove this tax official at the point of payment,

37:24 their um payments might actually go down.

37:28 I just wanted to say a little bit about our use of um

37:32 risk profile scores um

37:35 to proxy for baseline tax evasion.

37:38 This is a method that's used in many countries to target audits.

37:42 Essentially,

37:42 the tax authority will have a proprietary algorithm

37:45 based on

37:46 observed farm characteristics and prior audits that have been conducted

37:49 that will predict which types of firms

37:51 are more likely to be evading.

37:53 And so,

37:53 based on this prediction,

37:55 firms get different scores.

37:56 And in our setting,

37:57 And we do have evidence that this risk score

38:00 is predictive of tax compliance because we see,

38:02 for example,

38:03 that

38:03 even after controlling for um

38:05 observables,

38:07 like the number of employees,

38:08 the turnover,

38:09 um,

38:10 the firms that were that had higher risk scores

38:13 in the previous year,

38:14 in the coming year,

38:15 they actually pay

38:16 lower taxes.

38:18 So,

38:19 what do we find?

38:19 The first result is on the

38:22 e-filing adoption rates.

38:24 We find that the training

38:26 does not actually have a significant impact relative to the control group.

38:30 What

38:31 matters quite a bit is the logistical help,

38:33 helping firms actually start to e-file.

38:35 And this again goes to some points I had

38:38 earlier about the adoption costs on the side of um

38:41 taxpayers.

38:43 In terms of the impacts of e-filing,

38:45 we find that it reduces

38:47 the amount of time that firms spend

38:50 by about 5 hours each month.

38:52 So this is about 40% of the total time they spend on taxes.

38:55 And

38:56 if you want to quantify this,

38:58 just the savings from the compliance costs,

39:00 they compensate for the entire program after 7 months.

39:03 So if you take the wage of the accountant,

39:05 multiply that over 7 months,

39:07 the savings compensate for.

39:10 This,

39:11 uh,

39:11 Eylin.

39:12 What we also find is that bribes do go down,

39:15 but this is only among the risk,

39:17 low-risk score firms.

39:19 We don't observe this change among our high-risk of firms,

39:22 but as I'll show you in the next slide,

39:23 one thing we actually find,

39:25 actually,

39:25 not yet,

39:26 is that among the higher-risk score firms,

39:29 um,

39:29 many of them actually revert to e-filing.

39:31 They revert from e-filing to paper filing.

39:34 And so,

39:35 um,

39:35 we think that might be one of the reasons

39:36 why we don't see an impact on their compliance,

39:39 on their bribe payments.

39:43 In terms of the revenues,

39:44 we find that e-filing is actually helping to close this gap

39:50 that exists in the control group,

39:51 for instance,

39:52 between our low-risk firms that pay more taxes than the higher-risk ones.

39:55 Once people start e-filing,

39:57 this gap ends up being closed.

39:59 Because the lower,

40:00 the high-risk score firms,

40:02 their tax payments increase quite substantially.

40:05 For the lower-risk firms,

40:06 we don't see a significant

40:08 reduction,

40:09 but we do see that

40:10 in terms of how likely they have to pay zero tax,

40:13 uh,

40:13 we do find impacts on that.

40:17 Some of that evidence on thinking about high risk of firms is that one,

40:22 they're less likely to adopt e-filing,

40:24 suggesting that they do like

40:25 the paper filing and the interaction with tax officials,

40:28 and then they are also significantly more likely to drop out

40:32 over the

40:34 6,

40:34 after 6 months,

40:35 and

40:36 all the increase that we see in the tax revenues,

40:38 they dissipate once they

40:40 move back to paper filing.

40:43 And so what do we learn from this um case study?

40:48 One is that yes,

40:50 technology could really be great and not only in reducing compliance costs,

40:54 but also for increasing tax payments and reducing corruption.

40:58 And this type of

40:59 intervention is relevant to other technologies that

41:02 reduce the amount of in-person interactions with tax officials.

41:06 Another key lesson from the study is that when adoption is voluntary,

41:11 users may respond quite strategically,

41:13 and

41:14 the people for whom technology might

41:16 impose the most constraints

41:18 on their behavior,

41:19 they might actually be the least likely to adopt.

41:22 And so,

41:22 it's important for us to think about the heterogeneity

41:25 in users' capacity to adopt and how they might be

41:28 responding to uh minimize the impact of technology on them.

41:32 In the case of Tajikistan,

41:33 one thing they did was that

41:35 after

41:37 People,

41:37 once you start to e-file,

41:39 we've already known that

41:40 you have the capacity to do so,

41:42 then you're not allowed to go back to paper filing.

41:47 So,

41:47 now I'm going to um start wrapping up and to

41:52 Try to bring some of those lessons to think about

41:55 how we um do our policy engagements,

41:58 um,

41:58 with countries

41:59 and

42:00 some key considerations that we

42:03 could have in mind when we are thinking about tax digitalization projects.

42:07 And the first one is to really think

42:09 hard about whether technology is the binding constraint

42:14 in this given situation,

42:16 um,

42:17 or are there other parts,

42:18 other things like enforcement or the dimensions of capacity

42:22 that are maybe more pressing.

42:23 And this is a bit

42:25 difficult because I've been in many conversations with uh tax

42:30 leaders of tax agencies,

42:32 and there's a lot of excitement about oh if we just had this new

42:36 way of

42:37 capturing this information,

42:38 if we had a

42:39 perfect cadaster,

42:40 how great things would be.

42:44 But often,

42:45 one week,

42:46 one thing to look at is what has been

42:48 done with the information that's already collected to see

42:51 where the weakest link in the whole tax collection process might be.

42:55 And so,

42:56 it might be less exciting and more difficult to actually

43:00 work on like an HR reform or thinking about how to To change the

43:04 incentives of tax officials

43:06 than it is about just

43:07 having a big procurement and getting this new technology,

43:10 um intervention.

43:11 And so,

43:12 it's really um important to do what

43:15 one could think about like a diagnostic,

43:16 and I wanted to give a shout out to

43:19 some work

43:20 done by the World Bank MTI.

43:23 Uh,

43:23 group on innovations and tax compliance because

43:26 there,

43:26 they have created diagnostics for really thinking through

43:30 different aspects of tax compliance.

43:32 So,

43:32 what are the gaps in enforcement?

43:33 What are the gaps in facilitation?

43:35 Um,

43:36 what are the gaps in terms of tax morale

43:38 and the trust that people have in the government?

43:40 That I think is,

43:41 is core before we can

43:42 um really

43:44 be confident that any investments we're making are going to change the situation.

43:49 Second main point is to think about the appropriate technology

43:52 for the current level of development for the country.

43:54 It's

43:55 really not useful to get the most state of the art technology if you don't have

44:00 the right skills and um

44:03 uh capacity to use it effectively.

44:05 And so thinking about what makes the most sense

44:08 for the current context.

44:10 And one,

44:12 Thought to keep in mind is that,

44:13 you know,

44:14 um,

44:15 low-income,

44:15 like

44:16 countries in East Africa,

44:17 for example,

44:18 if you think about like mobile

44:20 payments,

44:21 um,

44:21 a lot of it is done on

44:23 not smartphones,

44:24 so USSD payments,

44:25 but

44:26 is extremely effective in,

44:28 in,

44:28 um,

44:29 transferring

44:30 um money

44:31 amongst people.

44:33 The third point here is to

44:34 think very carefully about the impact of technology on different

44:38 agents.

44:39 Uh,

44:39 like I said earlier,

44:40 they're winners and losers,

44:41 and to think about what type of strategic behavior we might anticipate.

44:44 Um,

44:45 it's important to be one step ahead,

44:47 to think,

44:48 OK,

44:49 who is going to probably going to try to sabotage this?

44:51 How might we create safeguards to prevent that?

44:58 And thinking more broadly,

44:59 um,

45:00 the,

45:01 with the use of IT systems,

45:03 the vast amounts of data that have been made available now to tax authorities.

45:06 And so one thing that I find very exciting is this potential that now is available for

45:12 um

45:13 our policy partners to

45:15 work closely with them in answering research and policy questions

45:19 that may then bring new insights that actually

45:21 help to also increase tax revenues in return.

45:24 And uh this could be you doing um

45:27 randomized experiments like the projects that I described,

45:29 but that doesn't have to be the case.

45:31 Many times,

45:32 data that already exists,

45:34 um,

45:34 could be used to analyze the impacts of previous projects

45:38 or previous policy interventions to understand

45:40 the impact.

45:42 And of course,

45:43 to be able to do all of this,

45:44 to use this type of data,

45:45 um,

45:46 while protecting taxpayers,

45:48 there needs to be a very strong regulatory framework,

45:51 um,

45:51 to,

45:51 on data sharing.

45:52 And this,

45:53 as we all know,

45:54 has been the focus of our most recent WDR

45:57 on,

45:57 um,

45:58 social,

45:59 and they have the idea of having a social contract,

46:01 um,

46:01 surrounding data use.

46:04 So,

46:05 um,

46:06 pulling this all together,

46:07 uh,

46:08 main takeaways are that,

46:10 yes,

46:10 governments can mobilize tax revenue and we can using technology and

46:14 we can think of this along the lines of using it to

46:17 define compliance,

46:18 that's to understand the tax base,

46:19 to facilitate,

46:20 uh,

46:21 compliance as well as to monitor it.

46:24 Uh,

46:26 technology is not a silver bullet.

46:27 We need

46:28 complementary investments in people and institutions

46:31 to reap the benefits,

46:32 and

46:33 any program must always anticipate how different

46:36 subgroups may be affected and how they would

46:38 likely respond.

46:40 And finally,

46:41 that the large amount of data that we're having now

46:43 creates new opportunities to use,

46:46 um,

46:48 This,

46:48 to have partnerships with tax authorities that will create

46:51 insights that would help policymaking and revenue generation.

46:55 So,

46:56 thank you all again for your attention and I will hand it over now.

47:03 Thanks Ayubola for that really clear,

47:05 uh,

47:06 what's that?

47:07 Techno

47:08 technology plant,

47:09 um,

47:10 technology flower.

47:11 um,

47:12 thanks,

47:12 that's really clear and,

47:13 and for somebody who doesn't work in this area,

47:15 really,

47:16 very clear and and really informative,

47:18 so thank you very much.

47:19 Um,

47:20 Kiara,

47:20 over to you if you're ready,

47:22 there you are.

47:23 OK,

47:23 great,

47:23 over to you,

47:24 Kiara.

47:28 for inviting us to,

47:30 to discuss today.

47:31 I must say I enjoyed it and I think Ayebola said very interesting things.

47:36 I'll get to them

47:37 in a little while.

47:39 I wanted to emphasize um

47:43 That,

47:43 uh,

47:44 coming from operations,

47:45 um,

47:46 first of all,

47:47 this type of uh applied research and looking at

47:50 the impact and evaluating the impact of certain,

47:53 um,

47:54 policy decisions and implementation of such policies.

47:57 I'm talking in general,

47:58 not just about the technology.

48:00 Um,

48:01 it's extremely valuable in terms of also being able to change the course

48:07 if we maintain a certain flexible

48:09 attitude

48:10 while we implement also operations,

48:12 and I'll

48:14 perhaps give you

48:15 a couple of examples if I get there,

48:16 at least one example.

48:19 Um,

48:21 I also say that we uh certainly value um the collaboration with DAC.

48:28 Uh,

48:28 also as a global practice where we work more analytical work.

48:32 Now,

48:32 AEBel has made reference to the

48:35 report that is going to be launched in January

48:39 on um innovation in tax compliance,

48:42 and that's a joint effort with the global

48:44 governance practice,

48:46 um,

48:47 and that tries to look at the problem of compliance from uh in different dimensions.

48:54 But I think having a collaboration with the research

48:57 group of the bank gives us the strength of also

49:01 both retroactively like Aebola was doing in a way,

49:04 testing a hypothesis that for those who are already in operations

49:08 may already guess,

49:09 but bringing the evidence and in a robust.

49:13 Uh,

49:13 way and rigorous way,

49:15 it's certainly helpful to think,

49:17 uh,

49:17 to push this thing forward

49:18 in operation.

49:19 Now,

49:20 coming to the potential of technology,

49:23 clearly,

49:24 and I don't know how many of you are really,

49:26 are aware of the

49:27 DRM approach that we,

49:29 the new DRM approach that was presented in June to the board,

49:33 to,

49:34 to the World Bank board.

49:36 Um,

49:36 the,

49:37 the objective is certainly to promote more revenue collection.

49:41 But in a much fairer

49:43 way,

49:44 so that would entail fighting tax evasion,

49:49 avoidance,

49:50 in other words,

49:51 broadening the base and

49:53 while trying to minimize the distortions in the system and to make the tax system

50:00 equitable.

50:01 So in that sense,

50:02 one could think that also

50:04 the digital transformation and technology can become an enabler

50:08 of this vision of helping to mobilize more resources

50:12 and in a fairer way.

50:14 And I think implicitly what uh Ayebola was testing was trying to

50:19 create a level playing field when you looked,

50:21 say,

50:22 at taxing property real estates,

50:26 um,

50:26 and how actually

50:27 um

50:29 Which is often also an indication of proxy,

50:32 a proxy of income

50:34 and how

50:36 Um,

50:37 sorry,

50:37 I don't know if Ryan is talking to me,

50:39 but anyway,

50:39 I hope you can hear me well.

50:41 Uh,

50:42 if you can't,

50:42 please help me.

50:44 What I'm trying to say is that,

50:45 uh,

50:46 by the,

50:46 the,

50:47 she's a tested hypothesis in the Liberia case

50:50 where we are trying to,

50:52 um,

50:53 in the spirit of broadening the base and trying to find ways to tax the wealth.

50:59 Uh,

51:00 more than

51:01 labor income or

51:03 more than those who do not own wealth.

51:06 Um.

51:08 Property,

51:09 real estate become an issue.

51:11 Certainly an interesting area to look at.

51:14 Um,

51:14 and certainly technology,

51:16 that's the hypothesis,

51:17 could help us to,

51:19 um,

51:20 assess and to improve the databases.

51:24 But then what she showed is that,

51:26 and I like that because one could consider what you presented today.

51:30 It's almost like a framework.

51:32 If I need to go in and do an operation on revenue mobilization using technology in a

51:37 low-income country,

51:39 your framework of looking at all the dimensions,

51:41 what are the databases,

51:43 your,

51:43 the tiles that you presented,

51:45 what is working,

51:46 what is not?

51:47 Do we have it?

51:48 Well,

51:48 the reality is that in most countries,

51:50 including Tajikistan,

51:51 Uh,

51:51 and Liberia,

51:53 those tiles are often missing,

51:56 or databases are incomplete

51:58 or,

51:59 um,

51:59 need to be built.

52:00 They're just simply non-existent.

52:03 So

52:04 this is the first caveat that I think that we also take away.

52:08 It's important to go in with a diagnostic basically.

52:12 And so what this research is helping us to

52:16 really understand what are the pieces of the puzzle

52:19 that we need to assess

52:21 before we think that the digital transformation will bring.

52:26 What I was trying to,

52:28 the objective,

52:29 which is mobilizing resources and in a fair way,

52:32 and also trying to tax those who can afford it more.

52:36 Um,

52:38 and I think what uh

52:39 you didn't say so explicitly,

52:42 but it was that actually only with your control groups you were able to

52:48 push people to be compliant.

52:50 Um,

52:51 but even within the control group,

52:53 a lot were still non-compliant.

52:55 There was a good percentage.

52:57 You could see an improvement,

52:58 but we were not reaching even 100% within

53:01 the

53:02 treatment group.

53:03 So clearly indicating that there are other pieces that are missing,

53:07 and I think it's exactly

53:09 the soft part,

53:10 which is not the

53:11 digital transformation,

53:12 but having to look at what is the governance environment in the country.

53:17 What is the political commitment and champions of,

53:20 um,

53:21 of,

53:21 of the government to really want to

53:24 To pay taxes,

53:25 and I think that's

53:27 all this resonates,

53:28 I think especially in colleagues that work on public sector reforms and taxation

53:34 as part of that and institutional strengthening,

53:37 it's exactly these pieces,

53:39 but I value deeply this research because,

53:44 as I was saying,

53:45 why we know it intuitively by working on the country and in the country context.

53:50 The research of having this analytical approach,

53:54 um,

53:55 I think first of all,

53:56 strengthen our ability to,

53:59 to have an analytical approach which is deeper

54:03 and broader.

54:04 And also um

54:06 in terms of er the policy dialogue.

54:12 The experience that I had,

54:14 uh,

54:14 many years ago in Tanzania was looking at,

54:16 uh,

54:18 service delivery,

54:18 and this is in a way what you're doing.

54:20 Ayebola is looking at,

54:22 she's assessing in Tajikistan and bringing the service closer to the taxpayers,

54:26 and that's the e-filing in a way.

54:28 So closing the gap between the tax collector

54:31 and the taxpayer and making it more efficient.

54:35 Um,

54:36 my experience was that even before reaching to that stage,

54:39 and I was looking down at the service delivery more in

54:43 education and health and how the government could actually assess,

54:47 uh,

54:48 even if the service was delivered,

54:50 not even the quality of the service,

54:51 but whether the service was reaching.

54:54 The beneficiaries.

54:56 Um,

54:56 indeed,

54:57 you need,

54:58 technology was certainly a mean,

55:00 uh,

55:01 to close certain gaps and distances and also geographical spaces,

55:05 and that's e-filing would do the same,

55:08 but,

55:08 uh,

55:08 the,

55:09 the incentive to comply

55:11 was very limited and the more we were digging.

55:15 Um,

55:16 basically,

55:16 you bring transparency,

55:18 and I think that's what you were also

55:20 bringing through the research,

55:21 certainly on Liberia.

55:23 Transparency means that certain groups that have strong interests,

55:29 are,

55:29 are becoming evident.

55:30 And so,

55:31 and so this is the other dimension when I talk about the governance environment.

55:36 Um,

55:37 so we need to,

55:38 so technology helps,

55:40 but it's,

55:41 um,

55:43 But it needs to be applied uh with a,

55:46 with a framework.

55:47 And so

55:48 I like this approach because I think

55:50 that you're looking at different dimensions and

55:53 you also try to bring in in your evaluations also

55:57 the behavioral side

55:59 of and responses of the heterogeneity of the groups.

56:03 I think moving forward,

56:05 I think in the case of Tangiskison,

56:07 there are two things.

56:08 One is that clearly,

56:11 In a way,

56:11 implicitly you highlighted that it was not a strong political commitment.

56:15 It's only

56:16 at the end that they decided if people opt to do the e-filing,

56:20 they're not allowed to go back to paper filing.

56:24 But strong groups of risk lovers.

56:28 Basically have tested the system and found that they can still get away.

56:33 So how do we close that part?

56:36 The other one that the technology is now capturing,

56:39 and I don't think is your example,

56:41 is not,

56:41 is your research,

56:42 not at all,

56:43 is the fact that you were able to do the research

56:45 with small and medium sized enterprises that were in the system.

56:49 So,

56:49 we were not really capturing the formality through

56:52 this because we were looking at corporate income taxation

56:55 and

56:56 companies that are formally registered at above a certain size.

57:01 But the reality is that in low-income country,

57:03 actually informality is really large and so

57:06 what we need,

57:07 what technology could help us if we could fill in some

57:10 of the databases that you were showing in your earlier chart.

57:14 It's precisely to enable also with a lot of training

57:17 as well and assuming that there is political commitment.

57:21 Um,

57:22 those databases that indirectly can help us to

57:27 Understand who's the beneficiary owner of the small businesses,

57:30 where are the small businesses operating.

57:33 And why they are so small that they prefer to stay implicitly,

57:37 sorry,

57:38 they prefer to stay in the informality and

57:43 Perceived as invisible,

57:45 but actually visible to a certain

57:47 um

57:49 And I'm thinking of Tajikistan because I spent 3 years there

57:53 as a country manager.

57:56 What it will be interesting to analyze,

57:58 what is it that is preventing them from moving to from informality

58:04 where they are actually harassed.

58:08 But in a different way,

58:10 and moving to

58:11 the formality

58:13 and uh sorry,

58:14 this is an important question because

58:17 what's happening in the,

58:18 in Tajikistan is that you have,

58:20 we have a lot of small

58:22 Businesses,

58:23 traders.

58:25 They tend to be small,

58:26 but when they go to the market or to the places where they need to sell their goods.

58:32 They are

58:33 asked to pay fees.

58:36 Those are taxes in many ways one could consider them.

58:38 It's just that they're often they're not going into their treasury accounts,

58:43 um,

58:43 but they're pocketed by small groups or by local authorities,

58:48 but without any transparency whatsoever on the use of these funds.

58:53 And

58:54 those fees have to be paid even if that day

58:57 there was no trade

58:59 in every single day at the market,

59:01 so it's very different from a tax system

59:03 where we would only pay when there is

59:06 income

59:07 to declare

59:08 or a tax base to declare.

59:11 And yet

59:12 they're not moving from informality to formality,

59:15 and I think it would be very interesting to understand

59:18 over time,

59:19 assuming that this e-filing were you know,

59:23 become part of the

59:26 tax administration,

59:27 rather than there would be an incentive.

59:29 For the informal operators in the informal sector moving to the formal sector,

59:34 I hope

59:35 I'm not sure I'm clear.

59:36 I made it clear myself,

59:37 but

59:38 in this heterogeneity we're missing one part,

59:41 and,

59:41 and just by coincidence Ibola done this exercise

59:44 in Tajikistan that I knew very well,

59:47 and I,

59:48 I was wondering what is it that would make them go and

59:51 declare and use that system that would allow them to pay only.

59:55 On the income

59:57 earned,

59:58 not always paying this,

1:00:00 uh,

1:00:00 you know,

1:00:01 fees that are actually completely delinked from their income.

1:00:06 Anyway,

1:00:06 I think

1:00:07 this is just an illustration of potential

1:00:10 uh research that we can continue to carry out also jointly,

1:00:15 um,

1:00:16 and that can also help us to not only to address the issues of revenue,

1:00:20 but also I think more issues

1:00:22 of redistribution and transparency and accountability,

1:00:26 but also to the benefits of the taxpayer,

1:00:28 not only to the tax administration.

1:00:31 And with this,

1:00:32 uh,

1:00:32 Deon,

1:00:33 I want to thank you again and look forward to our collaboration

1:00:37 and also we are working together on aA

1:00:41 conference on a yearly basis,

1:00:43 so I look forward to the next one next year.

1:00:45 Over to you.

1:00:46 Thank you.

1:00:48 Thanks,

1:00:48 Kiara.

1:00:49 Yeah,

1:00:49 thank you for,

1:00:49 we,

1:00:50 we had a very successful tax conference this past year

1:00:52 and look forward to next year's one as well.

1:00:54 Um,

1:00:55 Oyebola,

1:00:56 before opening it up,

1:00:57 I,

1:00:57 I want to give you a chance to maybe respond to some of the issues that,

1:01:00 that Kiara raised,

1:01:01 if you just want to respond or even elaborate on them.

1:01:07 Thank you so much,

1:01:08 uh,

1:01:08 Kiera for these great comments.

1:01:10 Uh,

1:01:11 I'm glad to know that this resonates with you,

1:01:13 and yes,

1:01:14 it was very interesting to learn that you did spend time in Tajikistan

1:01:18 as country manager.

1:01:19 So firsthand,

1:01:20 um,

1:01:21 knowledge of the context.

1:01:23 The few of the points,

1:01:24 a few points you made that I just wanted to touch on,

1:01:27 which I,

1:01:27 I mean,

1:01:27 they're all

1:01:29 very spot on.

1:01:30 And the first one,

1:01:30 I was thinking about,

1:01:32 what are the other things.

1:01:33 So I,

1:01:34 beyond technology,

1:01:35 beyond enforcement,

1:01:37 um,

1:01:38 what else,

1:01:38 what is

1:01:39 keeping us at only about 30% and keeping us from going all the way up to like 100%

1:01:44 compliance?

1:01:45 And I feel like this is

1:01:47 such an important question,

1:01:48 um,

1:01:49 in developing countries and

1:01:52 A few of the things,

1:01:52 one you already mentioned was about political um

1:01:56 resistance,

1:01:57 uh,

1:01:57 but some other things are around things of just like.

1:02:01 The norm that is built.

1:02:03 So if

1:02:04 it's just,

1:02:04 I know that very few people around me are

1:02:07 paying,

1:02:07 then I'm less likely to actually want to pay and just the overall sense

1:02:12 that I was indicating in one of the earlier slides about

1:02:15 this idea of a social contract between government and citizens,

1:02:18 and

1:02:18 there's only so far that

1:02:20 one can go with um

1:02:23 enforcement in and of itself,

1:02:26 until it's like an accepted

1:02:29 part of

1:02:30 the interaction that the citizens accept that this is what

1:02:33 I pay as being a part of the society that is providing

1:02:37 these different types of public goods and services,

1:02:40 um,

1:02:41 we will by no means reach higher levels of,

1:02:44 um,

1:02:46 Tax compliance.

1:02:47 That's,

1:02:47 that's my take on it.

1:02:48 And

1:02:49 there's,

1:02:49 um,

1:02:50 that's why one of the things that I like a lot about the

1:02:53 enforcement,

1:02:54 facilization,

1:02:54 and trust framework that the innovations and tax compliance work is doing because

1:02:58 they pay a lot of attention to the sense of

1:03:01 what does it take for

1:03:03 taxpayers to actually have trust in the system and believe that

1:03:07 them contributing to it is a meaningful thing to do.

1:03:10 Um,

1:03:12 The other

1:03:13 point I wanted to respond to was thinking about

1:03:15 how technology might help to bridge this gap between people

1:03:19 being in the informal sector and what it might take for them to formalize.

1:03:23 And I think that there are many factors that affect this decision of firms to

1:03:28 go from the

1:03:30 Cross from the informal sector to the formal,

1:03:32 but at the core of it,

1:03:33 one could think of it as them doing a

1:03:35 cost-benefit analysis.

1:03:37 What are the costs of

1:03:38 me remaining in the

1:03:40 informal sector?

1:03:41 And some of them you listed quite well,

1:03:43 like this harassment and there's multiple fees that they need to pay.

1:03:47 And

1:03:48 how does that change if they move to the

1:03:51 um formal sector?

1:03:52 I think that there are also

1:03:54 other things that there may be other costs that firms perceive that keep them

1:03:59 from moving.

1:04:00 So,

1:04:00 it could be that

1:04:01 it's not only just the,

1:04:03 um,

1:04:04 corporate income

1:04:06 taxes that maybe they might be thinking about,

1:04:08 but then there's Social Security contributions.

1:04:11 There are many other

1:04:12 types of um responsibilities

1:04:15 and expectations that come

1:04:17 with moving into the formal sector.

1:04:19 And so I imagine that for most firms,

1:04:21 they are

1:04:21 um

1:04:23 conducting this analysis and seeing which

1:04:25 um regime they prefer to be in.

1:04:27 And the other point is that often,

1:04:29 even for firms that may be

1:04:31 indifferent,

1:04:32 the costs of formalizing could also be quite substantial.

1:04:35 And so,

1:04:36 there's um

1:04:38 Work and there's different research that's been done on

1:04:40 how the firms respond when you help them to try to

1:04:43 overcome these um

1:04:45 formalization costs.

1:04:46 So,

1:04:47 that's one thing that potentially,

1:04:49 if these costs,

1:04:50 if it's a more automated

1:04:52 uh

1:04:52 process,

1:04:52 many countries now are doing things that they call a one-stop shop,

1:04:55 so that I,

1:04:56 I no longer have to go to like 6 different offices to formalize my business.

1:04:59 Um,

1:04:59 that's one of the

1:05:01 um opportunities I think that technology might help in this

1:05:03 formalization

1:05:05 journey.

1:05:05 And I thought it was also important to

1:05:07 Uh,

1:05:08 put out there that often when we're talking about formalization,

1:05:11 people

1:05:12 are thinking about,

1:05:13 you know,

1:05:14 the markets woman that's selling,

1:05:16 selling tomatoes.

1:05:17 Um,

1:05:18 that's,

1:05:19 that's really not where your revenues are going to come from.

1:05:22 One,

1:05:24 When I think of this informal

1:05:26 sector,

1:05:27 um,

1:05:27 one of the more promising,

1:05:29 um,

1:05:30 dimensions of these uh professionals.

1:05:32 So there's a nice work by Daiso Gimbo that looks at

1:05:36 um taxing people like accountants,

1:05:37 doctors,

1:05:38 officers,

1:05:38 dentists.

1:05:39 These are people who

1:05:41 many times will fly under the tax radar in developing countries,

1:05:44 but actually could be

1:05:46 important sources of revenue if they are

1:05:49 made to

1:05:50 join the tax base.

1:05:51 So I will stop it there,

1:05:53 but thanks again,

1:05:53 those are really great comments,

1:05:55 um,

1:05:55 and

1:05:56 very,

1:05:56 um,

1:05:57 just spot on insights from your time in the field.

1:06:02 Yeah,

1:06:03 thanks both.

1:06:03 Um,

1:06:04 and reminder if you,

1:06:05 if you have any questions,

1:06:06 please raise your hand or just,

1:06:07 uh,

1:06:07 drop a line in the chat.

1:06:08 Um,

1:06:09 since there aren't any questions right there,

1:06:10 I'm,

1:06:11 I'm gonna take the opportunity to pose some

1:06:13 questions that occurred to me during the talk.

1:06:14 So,

1:06:15 um,

1:06:16 One is,

1:06:17 um,

1:06:17 it was interesting

1:06:18 how you described the Liberia case where they

1:06:22 sort of combined,

1:06:23 um,

1:06:24 you know,

1:06:24 the youth employment

1:06:25 with the tax where they use the young people to sort of plot out the,

1:06:30 the,

1:06:30 the real estate.

1:06:31 Um,

1:06:32 and you mentioned in passing that then they had taken that to scale.

1:06:37 It seemed to me that that might open up some real opportunities for,

1:06:40 for collusion or something,

1:06:41 you know,

1:06:41 if you go to scale,

1:06:43 uh,

1:06:43 and you have a lot of young people,

1:06:45 um,

1:06:46 Uh,

1:06:48 Throughout there,

1:06:49 there's potential collusion there.

1:06:51 So that,

1:06:51 that just triggered something in me.

1:06:53 I,

1:06:53 I wonder if it's difficult,

1:06:55 you know,

1:06:56 at that level,

1:06:56 you might want drones or you might want

1:06:58 satellite imagery because you need that distance.

1:07:01 Anyway,

1:07:01 I see there's a couple of questions,

1:07:02 so

1:07:03 let me turn it over to people who have their hand up.

1:07:06 I see,

1:07:07 um,

1:07:07 Rajiv,

1:07:08 you've raised your hand,

1:07:10 and then

1:07:11 I see

1:07:13 Bob has raised his hand.

1:07:16 And

1:07:19 Um,

1:07:21 Uh,

1:07:21 Javi,

1:07:21 so let's go in that order.

1:07:23 So,

1:07:23 Rajiv,

1:07:24 Javi,

1:07:24 and,

1:07:25 oh sorry,

1:07:25 Rajiv,

1:07:26 yeah,

1:07:26 Javi and Bob,

1:07:27 sorry,

1:07:27 that's the order that hands were raised.

1:07:29 So,

1:07:30 so Rajiv over 2.

1:07:34 Thank you,

1:07:34 John,

1:07:34 and uh

1:07:35 thank you,

1:07:36 Ebola for an excellent presentation.

1:07:39 I think you have raised,

1:07:41 you know,

1:07:42 issues that are very important

1:07:43 for the tax administrations of uh

1:07:46 low income countries and middle income countries both

1:07:49 because technology is one factor,

1:07:51 you know,

1:07:51 which can really

1:07:54 remove the barriers as far as the voluntary compliance of the tax base is concerned.

1:07:58 So it's,

1:07:58 it's a very

1:08:00 important administrative tool that I think with

1:08:02 the experience of the countries who have

1:08:04 adopted electronic filing of returns and electronic processing of returns.

1:08:09 They have realized that it has led to an enormous growth in the

1:08:13 taxpayers and the number of taxpayers who file the returns.

1:08:16 Uh,

1:08:16 but just a couple of points that I wanted to make were that

1:08:20 while technology is extremely important,

1:08:22 As far as the administrative issues are concerned,

1:08:25 the role of technology and the political issues as to how the

1:08:30 evasive behavior of the taxpayers can be changed,

1:08:33 how the information that flows into the

1:08:37 tax administration through technological means,

1:08:39 that can be the power of that information can be harnessed by the

1:08:42 by the policymakers.

1:08:44 That issue is something that,

1:08:45 you know.

1:08:46 Needs to be addressed because

1:08:49 what happens is that technology,

1:08:50 which is an important means,

1:08:52 becomes an end in itself and that should not happen because ultimately,

1:08:55 as far as the tax administration is concerned,

1:08:58 the important goal is to raise revenue and mobilize

1:09:01 revenue.

1:09:02 So if If the

1:09:04 governance mechanisms

1:09:05 are only

1:09:07 helping

1:09:08 some taxpayers but not the taxpayers

1:09:11 who probably would with some small nudge would be able to come into the tax base,

1:09:15 then there is there are concerns,

1:09:18 so.

1:09:20 Uh,

1:09:20 so technology is,

1:09:22 should be seen as a means and not an end.

1:09:24 And I also want to raise an important question of

1:09:28 whether,

1:09:29 you know,

1:09:30 technology is an answer to all the questions because,

1:09:33 you know,

1:09:33 sometimes the human touch is an important,

1:09:36 is an important element because many times what happens

1:09:38 is that the tax administration of the countries,

1:09:41 uh

1:09:42 by,

1:09:43 you know,

1:09:44 engaging with

1:09:45 the taxpayers and looking at the tax records and

1:09:49 Uh,

1:09:49 doing audits and

1:09:51 so they gain a lot of experience of

1:09:54 how the tax is being evaded

1:09:56 and sometimes

1:09:58 when we,

1:09:59 uh,

1:10:00 you know,

1:10:00 look at technology only as a,

1:10:02 as an end,

1:10:03 these skills,

1:10:04 these human skills,

1:10:05 and that

1:10:06 that human touch starts,

1:10:07 you know,

1:10:07 vanishing,

1:10:08 which is,

1:10:09 which is important to realize that we should not

1:10:12 let that human intelligence and human touch in

1:10:15 these this entire administrative processes to vanish.

1:10:19 So,

1:10:19 those are two important points.

1:10:20 Thank you.

1:10:22 Thanks,

1:10:22 Rajiv.

1:10:22 Um,

1:10:23 I see Ishani's also raised her hand,

1:10:24 so let's just go with Bob this round,

1:10:26 and then I'll give Ayebola a chance to respond,

1:10:29 and then we'll go to uh,

1:10:30 uh,

1:10:30 sorry,

1:10:31 let's go to Shavi

1:10:33 and then give Ayebola a chance to respond and then go to Bob and Ishani afterwards.

1:10:37 That's OK.

1:10:38 So Shabi,

1:10:38 over to you.

1:10:40 All right,

1:10:40 um,

1:10:41 so,

1:10:42 uh,

1:10:42 Olibola,

1:10:43 thanks a lot for the,

1:10:43 uh,

1:10:44 the presentation.

1:10:44 This was very,

1:10:45 very,

1:10:46 very nice.

1:10:46 So I,

1:10:47 I also had a question on,

1:10:48 on Liberia.

1:10:49 And so

1:10:50 I mean,

1:10:51 you know,

1:10:51 if I'm a,

1:10:52 you know,

1:10:52 a resident,

1:10:53 and I,

1:10:54 you know,

1:10:54 so I only see that down,

1:10:56 which is,

1:10:57 you know,

1:10:57 I,

1:10:57 I,

1:10:57 you know,

1:10:58 I,

1:10:58 I

1:10:59 basically,

1:10:59 I gotta fork out money from,

1:11:00 from my pocket.

1:11:02 So is there any way that,

1:11:03 that these taxes are then linked to

1:11:06 Uh,

1:11:06 improvements in,

1:11:07 in,

1:11:07 you know,

1:11:08 street lighting or garbage collection or,

1:11:11 or what have you.

1:11:12 So,

1:11:12 so in other words,

1:11:12 I mean,

1:11:13 do they see the benefits of,

1:11:15 of their taxes,

1:11:16 uh,

1:11:16 at work,

1:11:17 and,

1:11:17 and is,

1:11:18 you know,

1:11:18 is there a way that,

1:11:19 that,

1:11:19 you know,

1:11:20 this could be,

1:11:20 uh,

1:11:21 emphasized,

1:11:21 uh,

1:11:22 so,

1:11:22 you know,

1:11:23 to improve,

1:11:23 to improve,

1:11:24 uh,

1:11:24 enforcement of,

1:11:25 of,

1:11:25 of,

1:11:25 of tax collection?

1:11:27 Um,

1:11:27 that was it.

1:11:28 Thank you.

1:11:29 Thanks.

1:11:30 Ebola back to you.

1:11:32 OK.

1:11:33 Thank you for these um great set of questions.

1:11:35 So,

1:11:35 Dianne,

1:11:36 I'll start with yours about uh these young people and whether

1:11:39 they could end up being like compromised agents as well.

1:11:42 And I think that's um it's very possible that some of that is going on.

1:11:46 So,

1:11:47 um,

1:11:47 one of the

1:11:49 reasons that they went the route of using young people

1:11:52 was for some of these um political economic considerations that we

1:11:56 were discussing where

1:11:57 they actually try to find,

1:12:00 um,

1:12:01 People

1:12:02 from different communities.

1:12:04 And so the whole idea of having a government job,

1:12:07 uh being given to someone in your,

1:12:09 in your,

1:12:10 from your neighborhood was

1:12:11 a very,

1:12:12 uh,

1:12:12 they thought that was part of the benefits that people are getting.

1:12:15 And they also believed that these people would know the communities

1:12:19 a lot better

1:12:20 and so

1:12:21 they would be able to win the trust of people to get the information that they needed,

1:12:25 the correct information for registration.

1:12:28 And so

1:12:29 even if you use drones,

1:12:31 typically that would only get you started and

1:12:33 then you still have to do some ground truthing

1:12:35 to complement that information.

1:12:37 So this was just cutting out that one step and they did use,

1:12:40 you know,

1:12:41 some satellite imagery.

1:12:42 There was a very

1:12:44 resourceful person who was very good with GIS in the office that would Pretty much

1:12:49 make out maps for people and give it to them.

1:12:52 They will take them to the field and say,

1:12:53 OK,

1:12:54 these are all the properties in this block that you've been assigned,

1:12:57 and you need to come back with information

1:12:59 on them.

1:12:59 So,

1:12:59 it was a bit of a mix and match between the

1:13:02 um

1:13:03 kind of the more um satellite imagery method,

1:13:06 as well as the boots on the ground

1:13:08 method.

1:13:10 And what I did just from going on the field sometimes with these people,

1:13:12 what I did see was

1:13:14 At first I was worried that maybe people would be hostile to them,

1:13:18 like,

1:13:18 oh,

1:13:19 you are on the side of the government

1:13:21 trying to come to tax me,

1:13:22 but many of the interactions that interactions that I witnessed were

1:13:26 quite positive and pleasant because

1:13:28 they saw these people as being

1:13:30 from the community

1:13:31 and coming to

1:13:33 to do this work.

1:13:34 So

1:13:34 it's,

1:13:35 I mean,

1:13:35 am I saying that no one,

1:13:36 like,

1:13:37 oh,

1:13:37 I'm just going to skip over your house because I know you.

1:13:40 Um,

1:13:40 from church,

1:13:41 you know,

1:13:41 that probably happened quite a bit,

1:13:43 but the

1:13:44 ideal would be to have checks and balances in place such that

1:13:47 any information is verified through,

1:13:50 um,

1:13:50 um,

1:13:51 other sources.

1:13:53 The second question

1:13:55 from Rajiv,

1:13:56 this is a very um great comments about technology.

1:13:58 I love that phrase,

1:13:59 not being an end in itself.

1:14:01 And I think that

1:14:02 sometimes the excitement could almost make it seem that um

1:14:06 as long as we can get this new um

1:14:08 ITAS system or this new software,

1:14:11 all the problems would be solved,

1:14:13 but no,

1:14:15 in fact,

1:14:15 I,

1:14:16 your point about

1:14:17 being careful not to lose the human touch

1:14:20 and the human intelligence,

1:14:22 I feel like that's,

1:14:23 that's really valid and it's a bit of we see a little bit of that in the

1:14:28 Tajikistan paper,

1:14:29 because like I was

1:14:31 saying,

1:14:31 we do find

1:14:32 that among these

1:14:34 um

1:14:35 lower-risk groups for whom the tax officer

1:14:37 maybe previously was serving as a deterrent,

1:14:40 they actually we find them just start

1:14:43 reporting lower taxes.

1:14:44 Um,

1:14:45 for instance,

1:14:45 the likelihood that they report having zero

1:14:50 amount of tax liability in a month,

1:14:52 that increases.

1:14:53 And so,

1:14:53 there is that sense that people can

1:14:57 Almost like hide behind technology,

1:14:59 they no longer have a human interaction and

1:15:02 again going on the field there

1:15:04 properties that I maybe we visited like that I go into,

1:15:08 now I'm going to Liberia.

1:15:09 And I have people telling me like,

1:15:11 oh,

1:15:11 yes,

1:15:11 we went to this property in 2018,

1:15:13 and they remember it,

1:15:14 and there's just ways that people

1:15:16 are able to remember things on the field,

1:15:18 if they're from that context that

1:15:20 are quite,

1:15:21 uh,

1:15:22 you know,

1:15:22 are quite remarkable,

1:15:23 and the ideal would be to find a way

1:15:26 to

1:15:26 marry these two,

1:15:27 to use these human knowledge

1:15:30 to the extent possible while

1:15:33 controlling for the negative parts that could come from the human interactions.

1:15:37 Um,

1:15:37 Javi,

1:15:38 on your question about

1:15:40 how these taxes are used,

1:15:42 so that's one thing that's unique about Liberia.

1:15:44 Most other places,

1:15:47 property taxes are local.

1:15:48 So real estate tax is used for roads,

1:15:50 for lighting,

1:15:51 for

1:15:52 uh

1:15:54 local public goods,

1:15:55 but in Liberia,

1:15:55 it all goes to the treasury.

1:15:56 And so,

1:15:58 there is no

1:15:59 direct um

1:16:01 link between the taxes that I pay in my community

1:16:04 and the,

1:16:05 um,

1:16:06 and the types of infrastructure of public goods that we get.

1:16:10 That said,

1:16:11 on the broader level,

1:16:12 thinking about taxes in general,

1:16:14 the government has been doing a lot

1:16:16 in the,

1:16:16 in recent years to try to emphasize this link between

1:16:20 tax

1:16:20 revenues and property and um

1:16:23 and public goods.

1:16:24 So,

1:16:24 for instance,

1:16:24 there's certain roads where you see a big sign board that says your taxes at work,

1:16:28 LRA and they,

1:16:30 they're trying to message

1:16:31 to show things that

1:16:33 taxes are doing.

1:16:34 But

1:16:34 I think that

1:16:36 On the whole,

1:16:37 this does not seem to me to be very,

1:16:39 um,

1:16:41 very

1:16:42 core motivation.

1:16:43 It's not

1:16:44 something that people are very conscious of,

1:16:46 especially when it now comes to the

1:16:48 um real estate taxes that are only centrally collected.

1:16:56 Thanks,

1:16:56 Ayebola.

1:16:57 Um,

1:16:57 we have 5 minutes left,

1:16:58 so let me turn to the two people who've raised their hands,

1:17:01 Bob and then Ishani,

1:17:03 and then I propose we,

1:17:04 we give Ayebola a chance and maybe Kira,

1:17:06 if you want to come in at the very end.

1:17:09 As comment,

1:17:09 but then we'll wrap up after that.

1:17:10 Thanks,

1:17:11 Bob.

1:17:12 Hi.

1:17:12 Yes,

1:17:13 thanks for this very interesting talk.

1:17:14 One thing that struck me about like your research projects is that they

1:17:17 seem to

1:17:18 require uh

1:17:19 quite a long gestation period and like quite heavy ex ante investment

1:17:24 in terms of

1:17:25 gaining the,

1:17:25 the trust and respect of

1:17:28 Tax collection,

1:17:29 uh,

1:17:30 agencies.

1:17:31 So I was wondering whether you

1:17:33 could sort of elaborate a bit on sort of what that means

1:17:36 for the bank's operational engagement.

1:17:38 So what are the do's and don'ts that follow sort of from

1:17:42 your work?

1:17:42 And,

1:17:43 you know,

1:17:43 is it reasonable

1:17:44 to sort of,

1:17:45 uh,

1:17:45 expect to be able to replicate

1:17:47 sort of your,

1:17:48 your research

1:17:50 very broadly,

1:17:51 or is this sort of a boutique niche?

1:17:53 type of intervention that requires a lot of

1:17:56 uh

1:17:56 dedicated expertise and

1:17:58 resources.

1:18:00 Thanks.

1:18:05 I Obola,

1:18:05 thanks for the

1:18:06 insightful presentation.

1:18:07 Um,

1:18:07 so I was just wondering if you could talk a little bit about,

1:18:11 um,

1:18:12 sort of the,

1:18:12 the

1:18:13 estimation of,

1:18:14 of costs and benefits,

1:18:15 right?

1:18:15 So you,

1:18:16 you touched upon that a little bit.

1:18:17 But,

1:18:18 so for example,

1:18:19 related to Chavi's point

1:18:20 about e-filing,

1:18:22 for instance,

1:18:22 there might be

1:18:24 benefits that

1:18:25 accrue over a longer time horizon.

1:18:28 And so it sort of struck me that,

1:18:29 you know,

1:18:29 the estimate that you provided was sort of on the lower end of things,

1:18:32 and I wonder if there are these sort of bigger picture

1:18:35 um benefits that might accrue

1:18:37 over time that we don't capture and then we sort of

1:18:38 walk away thinking this is a relatively small intervention with,

1:18:41 you know,

1:18:41 modest costs and modest benefits,

1:18:43 but really,

1:18:44 you know,

1:18:44 it has the potential to be

1:18:46 a much bigger thing.

1:18:50 Thank you.

1:18:51 Um,

1:18:51 so I'll start with Bob.

1:18:53 Thanks,

1:18:53 Bob,

1:18:54 this is,

1:18:54 you're exactly right.

1:18:55 These things take a very long time to,

1:18:58 to germinate,

1:18:59 so

1:19:00 I think

1:19:01 the first,

1:19:02 like,

1:19:02 one of the um,

1:19:05 Sources I ref I referred to

1:19:07 was an analysis that I've done in Liberia in 2013.

1:19:10 So that was the first engagement with them,

1:19:12 and it was essentially just looking at all

1:19:14 the tax data that they had on property taxes

1:19:17 and working through a process of thinking,

1:19:19 where are the gaps,

1:19:20 you know,

1:19:20 what's

1:19:21 What is the coverage on the

1:19:23 properties in the tax base?

1:19:24 What's the

1:19:25 rate at which people are paying

1:19:27 uh from year to year?

1:19:28 How,

1:19:29 you know,

1:19:29 just trying to like map out

1:19:31 this whole um

1:19:33 process of revenues and

1:19:35 where those gaps are and

1:19:37 uh

1:19:38 created,

1:19:38 this is work sponsored by IGC I was still a PhD student at the time,

1:19:42 and

1:19:43 created this whole document that was essentially like a guide to

1:19:47 the um

1:19:48 collection of real estate taxes in Liberia.

1:19:50 And

1:19:52 During from the time I've been there,

1:19:53 there've been maybe like

1:19:55 4 or 5 different

1:19:57 managers of the real estate department,

1:19:59 and what they've told me is that they tend to go to this work that I did for them way back

1:20:04 to give them like once they join,

1:20:05 it's a great orientation into what are the issues,

1:20:08 what are the leakages,

1:20:09 what are the concerns

1:20:11 in this.

1:20:11 And so

1:20:12 I think that

1:20:13 Providing

1:20:14 things that are valuable to the tax authority early on in the relationship

1:20:18 is really crucial

1:20:20 in

1:20:20 building these um

1:20:22 long-term relationships.

1:20:23 And so I found that

1:20:26 at different intervals,

1:20:27 it's not until now in 2021,

1:20:29 where a research paper

1:20:30 is coming out that they didn't have to wait

1:20:33 many years to

1:20:34 get benefits,

1:20:35 um,

1:20:36 all along the process.

1:20:37 So from

1:20:38 Training people in doing this field,

1:20:40 um,

1:20:41 enumeration,

1:20:42 and then working with them also when they

1:20:44 expanded it,

1:20:45 they've been very practical ways and so I feel that

1:20:48 trying to be for me,

1:20:49 I always think

1:20:50 about trying to be as useful as possible

1:20:53 to the um tax authorities,

1:20:55 especially early on

1:20:56 and I know that we do this a lot,

1:20:58 for instance,

1:20:58 through like the ASC and analytical work.

1:21:00 Now thinking about

1:21:02 the research

1:21:04 there I think the

1:21:05 um.

1:21:06 The,

1:21:07 uh,

1:21:08 these things take a lot of time,

1:21:09 um,

1:21:10 doing different surveys,

1:21:11 different fieldwork,

1:21:12 and in fact,

1:21:13 um,

1:21:14 I,

1:21:16 In the in the Tajikistan project,

1:21:19 I was just chuckling to myself that probably all the World Bank

1:21:22 team that worked on it have forgotten they ever did this project

1:21:25 because it's so many years later.

1:21:27 And so one thing I think that could help in these interactions is that

1:21:31 when we do have World Banks.

1:21:33 that are very time-bound,

1:21:35 we could have

1:21:37 partnerships with researchers who have the ability to spend

1:21:40 much longer on a project such that once the,

1:21:43 um,

1:21:44 immediate deliverables

1:21:45 are

1:21:46 done,

1:21:47 these,

1:21:47 um,

1:21:47 research learnings could continue

1:21:49 over,

1:21:50 over time.

1:21:51 So that's one way which I think we could,

1:21:54 um,

1:21:54 partner together to

1:21:56 be able to get

1:21:58 research,

1:21:58 um,

1:21:59 findings that do take a longer time,

1:22:01 given the fact that many bank projects

1:22:03 are time-bound.

1:22:04 Um,

1:22:05 have much shorter time horizons.

1:22:08 And to Ishani's point,

1:22:10 no,

1:22:10 you're exactly right that

1:22:11 it was really the lower bound that I give that if we only thought about the

1:22:15 savings,

1:22:15 the compliance costs,

1:22:16 but

1:22:17 there are many things that we are unable to quantify directly in this context about

1:22:22 the overall efficiency of the tax system.

1:22:24 So

1:22:25 before they used to have people type up so people submit in person,

1:22:28 then you have to type up all these returns.

1:22:30 There could be mistakes,

1:22:31 and then it's months or weeks until this data could actually be useful for

1:22:35 any type of analysis and um policy decisions.

1:22:38 So,

1:22:39 um,

1:22:40 thinking more broadly about the overall

1:22:43 improvement and efficiency

1:22:44 of the tax system

1:22:46 is,

1:22:46 uh,

1:22:47 I think that that's really where the big gains are.

1:22:49 And

1:22:50 the facts,

1:22:50 even like Kierra is saying that

1:22:53 having a more efficient

1:22:55 process might then be more attractive to people outside the tax net to come in.

1:22:58 So one could think of so many dimensions in which

1:23:01 e-filing might actually be improving overall

1:23:04 efficiency of the system,

1:23:06 but I'm not able to put numbers on those from the specific

1:23:10 project that we did.

1:23:12 And,

1:23:13 um,

1:23:13 Yan,

1:23:14 did you want me to just go ahead and

1:23:16 conclude,

1:23:16 or what,

1:23:17 what did you want?

1:23:18 I think we're a little over time,

1:23:19 so I think we maybe we should stop there,

1:23:21 um.

1:23:22 Uh,

1:23:23 I'm gonna just thank all of those of you who asked questions.

1:23:26 I thought it was really interesting conversation.

1:23:28 Thank you,

1:23:29 Kiara,

1:23:29 for joining us today for your,

1:23:30 for your really your useful insights and it just so happens that

1:23:33 you had some on the boots on the ground experience to,

1:23:36 to mirror back to,

1:23:37 to Oyebola and then

1:23:39 especially thank you to Oyebola for the

1:23:40 really interesting presentation.

1:23:42 I think we all learned a lot from this and,

1:23:44 and,

1:23:44 and

1:23:45 given us a lot of food for thought and as you've mentioned

1:23:47 and so some of this exchange just like a fruitful research,

1:23:51 um,

1:23:52 down the line,

1:23:52 so looking forward to that as well.

1:23:54 So thanks everyone and have a good rest of your day.

1:23:57 Thank you all.

1:23:59 Thank you.

1:23:59 Thank you.

1:24:00 Aye,

1:24:01 yeah,

1:24:01 thanks.

showAllTimestamps
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transcript
OK, I think let's get going. Well, welcome everybody. Uh, good morning, good afternoon, good evening, depending on where you are. Um, my name is Deon Filmer, the director of the World Bank's Development Research Group. It's my pleasure to welcome you today to this November edition of our policy research talks. Um, as some of you may know, these talks provide us the opportunity to present work coming out of the bank's research department. With the goal of sharing, uh, the findings with colleagues inside and outside the department, along with others outside the World Bank. So with that, I'd like to welcome our online audience, both on Webex, um, as well as on YouTube. Uh, our presenter today is my colleague, uh, Oyebola Okunnobe, who's an economist in the Human Development and Public Services team in the department. Um, she joined the department shortly after completing her PhD at Harvard University in 2016, and she's a research associate at the Institute for Fiscal Studies UK and an advisory Committee member of the Nigerian Tax Research Network. So today Oyebola will present her research on the potential of technology to transform 3 core tax administration functions. Um, identifying the tax base, reducing compliance costs, and monitoring compliance. She's also going to discuss factors that limit the effectiveness of tax digitalization and increasing tax revenues, such as a lack of complementary enforcement capacity. So we're very grateful today to have uh Kiara Bronke as a discussant. Uh, Kiara is the Practice Manager for the Fiscal Policy and Sustainable Growth Unit in the Macroeconomics, Trade and Investment Global Practice of the World Bank. She leads a group of macro fiscal economists and tax experts who work on fiscal policy and sustainable growth. She's over 25 years of professional experience in managing multi-stakeholder and multi-disciplinary programs at various international organizations with positions in the UK government, the OECD, the IMF, and the ADB, among others, prior to the World Bank. She's published on taxation and public ser spending, and recently, uh, she co-authored an approach paper for the conclave of ministers on Finance, of Finance on financing human capital development. So today, I'll ask Ayebola to talk for approximately, to present for approximately 45 minutes, after which we'll hear from Kiara for about 10 to 15 minutes. Uh, we'll conclude the session with questions and answers from the audience. If you have a question, please use the either the raised hand function on Webex or signal to me in the chat, um, and that you have a question, and I'll call on you. To pose your question out loud. If you're following on YouTube, uh, please submit your question in the chat there and it will get related to me. Um, just a reminder, we're recording the session today. So with that over to you, Oyeboa. Thank you, Dion, for that introduction and thank you very much to every single one of you for joining this conversation on the use of technology in tax mobilization. So, given that this was a self-selected audience, maybe this first slide is not essential, but I think that it's important to establish this case to start with. So, in a place like the World Bank, where we have colleagues working on Very important things like health, education, social protection, climate. Why do we still care about taxes? And the simple answer is that taxes are what fund all of these things that I just mentioned, these core functions of government, from investing in public goods to providing social protection, governments needs taxes to function. And this is highlighted more than ever before in the response to the current pandemic. Now, besides taxes, the other sources of revenue that governments typically would rely on are foreign aid and natural resource revenues, and taxes have the advantage of being a lot less volatile and more sustainable. And one final thing to highlight in the importance of taxation is that it's a core part of the social contracts that governments have with their citizens. So, any government that's seeking to tax its subjects needs to bargain with them over policy and provide the types of public goods that they desire. And so, we find that taxes play this role, this accountability role as well. Now, what we do also observe is that low-income countries, they tend to collect less tax. So, this graph is showing the relationship between tax revenues as a percentage of GDP on the Y axis and GDP per capita on the X axis. And what we see here is that a country, a low-income country like the Central African Republic here is at less than 10% of GDP that they collect in taxes, compared to a country like Norway, that's closer to 40%. And what we also need to keep in mind is that these rich countries today, France, Norway, Luxembourg, 100 years ago, so in 1920, they were exactly here at about 10% of GDP. And so this capacity and ability to tax is something that countries develop over time. And why is it that we observe such low rates of tax collection in low-income countries? There are a few reasons. The first one that I'll talk about is that countries have limited information on their tax base. So one of the key findings in the recent tax literature is that information is central to tax collection. In cases um where there's high levels of informality, the government has less opportunity to have information on what are taxable transactions and assets. And this is a crucial function that the government needs to have the capacity to understand what the tax base is. Because from Places all across the board at different income levels. What we find is that taxes that are subject to things like third party information, where another entity, for instance, an employer is reporting one's wages to the government, levels of compliance are much higher in those settings. And so, when large majority of the population is not having any um formal links through which there's other parties reporting their income, um this could lead to lower tax collection. The second one I will discuss is administrative capacity. And so, for those of us who spent time in government offices in developing countries, this scene would not be too unfamiliar. Many times you have a lot of manual processes that leads to inefficiencies as well as high compliance costs for the taxpayers. The 3rd dimension of capacity that I would like to emphasize is enforcement. So, at the end of the day, tax officials are typically the ones who go in the field to enforce tax laws. And if they are compromised, this leads to leakages in revenue. In addition, even thinking outside the tax authority, if the legal systems of the courts are not functioning properly, and there are no credible threats of either financial or criminal consequences for evasion, then you find that collection levels will continue to remain low. Now, if we switch hats for a second, at this same time, we know that there's ways in which technology is reshaping different functions of the government. So, we have examples from things like procurement, education, voting, social protection, and in fact, our 2016 World Development report was exactly on this topic. So the big question that we're asking today is, can technology improve tax collection? And this is in light of the fact that there's been a rapid adoption of technology in taxes over the last decade. So, even from the time that I started working on this in about 2014 until now, just the rates at which different countries have moved forward in their journey has been quite impressive. And we know that this would only continue to increase. We are now um moving to a world where social distancing, remote engagement are becoming more and more of the norm. Look at all of us on this floor. Uh, and this we think, I think will continue also in taxation. And so, we can only expect the use of technology to increase. There is also a lot of enthusiasm around the potential of technology. So, there's several, um both from the research side but most important from the policy side about how technology might change things. And it's important to have a critical look at the extent to which this potential is being realized and how we might be able to maximize the impact. So, what we're going to do today is that I'm going to walk you through 3 papers. The first one is an overview of the literature to understand um what we've learned so far on the promise and limitations of IT for tax mobilization. And then I'm going to do deep dives into two case studies from low, very low-income context, where we can look at what was the technological intervention, what was the impact that it had on tax collection, or the challenges, what are the lessons learned? And so there's a paper like this and one in Tajikistan. And so to give you the punchline first, the fact is that yes, technology can help the tax authority and in three dimensions. One is helping the tax authority to define compliance, meaning to identify what needs to be taxed. It could be a major source of information on what the tax base is. Two is to facilitate compliance by making it easier for people to pay. And 3 is to monitor compliance, to detect evasion when it occurs because it almost always does occur. Very quickly, I need to break the news that technology is by no means a silver bullet. Uh, its impact is going to depend on other dimensions of capacity in the government, one of which is the enforcement capacity. At the end of the day, it's going to require, um, it could provide a lot of resources, but enforcing the tax laws, having that capacity remains crucial. The other point that I would emphasize today is that technology creates winners and losers. Uh, people who benefit may easily comply, but the losers may act strategically to undermine the impact of the technology that has been introduced. So let's dive into the first speaker. This is joint work with Fabricio Santoro, who is at the ICTD, the International Center for Tech and Development, leading, uh, a great project they have going on on the on the digitalization of taxation. So as I mentioned, we will be looking at the role of technology in transforming 3 functions, 3 of the core functions of the tax administration. The first one being to define compliance, to facilitating it, and 3 monitoring it. So let's start with how technology might help governments to understand what the tax base is. This could happen in many ways, for instance, through creating completely new databases, such as taxpayer registration drive or property registration drive. Essentially, there's this process of making The tax base more legible to the state, helping the state to understand who are my taxable individuals, what are taxable um assets that they are, and having these electronic databases makes the landscape a lot more clear to the taxing authority. A second way this might happen is to capture transactions right as they're occurring. So, for instance, the use of electronic billing machines. As soon as the customer is checking out in the store, that information on the transaction, what was spent is immediately transmitted to the tax authority. Third is using existing databases to create to as sources of third-party information to understand more fully what this tax liability of an individual is. And to illustrate this, we can think of how the tax authority might build the profile of the taxpayer. So, for instance, there could be um reports of wages that come from an employer, similar to the W-2 system we have in the US um for a business, it could be this electronic sales register that I just described. In fact, you could also have credit card companies put in all the sales that the company has. Um, you could have their clients supporting how much they paid to them. You could have the electricity company saying this is how much power that they use for a factory, which gives a proximity of what they're producing. Um, on the VHC you could have the people that buy from them report how much VAT they paid to them, and it serves as a cross-check on what the firm itself reports. You can think of on and on using all these pieces of information, the government can create a more comprehensive profile of the taxpayer and what all their liabilities can be. OK, thank you. Thanks for alerting me to it. Um, OK, so I was talking about The role of Um, technology in defining compliance and thinking about how it could be used to link different databases on an individual. And so these tiles were showing different sources of information that the tax authority could have on the full profile of a taxpayer. So, for example, we could have employers that are reporting the wages as in a W-2 in the US. We could have the electronic sales register reporting um purchases as I just described on the previous slide. We could have an electricity company report how much the Um, company's bill is as a proxy for what the factory is producing. We could have VAT, um, purchases report how much they paid. And so the idea is that with different sources of third-party information, a tax authority can have rich information on what um the tax level of an individual or firm should be. So now moving to the next um area in which technology may help to improve taxation is in making compliance easier, so facilitating compliance and There are many ways that this could happen, and I'll start with the most basic, which is having a good, nice, clear website where all the tax rules are clearly stated, how to guide, what exactly needs to be paid, when and how. Um, in many developing countries, you find out that individuals feel the need to have an insider, like a contact in the tax office to guide them through the process. And a lot of this needless um interactions between taxpayers and tax officials could be solved with clear information, even disseminated through a website. Another major thing is how the tax authority communicates. So, the modern methods use an email, SMS, voice calls, reminders, things that could um alert the individuals of information from the tax authority. Next, we move on to things like e-filing and e-payments, which we'll discuss quite a bit here. And um we could also have things like pre-fuel returns. This would be great, even in the US where the government essentially sends the taxpayer information that they've gathered from the different sources. So like I was showing from the previous tile, um, from the previous slide, where all the taxpayer then needs to do. is to sign and submit. And so the goal in all of these is to have an easy transparent process that would not require any personalized interactions between taxpayers and tax officials, and you find that these tend to have a dual effect. So not only does it make compliance costs lower, but then it also reduces instances of corruption and harassment that happen. The third big bucket of ways in which technology can improve tax collection is through monitoring compliance, detecting evasion when it's happening. And so we could think of the tax authority using IT to automate regular crosschecks of self-reported tax liability. So not only do they, does it help to collect this information, but how How do you actually then use it to detect where, oh, why did your um suppliers say that you paid X, but instead you're claiming to have paid Y? And so that's a very promising way of um monitoring compliance. And one interesting application also is using all this information to build a risk profile for taxpayers. So they're interested in um Uh, exciting machine learning methods where using the vast information that the tax authority is collecting on individual taxpayers, they can build a way of predicting who is likely to be evading based on past behavior. These are some promising avenues. And so very quickly now, I want to then point us in the other direction, which is thinking about the limitations. Why is it that sometimes tax um IT projects and taxes don't yield the desired results? So the first point here is thinking about infrastructure and connectivity. This sounds really basic, I know, but it's surprising how often it happens where the tax authority might purchase software and they realize that, oh, we actually don't have all that we need to run this and we don't have the right computers that we need to make this work. And then by the time you get the computers, the license has expired. And so thinking very carefully about what the The structure and connectivity needs are. And we can also think about this on the side of taxpayers to think about what is it going to be, what type of technology would be easy for people to adopt. And one nice example from this we see is from Rwanda where they had an initial filing, e-filing system, but then they created another version that could be used on mobile phones with it, it's called the N Declaration, such that um to address equity concerns. The second point under the limitations of technology, which I think is perhaps The Perhaps the, uh, one of the most important is to think about the human factor. So, technology is a tool at the end of the day, it's only as good as its users. And we might think about taxpayers who may need training and subsidies to actually use the technology that has been made available. And very importantly, we need to think about tax officials who need the right skills and training to be able to use technology. as well as the need to have aligned incentives. Um, there's a very interesting paper by our colleagues in the World Bank, um, in Madagascar, where there were different IT interventions introduced in customs, and it was literally trying to be one step ahead of the tax officials as it kept finding ways to um circumvent the controls that have been put in with the technology system. And so at the end of the day, it's um IT that IT is not going to enforce the tax laws. We need to put very careful attention in the incentives and the training that tax officials have. Other things to think about are um the overall institutional strategy for adopting technology. One mistake is to think that, oh, this is the IT department, and they are going to deal with it. No, technology has to be thought up through in the entire um Work that the institution does. So one example is imagine you start e-filing, and now all of a sudden, all these officials whose previous job it was to collect tax revenues are now redundant, we must think about how do they find new roles in the tax authority. And the final point here is thinking about the regulatory environment, um, timely prosecution of evaders, that's what really sends a strong deterrent message on tax compliance, as well as the need for modern laws to support this, um, to be able to actually use these data points like I was describing with the tiles across different agencies, they need to be the right environment, the right laws that would support that type of sharing. So, this was a very quick overview. The paper just came out. I saw that Ryan posted it in the chat earlier. Thank you. So it's a fresh hub of the press working paper that gives a lot of those examples on the um high-level, um Limitations and promise of technology. Um, but now what I'm going to do is to move into specific examples from my research, um, in thinking about how this plays out in practice. And so, the first paper that I'll be discussing is on real estate taxes in Liberia. And this is a close partnership that I had with the Liberian Revenue Authority. Over several years, they're like my second family, and um just thinking through different ways in which technology could be used in that context. And so, what this paper would be doing would be looking at that first bullet under identifying the tax base in the potential of technology, and it would also illustrate one of the limitations, which is thinking about the broader regulatory environment. So, the context in which this study occurs is that there's extremely high rates of noncompliance with the real estate tax in Liberia. One of the major issues is that there is no um comprehensive cavester, no information on who owns what property, where things are located. What are the values of these properties. And so, um, what ends up happening is that many properties remain completely out of the tax register. Some analysis I did for them many years ago was showing that about 5% of property owners in the residential property were actually estimated to be on the tax roll. So, huge. I mean, it's huge room for increasing compliance. What we also noticed from analyzing the data that existed was that among those on the tax roll, there are high delinquencies in subsequent years. So among those that paid in one year, only about 40% actually paid in the next year. indicating that there are probably um major issues on the enforcement side. And the tax rates are comparable to other settings, it's about 0.25% for residential property and 1.5% for commercial property. So, in this case, the technology investment was what I'll call a very low-tech investment. It was um training youth to use open-source software on tablets to go around and enumerate properties in a specific um pilot community. So, they were supposed to get the ownership. They had a quick survey with the residents. So up is someone sitting with the residents to discuss who owns this property, getting that um contact information. And at the end of this exercise, what happened was they were able to create a new electronic property database that previously did not exist. And so this pilot we did was in with about close to 600 properties that were enumerated and in subsequent phases, the government went on to expand this to about 40,000 properties. Then we use this information to conduct a randomized intervention where we wanted to see what the impact was of alerting people that their lack of compliance had been detected by the state. So two questions here was, what happens when you alert them that the state knows that they own this property and they've not paid, and 2, was there any additional impacts from informing them about what the penalties of noncompliance are. This is the um way we run this experiment. Our control group here um get a notice that only gives them information on the tax requirements. It says, Dear property owner, these are the requirements for property tax, please comply. In our first treatment group, we have that basic information, but then it's personalized with the name of the property owner as well as a photograph of their property, which we derived from this new electronic database collected in the pilot project. The second treatment group has a, has some information on what are the legal penalties for noncompliance, it cites relevant portions of the revenue code. And then in the final group we have both of these elements included. What do we find? So, The first outcome is people come into the tax office as instructed in the letter to register their properties, and what we find is about 4.4% of people do this in our control group. This goes up a bit in our among the people who get the picture of their property and their name on it, but not statistically significant. But when we have the combination of this detection information as well as the penalty information, there's about a tripling of the registration rate. Um, in terms of the payments, we find that uh this goes up from about 2.2% to almost 10% in our combined group again. So, pretty large impacts on people choosing to um register and also following through and actually making payments. In terms of the amounts paid, we find an increase, uh, in our combined group again, but given the large amounts of zeros, people that just do not pay anything at all, we don't detect a statistically diff significant impact. When we use other methods like doing an inverse hyperbolic sign, then we do see an increase. And to think about what these numbers mean, what it actually, it's quite cost effective because in the first year, the tax revenues that are collected, they more than cover the cost of this entire enumeration process and the delivery of these notices to the property owners and We look to see, OK, what happens after the first year, and we see that there's a sustained impact. So 4 years later we're still seeing that people who received the detection and penalty notice in 2017 are still more likely to make a payment, and we don't observe these for the other two individual treatments. Now, one might look at these results and think, wow, that's great. We're able to quadruple the payment rates, but one could also look at it and think that there are people who, even after knowing that the government is telling you that Ishani, I know that you own this house. I know that you've not paid your tax, uh, and, and these are the penalties if you do not pay, people just don't respond. And this is not unique to our paper. We find this in other studies where large shares of the population who are faced with this type of information where there's perfect detection, the government is telling you that we know what you've done. They just do not comply. And in our setting, we are quite confident that this is not because they don't understand the notice or didn't get it. So the hypothesis is that maybe they just have a very low expectation that any penalties are going to be enforced on them. Fine, the government might know, but I've never seen anybody go to jail for not paying their taxes. And so why do I think they would care about little me? And so we do a second experiment, uh, we conduct this experiment to test this hypothesis. So what we have here is that in our control group, we have it as similar as possible to the combined treatment group where there is the information on what the penalties are and also the detection information that tells people that shows the photo. And then in the treatment group, there's an additional message that lets them know that they've been selected for intensive follow-up. If there's no response, the LRA will proceed to the next stage of enforcement actions. And this message is deliberately quite vague because um just given the. The legal and the administrative context, the LRA at that point could not commit to what exactly these enforcement actions would be. Typically, um, the end, what they, what they do is repeated visits to the person, half cajoling, half threatening, but essentially just trying to use their words and their visits to get them to eventually pay. And In fact, there have been different parts of the law that have been adopted in different years. So, before they could lock up buildings, but then they're no longer allowed to do that because of the, a government rule, a, a legal ruling. And so, in fact, one time, one of the LRA officials told me that they feel like a toothless bulldog, because in terms of their actual ability to enforce, they have to use very mild means to cajole people. And so, what we do find here is that this message actually still does have quite a bit of a significant impact where there's a 7% point increase in people responding to this notice. And in terms of their payments, we also see a similar increase. In terms of the amount paid, this goes up significantly by about um close to $60 on average, meaning that for each person that paid, I think it was an average of about $600 paid by each person that paid. And so, one of the lessons from this um Liberia study. So, the first thing is that, yes, technology can provide crucial information. This was a, this was a data source that did not previously exist, but from collecting this data, the government was able to look and know where the um who exactly had not complied. And as I mentioned, it was a technology that was very um that was selected. Taking into account very much so the conditions of the country. There are more fancy ways one could have done this. You could have drones, you know, using satellite imagery, but they also had an incentive of providing employment for young people. And so this low-tech way still delivered significant outcomes. Um, and this is not limited to this setting. So, this same idea we could think of in information, other sources of information, um, third party information that could give the government information on the tax base. But I think one of the main lessons that's coming out of this study is that information on tax base is not sufficient. It's not going to, we might know exactly who owes what, but unless there is credible enforcement that can be carried out, we find that this is not going to be sustained in the long run. So, for example, in this case, by the 2nd year, those um impacts are completely gone. So we saw this first example looking at technology use in understanding the tech space. We're going to move on to a second example that's going to be looking at the role of technology and facilitating. So this is joint work with Victor Poloquin, um, And it was done in partnership with the Tajikistan Tax Committee. Again, we're very grateful for their support and interest in learning together with us and, and, um, experimenting in trying to understand exactly the best ways to roll out this e-filing program. And uh there's a very um strong World Bank team that was involved in, in setting this up. So, like I said, this paper will be looking at facilitating compliance, and in terms of the limitation, one of the key things we'll highlight is the human factor. The question that we're asking in Tajikistan is, how does the introduction of e-filing, in this case, it's replacing in-person submissions to a tax official, how does it affect firms' compliance costs, their tax payments, and their bribe payments? We're working with small and medium firms in uh Duchambe. And what we do is the randomized encouragement of e-filing. So e-filing is available to every, was available to everyone, um, but we, um, try to encourage a randomly selected group of people to adopt at a higher rate. So we're able to achieve a 93% adoption in this treatment group compared to 60% in our control group. And it's this difference in the adoption rates that we use to identify the impact of e-filing. Uh, the context in the setting, again, it's a very low-income setting, and here, firms face very high compliance costs. They have to go every month, leave whatever you're doing in your business, go and line up at the tax office, submit different forms, get different signatures before you're considered to have complied. Uh, and corruption was also a major concern. So almost a third of firms see that they expect to give gifts when they meet with tax officials. The tax officials in this setting are very, very key part of the story because they have strong incentives as well as discretionary powers. So in terms of the incentives, each official monitoring taxpayers is given a target of how much tax they're expected to collect from the people that they're monitoring, so they have an incentive to collect as much as possible. And they also have discretion in that until they sign the declaration, the tax, the firm is not considered to have complied. And so there's a holdup opportunity where if I tell you I'm like, Dion, no, this is too low, really, you didn't make any money last month. You need to bump this up. And until he complies with what I want, I do not accept that declaration. So they're able to influence the declaration upwards. Or um from the different, um. Interviews and focus groups we did, there's also the opportunity to help firms with advice on how they might minimize their liabilities. And in this setting, the government was particularly interested in using e-filing to one, improve their service deliveries to cut this compliance costs down, but also to reduce corruption. The design of this experiment is that we have a control group who we invite to the tax authority seminar to get a general training on taxation. Then there's the first treatment group that gets information and training on e-filing, so they get a walkthrough of the entire system. This is how you use it, this is all the way, this is exactly what needs to happen. And our third group gets in addition to that, logistical help for registration. Now, in Tajikistan at this time, it was quite a hassle to actually start e-filing. You had to submit several documents um to the tax office, and they would review. Over about 2 weeks, and once it's approved, they would come to your premises and help to install it on your computer and give you an e-token, and that was the point at which you could start e-filing. So what this intervention did was to create um was to have a firm, a private firm, facilitate this entire process for firms so that they could actually start e-filing quite easily. Um, in thinking about our. Um, results, we expect that e-filing, the impact will vary by the prior compliance behavior of firms. And in terms of thinking about firms' prior compliance behavior, we're using the risk profile score as a proxy for firms that are more likely to collude or evade. So, We think about two types of firms. One is those that are in active collusion with tax authority, with tax officials, where they like they like paper filing because the tax official helps them. And the second set of firms are those that are not in this um cohesive equilibrium. And we think that for both types of firms, if they start to e-file, their compliance costs reduce. We think that the unofficial payments would also reduce, although, in one case, it's the payments for collusion, and in the other case, it's coercive payments because we've heard a lot of that anecdotally of coercive payments um obtained by tax officials. When it comes to the tax payments, we think that this could actually go in different directions. So for our collusive firms, if they no longer have the opportunity to collude, then their tax payments might increase. On the other hand, for the non-collusive firm for whom the tax official is really almost like an enforcement agent. And forcing enforcing them to pay more taxes than maybe they actually wanted to. So, this is the example I had again earlier about saying, you're not allowed to pay this low level, I want you to increase it. For them, we think that if you remove this tax official at the point of payment, their um payments might actually go down. I just wanted to say a little bit about our use of um risk profile scores um to proxy for baseline tax evasion. This is a method that's used in many countries to target audits. Essentially, the tax authority will have a proprietary algorithm based on observed farm characteristics and prior audits that have been conducted that will predict which types of firms are more likely to be evading. And so, based on this prediction, firms get different scores. And in our setting, And we do have evidence that this risk score is predictive of tax compliance because we see, for example, that even after controlling for um observables, like the number of employees, the turnover, um, the firms that were that had higher risk scores in the previous year, in the coming year, they actually pay lower taxes. So, what do we find? The first result is on the e-filing adoption rates. We find that the training does not actually have a significant impact relative to the control group. What matters quite a bit is the logistical help, helping firms actually start to e-file. And this again goes to some points I had earlier about the adoption costs on the side of um taxpayers. In terms of the impacts of e-filing, we find that it reduces the amount of time that firms spend by about 5 hours each month. So this is about 40% of the total time they spend on taxes. And if you want to quantify this, just the savings from the compliance costs, they compensate for the entire program after 7 months. So if you take the wage of the accountant, multiply that over 7 months, the savings compensate for. This, uh, Eylin. What we also find is that bribes do go down, but this is only among the risk, low-risk score firms. We don't observe this change among our high-risk of firms, but as I'll show you in the next slide, one thing we actually find, actually, not yet, is that among the higher-risk score firms, um, many of them actually revert to e-filing. They revert from e-filing to paper filing. And so, um, we think that might be one of the reasons why we don't see an impact on their compliance, on their bribe payments. In terms of the revenues, we find that e-filing is actually helping to close this gap that exists in the control group, for instance, between our low-risk firms that pay more taxes than the higher-risk ones. Once people start e-filing, this gap ends up being closed. Because the lower, the high-risk score firms, their tax payments increase quite substantially. For the lower-risk firms, we don't see a significant reduction, but we do see that in terms of how likely they have to pay zero tax, uh, we do find impacts on that. Some of that evidence on thinking about high risk of firms is that one, they're less likely to adopt e-filing, suggesting that they do like the paper filing and the interaction with tax officials, and then they are also significantly more likely to drop out over the 6, after 6 months, and all the increase that we see in the tax revenues, they dissipate once they move back to paper filing. And so what do we learn from this um case study? One is that yes, technology could really be great and not only in reducing compliance costs, but also for increasing tax payments and reducing corruption. And this type of intervention is relevant to other technologies that reduce the amount of in-person interactions with tax officials. Another key lesson from the study is that when adoption is voluntary, users may respond quite strategically, and the people for whom technology might impose the most constraints on their behavior, they might actually be the least likely to adopt. And so, it's important for us to think about the heterogeneity in users' capacity to adopt and how they might be responding to uh minimize the impact of technology on them. In the case of Tajikistan, one thing they did was that after People, once you start to e-file, we've already known that you have the capacity to do so, then you're not allowed to go back to paper filing. So, now I'm going to um start wrapping up and to Try to bring some of those lessons to think about how we um do our policy engagements, um, with countries and some key considerations that we could have in mind when we are thinking about tax digitalization projects. And the first one is to really think hard about whether technology is the binding constraint in this given situation, um, or are there other parts, other things like enforcement or the dimensions of capacity that are maybe more pressing. And this is a bit difficult because I've been in many conversations with uh tax leaders of tax agencies, and there's a lot of excitement about oh if we just had this new way of capturing this information, if we had a perfect cadaster, how great things would be. But often, one week, one thing to look at is what has been done with the information that's already collected to see where the weakest link in the whole tax collection process might be. And so, it might be less exciting and more difficult to actually work on like an HR reform or thinking about how to To change the incentives of tax officials than it is about just having a big procurement and getting this new technology, um intervention. And so, it's really um important to do what one could think about like a diagnostic, and I wanted to give a shout out to some work done by the World Bank MTI. Uh, group on innovations and tax compliance because there, they have created diagnostics for really thinking through different aspects of tax compliance. So, what are the gaps in enforcement? What are the gaps in facilitation? Um, what are the gaps in terms of tax morale and the trust that people have in the government? That I think is, is core before we can um really be confident that any investments we're making are going to change the situation. Second main point is to think about the appropriate technology for the current level of development for the country. It's really not useful to get the most state of the art technology if you don't have the right skills and um uh capacity to use it effectively. And so thinking about what makes the most sense for the current context. And one, Thought to keep in mind is that, you know, um, low-income, like countries in East Africa, for example, if you think about like mobile payments, um, a lot of it is done on not smartphones, so USSD payments, but is extremely effective in, in, um, transferring um money amongst people. The third point here is to think very carefully about the impact of technology on different agents. Uh, like I said earlier, they're winners and losers, and to think about what type of strategic behavior we might anticipate. Um, it's important to be one step ahead, to think, OK, who is going to probably going to try to sabotage this? How might we create safeguards to prevent that? And thinking more broadly, um, the, with the use of IT systems, the vast amounts of data that have been made available now to tax authorities. And so one thing that I find very exciting is this potential that now is available for um our policy partners to work closely with them in answering research and policy questions that may then bring new insights that actually help to also increase tax revenues in return. And uh this could be you doing um randomized experiments like the projects that I described, but that doesn't have to be the case. Many times, data that already exists, um, could be used to analyze the impacts of previous projects or previous policy interventions to understand the impact. And of course, to be able to do all of this, to use this type of data, um, while protecting taxpayers, there needs to be a very strong regulatory framework, um, to, on data sharing. And this, as we all know, has been the focus of our most recent WDR on, um, social, and they have the idea of having a social contract, um, surrounding data use. So, um, pulling this all together, uh, main takeaways are that, yes, governments can mobilize tax revenue and we can using technology and we can think of this along the lines of using it to define compliance, that's to understand the tax base, to facilitate, uh, compliance as well as to monitor it. Uh, technology is not a silver bullet. We need complementary investments in people and institutions to reap the benefits, and any program must always anticipate how different subgroups may be affected and how they would likely respond. And finally, that the large amount of data that we're having now creates new opportunities to use, um, This, to have partnerships with tax authorities that will create insights that would help policymaking and revenue generation. So, thank you all again for your attention and I will hand it over now. Thanks Ayubola for that really clear, uh, what's that? Techno technology plant, um, technology flower. um, thanks, that's really clear and, and for somebody who doesn't work in this area, really, very clear and and really informative, so thank you very much. Um, Kiara, over to you if you're ready, there you are. OK, great, over to you, Kiara. for inviting us to, to discuss today. I must say I enjoyed it and I think Ayebola said very interesting things. I'll get to them in a little while. I wanted to emphasize um That, uh, coming from operations, um, first of all, this type of uh applied research and looking at the impact and evaluating the impact of certain, um, policy decisions and implementation of such policies. I'm talking in general, not just about the technology. Um, it's extremely valuable in terms of also being able to change the course if we maintain a certain flexible attitude while we implement also operations, and I'll perhaps give you a couple of examples if I get there, at least one example. Um, I also say that we uh certainly value um the collaboration with DAC. Uh, also as a global practice where we work more analytical work. Now, AEBel has made reference to the report that is going to be launched in January on um innovation in tax compliance, and that's a joint effort with the global governance practice, um, and that tries to look at the problem of compliance from uh in different dimensions. But I think having a collaboration with the research group of the bank gives us the strength of also both retroactively like Aebola was doing in a way, testing a hypothesis that for those who are already in operations may already guess, but bringing the evidence and in a robust. Uh, way and rigorous way, it's certainly helpful to think, uh, to push this thing forward in operation. Now, coming to the potential of technology, clearly, and I don't know how many of you are really, are aware of the DRM approach that we, the new DRM approach that was presented in June to the board, to, to the World Bank board. Um, the, the objective is certainly to promote more revenue collection. But in a much fairer way, so that would entail fighting tax evasion, avoidance, in other words, broadening the base and while trying to minimize the distortions in the system and to make the tax system equitable. So in that sense, one could think that also the digital transformation and technology can become an enabler of this vision of helping to mobilize more resources and in a fairer way. And I think implicitly what uh Ayebola was testing was trying to create a level playing field when you looked, say, at taxing property real estates, um, and how actually um Which is often also an indication of proxy, a proxy of income and how Um, sorry, I don't know if Ryan is talking to me, but anyway, I hope you can hear me well. Uh, if you can't, please help me. What I'm trying to say is that, uh, by the, the, she's a tested hypothesis in the Liberia case where we are trying to, um, in the spirit of broadening the base and trying to find ways to tax the wealth. Uh, more than labor income or more than those who do not own wealth. Um. Property, real estate become an issue. Certainly an interesting area to look at. Um, and certainly technology, that's the hypothesis, could help us to, um, assess and to improve the databases. But then what she showed is that, and I like that because one could consider what you presented today. It's almost like a framework. If I need to go in and do an operation on revenue mobilization using technology in a low-income country, your framework of looking at all the dimensions, what are the databases, your, the tiles that you presented, what is working, what is not? Do we have it? Well, the reality is that in most countries, including Tajikistan, Uh, and Liberia, those tiles are often missing, or databases are incomplete or, um, need to be built. They're just simply non-existent. So this is the first caveat that I think that we also take away. It's important to go in with a diagnostic basically. And so what this research is helping us to really understand what are the pieces of the puzzle that we need to assess before we think that the digital transformation will bring. What I was trying to, the objective, which is mobilizing resources and in a fair way, and also trying to tax those who can afford it more. Um, and I think what uh you didn't say so explicitly, but it was that actually only with your control groups you were able to push people to be compliant. Um, but even within the control group, a lot were still non-compliant. There was a good percentage. You could see an improvement, but we were not reaching even 100% within the treatment group. So clearly indicating that there are other pieces that are missing, and I think it's exactly the soft part, which is not the digital transformation, but having to look at what is the governance environment in the country. What is the political commitment and champions of, um, of, of the government to really want to To pay taxes, and I think that's all this resonates, I think especially in colleagues that work on public sector reforms and taxation as part of that and institutional strengthening, it's exactly these pieces, but I value deeply this research because, as I was saying, why we know it intuitively by working on the country and in the country context. The research of having this analytical approach, um, I think first of all, strengthen our ability to, to have an analytical approach which is deeper and broader. And also um in terms of er the policy dialogue. The experience that I had, uh, many years ago in Tanzania was looking at, uh, service delivery, and this is in a way what you're doing. Ayebola is looking at, she's assessing in Tajikistan and bringing the service closer to the taxpayers, and that's the e-filing in a way. So closing the gap between the tax collector and the taxpayer and making it more efficient. Um, my experience was that even before reaching to that stage, and I was looking down at the service delivery more in education and health and how the government could actually assess, uh, even if the service was delivered, not even the quality of the service, but whether the service was reaching. The beneficiaries. Um, indeed, you need, technology was certainly a mean, uh, to close certain gaps and distances and also geographical spaces, and that's e-filing would do the same, but, uh, the, the incentive to comply was very limited and the more we were digging. Um, basically, you bring transparency, and I think that's what you were also bringing through the research, certainly on Liberia. Transparency means that certain groups that have strong interests, are, are becoming evident. And so, and so this is the other dimension when I talk about the governance environment. Um, so we need to, so technology helps, but it's, um, But it needs to be applied uh with a, with a framework. And so I like this approach because I think that you're looking at different dimensions and you also try to bring in in your evaluations also the behavioral side of and responses of the heterogeneity of the groups. I think moving forward, I think in the case of Tangiskison, there are two things. One is that clearly, In a way, implicitly you highlighted that it was not a strong political commitment. It's only at the end that they decided if people opt to do the e-filing, they're not allowed to go back to paper filing. But strong groups of risk lovers. Basically have tested the system and found that they can still get away. So how do we close that part? The other one that the technology is now capturing, and I don't think is your example, is not, is your research, not at all, is the fact that you were able to do the research with small and medium sized enterprises that were in the system. So, we were not really capturing the formality through this because we were looking at corporate income taxation and companies that are formally registered at above a certain size. But the reality is that in low-income country, actually informality is really large and so what we need, what technology could help us if we could fill in some of the databases that you were showing in your earlier chart. It's precisely to enable also with a lot of training as well and assuming that there is political commitment. Um, those databases that indirectly can help us to Understand who's the beneficiary owner of the small businesses, where are the small businesses operating. And why they are so small that they prefer to stay implicitly, sorry, they prefer to stay in the informality and Perceived as invisible, but actually visible to a certain um And I'm thinking of Tajikistan because I spent 3 years there as a country manager. What it will be interesting to analyze, what is it that is preventing them from moving to from informality where they are actually harassed. But in a different way, and moving to the formality and uh sorry, this is an important question because what's happening in the, in Tajikistan is that you have, we have a lot of small Businesses, traders. They tend to be small, but when they go to the market or to the places where they need to sell their goods. They are asked to pay fees. Those are taxes in many ways one could consider them. It's just that they're often they're not going into their treasury accounts, um, but they're pocketed by small groups or by local authorities, but without any transparency whatsoever on the use of these funds. And those fees have to be paid even if that day there was no trade in every single day at the market, so it's very different from a tax system where we would only pay when there is income to declare or a tax base to declare. And yet they're not moving from informality to formality, and I think it would be very interesting to understand over time, assuming that this e-filing were you know, become part of the tax administration, rather than there would be an incentive. For the informal operators in the informal sector moving to the formal sector, I hope I'm not sure I'm clear. I made it clear myself, but in this heterogeneity we're missing one part, and, and just by coincidence Ibola done this exercise in Tajikistan that I knew very well, and I, I was wondering what is it that would make them go and declare and use that system that would allow them to pay only. On the income earned, not always paying this, uh, you know, fees that are actually completely delinked from their income. Anyway, I think this is just an illustration of potential uh research that we can continue to carry out also jointly, um, and that can also help us to not only to address the issues of revenue, but also I think more issues of redistribution and transparency and accountability, but also to the benefits of the taxpayer, not only to the tax administration. And with this, uh, Deon, I want to thank you again and look forward to our collaboration and also we are working together on aA conference on a yearly basis, so I look forward to the next one next year. Over to you. Thank you. Thanks, Kiara. Yeah, thank you for, we, we had a very successful tax conference this past year and look forward to next year's one as well. Um, Oyebola, before opening it up, I, I want to give you a chance to maybe respond to some of the issues that, that Kiara raised, if you just want to respond or even elaborate on them. Thank you so much, uh, Kiera for these great comments. Uh, I'm glad to know that this resonates with you, and yes, it was very interesting to learn that you did spend time in Tajikistan as country manager. So firsthand, um, knowledge of the context. The few of the points, a few points you made that I just wanted to touch on, which I, I mean, they're all very spot on. And the first one, I was thinking about, what are the other things. So I, beyond technology, beyond enforcement, um, what else, what is keeping us at only about 30% and keeping us from going all the way up to like 100% compliance? And I feel like this is such an important question, um, in developing countries and A few of the things, one you already mentioned was about political um resistance, uh, but some other things are around things of just like. The norm that is built. So if it's just, I know that very few people around me are paying, then I'm less likely to actually want to pay and just the overall sense that I was indicating in one of the earlier slides about this idea of a social contract between government and citizens, and there's only so far that one can go with um enforcement in and of itself, until it's like an accepted part of the interaction that the citizens accept that this is what I pay as being a part of the society that is providing these different types of public goods and services, um, we will by no means reach higher levels of, um, Tax compliance. That's, that's my take on it. And there's, um, that's why one of the things that I like a lot about the enforcement, facilization, and trust framework that the innovations and tax compliance work is doing because they pay a lot of attention to the sense of what does it take for taxpayers to actually have trust in the system and believe that them contributing to it is a meaningful thing to do. Um, The other point I wanted to respond to was thinking about how technology might help to bridge this gap between people being in the informal sector and what it might take for them to formalize. And I think that there are many factors that affect this decision of firms to go from the Cross from the informal sector to the formal, but at the core of it, one could think of it as them doing a cost-benefit analysis. What are the costs of me remaining in the informal sector? And some of them you listed quite well, like this harassment and there's multiple fees that they need to pay. And how does that change if they move to the um formal sector? I think that there are also other things that there may be other costs that firms perceive that keep them from moving. So, it could be that it's not only just the, um, corporate income taxes that maybe they might be thinking about, but then there's Social Security contributions. There are many other types of um responsibilities and expectations that come with moving into the formal sector. And so I imagine that for most firms, they are um conducting this analysis and seeing which um regime they prefer to be in. And the other point is that often, even for firms that may be indifferent, the costs of formalizing could also be quite substantial. And so, there's um Work and there's different research that's been done on how the firms respond when you help them to try to overcome these um formalization costs. So, that's one thing that potentially, if these costs, if it's a more automated uh process, many countries now are doing things that they call a one-stop shop, so that I, I no longer have to go to like 6 different offices to formalize my business. Um, that's one of the um opportunities I think that technology might help in this formalization journey. And I thought it was also important to Uh, put out there that often when we're talking about formalization, people are thinking about, you know, the markets woman that's selling, selling tomatoes. Um, that's, that's really not where your revenues are going to come from. One, When I think of this informal sector, um, one of the more promising, um, dimensions of these uh professionals. So there's a nice work by Daiso Gimbo that looks at um taxing people like accountants, doctors, officers, dentists. These are people who many times will fly under the tax radar in developing countries, but actually could be important sources of revenue if they are made to join the tax base. So I will stop it there, but thanks again, those are really great comments, um, and very, um, just spot on insights from your time in the field. Yeah, thanks both. Um, and reminder if you, if you have any questions, please raise your hand or just, uh, drop a line in the chat. Um, since there aren't any questions right there, I'm, I'm gonna take the opportunity to pose some questions that occurred to me during the talk. So, um, One is, um, it was interesting how you described the Liberia case where they sort of combined, um, you know, the youth employment with the tax where they use the young people to sort of plot out the, the, the real estate. Um, and you mentioned in passing that then they had taken that to scale. It seemed to me that that might open up some real opportunities for, for collusion or something, you know, if you go to scale, uh, and you have a lot of young people, um, Uh, Throughout there, there's potential collusion there. So that, that just triggered something in me. I, I wonder if it's difficult, you know, at that level, you might want drones or you might want satellite imagery because you need that distance. Anyway, I see there's a couple of questions, so let me turn it over to people who have their hand up. I see, um, Rajiv, you've raised your hand, and then I see Bob has raised his hand. And Um, Uh, Javi, so let's go in that order. So, Rajiv, Javi, and, oh sorry, Rajiv, yeah, Javi and Bob, sorry, that's the order that hands were raised. So, so Rajiv over 2. Thank you, John, and uh thank you, Ebola for an excellent presentation. I think you have raised, you know, issues that are very important for the tax administrations of uh low income countries and middle income countries both because technology is one factor, you know, which can really remove the barriers as far as the voluntary compliance of the tax base is concerned. So it's, it's a very important administrative tool that I think with the experience of the countries who have adopted electronic filing of returns and electronic processing of returns. They have realized that it has led to an enormous growth in the taxpayers and the number of taxpayers who file the returns. Uh, but just a couple of points that I wanted to make were that while technology is extremely important, As far as the administrative issues are concerned, the role of technology and the political issues as to how the evasive behavior of the taxpayers can be changed, how the information that flows into the tax administration through technological means, that can be the power of that information can be harnessed by the by the policymakers. That issue is something that, you know. Needs to be addressed because what happens is that technology, which is an important means, becomes an end in itself and that should not happen because ultimately, as far as the tax administration is concerned, the important goal is to raise revenue and mobilize revenue. So if If the governance mechanisms are only helping some taxpayers but not the taxpayers who probably would with some small nudge would be able to come into the tax base, then there is there are concerns, so. Uh, so technology is, should be seen as a means and not an end. And I also want to raise an important question of whether, you know, technology is an answer to all the questions because, you know, sometimes the human touch is an important, is an important element because many times what happens is that the tax administration of the countries, uh by, you know, engaging with the taxpayers and looking at the tax records and Uh, doing audits and so they gain a lot of experience of how the tax is being evaded and sometimes when we, uh, you know, look at technology only as a, as an end, these skills, these human skills, and that that human touch starts, you know, vanishing, which is, which is important to realize that we should not let that human intelligence and human touch in these this entire administrative processes to vanish. So, those are two important points. Thank you. Thanks, Rajiv. Um, I see Ishani's also raised her hand, so let's just go with Bob this round, and then I'll give Ayebola a chance to respond, and then we'll go to uh, uh, sorry, let's go to Shavi and then give Ayebola a chance to respond and then go to Bob and Ishani afterwards. That's OK. So Shabi, over to you. All right, um, so, uh, Olibola, thanks a lot for the, uh, the presentation. This was very, very, very nice. So I, I also had a question on, on Liberia. And so I mean, you know, if I'm a, you know, a resident, and I, you know, so I only see that down, which is, you know, I, I, you know, I, I basically, I gotta fork out money from, from my pocket. So is there any way that, that these taxes are then linked to Uh, improvements in, in, you know, street lighting or garbage collection or, or what have you. So, so in other words, I mean, do they see the benefits of, of their taxes, uh, at work, and, and is, you know, is there a way that, that, you know, this could be, uh, emphasized, uh, so, you know, to improve, to improve, uh, enforcement of, of, of, of tax collection? Um, that was it. Thank you. Thanks. Ebola back to you. OK. Thank you for these um great set of questions. So, Dianne, I'll start with yours about uh these young people and whether they could end up being like compromised agents as well. And I think that's um it's very possible that some of that is going on. So, um, one of the reasons that they went the route of using young people was for some of these um political economic considerations that we were discussing where they actually try to find, um, People from different communities. And so the whole idea of having a government job, uh being given to someone in your, in your, from your neighborhood was a very, uh, they thought that was part of the benefits that people are getting. And they also believed that these people would know the communities a lot better and so they would be able to win the trust of people to get the information that they needed, the correct information for registration. And so even if you use drones, typically that would only get you started and then you still have to do some ground truthing to complement that information. So this was just cutting out that one step and they did use, you know, some satellite imagery. There was a very resourceful person who was very good with GIS in the office that would Pretty much make out maps for people and give it to them. They will take them to the field and say, OK, these are all the properties in this block that you've been assigned, and you need to come back with information on them. So, it was a bit of a mix and match between the um kind of the more um satellite imagery method, as well as the boots on the ground method. And what I did just from going on the field sometimes with these people, what I did see was At first I was worried that maybe people would be hostile to them, like, oh, you are on the side of the government trying to come to tax me, but many of the interactions that interactions that I witnessed were quite positive and pleasant because they saw these people as being from the community and coming to to do this work. So it's, I mean, am I saying that no one, like, oh, I'm just going to skip over your house because I know you. Um, from church, you know, that probably happened quite a bit, but the ideal would be to have checks and balances in place such that any information is verified through, um, um, other sources. The second question from Rajiv, this is a very um great comments about technology. I love that phrase, not being an end in itself. And I think that sometimes the excitement could almost make it seem that um as long as we can get this new um ITAS system or this new software, all the problems would be solved, but no, in fact, I, your point about being careful not to lose the human touch and the human intelligence, I feel like that's, that's really valid and it's a bit of we see a little bit of that in the Tajikistan paper, because like I was saying, we do find that among these um lower-risk groups for whom the tax officer maybe previously was serving as a deterrent, they actually we find them just start reporting lower taxes. Um, for instance, the likelihood that they report having zero amount of tax liability in a month, that increases. And so, there is that sense that people can Almost like hide behind technology, they no longer have a human interaction and again going on the field there properties that I maybe we visited like that I go into, now I'm going to Liberia. And I have people telling me like, oh, yes, we went to this property in 2018, and they remember it, and there's just ways that people are able to remember things on the field, if they're from that context that are quite, uh, you know, are quite remarkable, and the ideal would be to find a way to marry these two, to use these human knowledge to the extent possible while controlling for the negative parts that could come from the human interactions. Um, Javi, on your question about how these taxes are used, so that's one thing that's unique about Liberia. Most other places, property taxes are local. So real estate tax is used for roads, for lighting, for uh local public goods, but in Liberia, it all goes to the treasury. And so, there is no direct um link between the taxes that I pay in my community and the, um, and the types of infrastructure of public goods that we get. That said, on the broader level, thinking about taxes in general, the government has been doing a lot in the, in recent years to try to emphasize this link between tax revenues and property and um and public goods. So, for instance, there's certain roads where you see a big sign board that says your taxes at work, LRA and they, they're trying to message to show things that taxes are doing. But I think that On the whole, this does not seem to me to be very, um, very core motivation. It's not something that people are very conscious of, especially when it now comes to the um real estate taxes that are only centrally collected. Thanks, Ayebola. Um, we have 5 minutes left, so let me turn to the two people who've raised their hands, Bob and then Ishani, and then I propose we, we give Ayebola a chance and maybe Kira, if you want to come in at the very end. As comment, but then we'll wrap up after that. Thanks, Bob. Hi. Yes, thanks for this very interesting talk. One thing that struck me about like your research projects is that they seem to require uh quite a long gestation period and like quite heavy ex ante investment in terms of gaining the, the trust and respect of Tax collection, uh, agencies. So I was wondering whether you could sort of elaborate a bit on sort of what that means for the bank's operational engagement. So what are the do's and don'ts that follow sort of from your work? And, you know, is it reasonable to sort of, uh, expect to be able to replicate sort of your, your research very broadly, or is this sort of a boutique niche? type of intervention that requires a lot of uh dedicated expertise and resources. Thanks. I Obola, thanks for the insightful presentation. Um, so I was just wondering if you could talk a little bit about, um, sort of the, the estimation of, of costs and benefits, right? So you, you touched upon that a little bit. But, so for example, related to Chavi's point about e-filing, for instance, there might be benefits that accrue over a longer time horizon. And so it sort of struck me that, you know, the estimate that you provided was sort of on the lower end of things, and I wonder if there are these sort of bigger picture um benefits that might accrue over time that we don't capture and then we sort of walk away thinking this is a relatively small intervention with, you know, modest costs and modest benefits, but really, you know, it has the potential to be a much bigger thing. Thank you. Um, so I'll start with Bob. Thanks, Bob, this is, you're exactly right. These things take a very long time to, to germinate, so I think the first, like, one of the um, Sources I ref I referred to was an analysis that I've done in Liberia in 2013. So that was the first engagement with them, and it was essentially just looking at all the tax data that they had on property taxes and working through a process of thinking, where are the gaps, you know, what's What is the coverage on the properties in the tax base? What's the rate at which people are paying uh from year to year? How, you know, just trying to like map out this whole um process of revenues and where those gaps are and uh created, this is work sponsored by IGC I was still a PhD student at the time, and created this whole document that was essentially like a guide to the um collection of real estate taxes in Liberia. And During from the time I've been there, there've been maybe like 4 or 5 different managers of the real estate department, and what they've told me is that they tend to go to this work that I did for them way back to give them like once they join, it's a great orientation into what are the issues, what are the leakages, what are the concerns in this. And so I think that Providing things that are valuable to the tax authority early on in the relationship is really crucial in building these um long-term relationships. And so I found that at different intervals, it's not until now in 2021, where a research paper is coming out that they didn't have to wait many years to get benefits, um, all along the process. So from Training people in doing this field, um, enumeration, and then working with them also when they expanded it, they've been very practical ways and so I feel that trying to be for me, I always think about trying to be as useful as possible to the um tax authorities, especially early on and I know that we do this a lot, for instance, through like the ASC and analytical work. Now thinking about the research there I think the um. The, uh, these things take a lot of time, um, doing different surveys, different fieldwork, and in fact, um, I, In the in the Tajikistan project, I was just chuckling to myself that probably all the World Bank team that worked on it have forgotten they ever did this project because it's so many years later. And so one thing I think that could help in these interactions is that when we do have World Banks. that are very time-bound, we could have partnerships with researchers who have the ability to spend much longer on a project such that once the, um, immediate deliverables are done, these, um, research learnings could continue over, over time. So that's one way which I think we could, um, partner together to be able to get research, um, findings that do take a longer time, given the fact that many bank projects are time-bound. Um, have much shorter time horizons. And to Ishani's point, no, you're exactly right that it was really the lower bound that I give that if we only thought about the savings, the compliance costs, but there are many things that we are unable to quantify directly in this context about the overall efficiency of the tax system. So before they used to have people type up so people submit in person, then you have to type up all these returns. There could be mistakes, and then it's months or weeks until this data could actually be useful for any type of analysis and um policy decisions. So, um, thinking more broadly about the overall improvement and efficiency of the tax system is, uh, I think that that's really where the big gains are. And the facts, even like Kierra is saying that having a more efficient process might then be more attractive to people outside the tax net to come in. So one could think of so many dimensions in which e-filing might actually be improving overall efficiency of the system, but I'm not able to put numbers on those from the specific project that we did. And, um, Yan, did you want me to just go ahead and conclude, or what, what did you want? I think we're a little over time, so I think we maybe we should stop there, um. Uh, I'm gonna just thank all of those of you who asked questions. I thought it was really interesting conversation. Thank you, Kiara, for joining us today for your, for your really your useful insights and it just so happens that you had some on the boots on the ground experience to, to mirror back to, to Oyebola and then especially thank you to Oyebola for the really interesting presentation. I think we all learned a lot from this and, and, and given us a lot of food for thought and as you've mentioned and so some of this exchange just like a fruitful research, um, down the line, so looking forward to that as well. So thanks everyone and have a good rest of your day. Thank you all. Thank you. Thank you. Aye, yeah, thanks.
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Tax revenue in many low-income countries is inadequate for funding growth-promoting investments in public goods and human capital. In this Policy Research Talk on November 16, 2021, World Bank economist Oyebola Okunogbe described the potential of technology to transform three core tax administration functions: identifying the tax base, reducing compliance costs, and monitoring compliance.
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col-sm-12
col-md-2
col-lg-2