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00:00 Yes,

00:00 Bill,

00:01 you can start now.

00:02 OK.

00:02 All right.

00:03 Um,

00:04 welcome to

00:05 all of you,

00:06 um,

00:07 who have come online,

00:08 I guess we all are at this point,

00:09 um,

00:10 to this session on the macroeconomic policy in the time of COVID-19,

00:14 a primer for developing countries.

00:17 Um,

00:18 I'm Bill Maloney,

00:19 chief economist for

00:20 Uh,

00:21 EFI

00:22 and we have an all-star lineup today.

00:24 We're going to begin with a presentation of about 2025 minutes by Norman Loweza

00:29 of his primer.

00:31 Um,

00:31 Norman is the lead economist and development research group at the bank,

00:35 and he's currently in the Malaysia hub

00:37 of the research group.

00:38 Um,

00:39 then we will have,

00:40 um,

00:41 distinguished panelists,

00:43 uh,

00:44 from.

00:45 Roberto Chung from Rutgers University.

00:48 He's professor of Economics at Rutgers and research

00:50 associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research.

00:53 Then we will have

00:55 um Pierre Olivier Gonza,

00:57 um,

00:58 who is at

01:00 uh UC Berkeley.

01:02 Um,

01:03 many accolades,

01:04 um,

01:05 Ricardo Hausman,

01:07 an old friend who is director of the

01:08 Growth lab at Harvard Center for International Development,

01:11 and Rafik Hariri,

01:13 professor of the Practice of International Political Economy

01:16 and Development,

01:17 uh,

01:17 at Harvard Kennedy School.

01:18 It's a very long title,

01:19 Ricardo.

01:20 Um,

01:21 and then he's,

01:23 uh,

01:23 we'll probably dial in a little bit later,

01:25 but Andres Velasco,

01:26 who is the Dean of the School of Public Policy

01:29 at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

01:31 Uh,

01:32 so,

01:33 We're going to have Norman go first

01:36 and then

01:37 we will for 20 minutes,

01:38 25 minutes,

01:39 then each of our panelists will have 10 minutes

01:42 to correct him on his errors

01:45 and reinforce him where he's correct,

01:47 and then we'll

01:49 open it up for questions both from YouTube and from

01:54 from Webex.

01:55 They're going to be pre-filtered by

01:58 by the staff here just so we get a good variety of them in that case prevent overload.

02:03 Um,

02:04 so without further ado,

02:06 I think I'll turn it over to Norman.

02:08 Um,

02:09 go ahead.

02:12 Many thanks,

02:12 Bill.

02:13 Let me share my screen first.

02:22 All right.

02:24 Thanks,

02:24 thanks,

02:25 Bill,

02:25 uh,

02:26 for that nice introduction.

02:28 Uh many thanks to our,

02:30 uh,

02:30 our distinguished members of the panel,

02:32 Roberto,

02:32 Pierro Olivier,

02:34 Ricardo,

02:34 Andres.

02:37 My,

02:37 uh,

02:37 presentation,

02:38 in fact,

02:39 is intended to set

02:41 the stage,

02:42 uh,

02:42 for the discussion that will come later on.

02:46 Well,

02:47 and,

02:47 and the presentation is based on a paper

02:50 that Steven Pennings

02:52 and I

02:53 working with a group

02:54 here in Kuala Lumpur,

02:56 uh,

02:56 have written.

02:58 We started working on this presentation on this,

03:00 uh,

03:01 paper

03:02 about 3 weeks ago.

03:04 At that time,

03:05 most of the discussion in regards to

03:08 the policy response

03:09 to the pandemic

03:11 was focused on

03:12 advanced economy.

03:14 We thought that it was uh important

03:17 to highlight the differences

03:19 on how my macroeconomic policy should be conducted

03:23 uh in the context of developing countries and that is the subject of

03:27 my uh presentation of the paper and my presentation today.

03:32 I think we all know that we are facing a public health and

03:37 and an economic

03:38 crisis.

03:40 Uh,

03:40 that

03:41 we have not seen

03:43 in the recent past,

03:45 public health emergencies caused by

03:47 the new

03:48 coronavirus

03:50 that has two

03:51 fatal characteristics.

03:53 First is that it's highly.

03:56 It,

03:56 it is highly contagious.

03:57 It's at least 10 times more contagious than SARS,

04:01 and.

04:02 The second is that

04:03 it is.

04:06 Deadlier.

04:07 It has,

04:07 it is between 3 and 30 times deadlier than seasonal influenza.

04:12 If unattended,

04:14 this pandemic could cause

04:16 millions of people to die.

04:20 We have seen a rapid increase in the number of

04:23 cases of infection.

04:25 Starting in,

04:26 uh,

04:26 China,

04:27 of course,

04:27 the epicenter,

04:28 the original epicenter of this pandemic

04:31 followed by a number of advanced countries in,

04:34 in Europe,

04:35 um,

04:36 lately in the US,

04:37 but,

04:37 uh,

04:38 countries in the developing world

04:40 are also seeing rapid increases

04:43 in the numbers of infection

04:45 and the number of deaths

04:46 as well.

04:48 The numbers of infections are multiplying by multiples of 5,

04:51 10 times

04:53 in some cases uh over just

04:55 1 week or two.

04:58 Now this uh

05:01 Public health crisis is producing at the same time an economic crisis.

05:06 What happens is that

05:08 the measures to contain the spread of the disease.

05:11 These measures are based on social distancing.

05:14 Uh,

05:14 the most extreme

05:16 example of social distancing is

05:18 a lockdown.

05:20 This implies a sharp reduction in,

05:22 uh,

05:22 in economic activity.

05:25 Now this adverse shock.

05:28 Health related and

05:30 economic related

05:31 is massive and global.

05:34 We can even say that this is worse than the global

05:37 financial crisis

05:39 in its potential consequences.

05:42 Economic shock,

05:44 if unattended,

05:45 can lead to mass unemployment

05:47 and business closures.

05:49 For poor

05:50 and developing countries,

05:52 the crisis can be

05:54 even worse.

05:55 This can turn into a humanitarian crisis

05:58 of unseen consequences,

06:01 worsening poverty.

06:02 Uh,

06:03 a lack of basic social services because governments would have

06:08 their revenues and their ability

06:10 much diminished

06:11 the social services in

06:14 education,

06:14 in health and safety.

06:16 And this

06:18 The situation can lead in extreme cases to social conflict.

06:24 Now why is it worse in developing countries?

06:27 First,

06:27 because they are suffering.

06:29 A massive

06:30 global economic shock

06:32 as we know

06:33 this um.

06:36 It is a shock has

06:38 made

06:39 the engines of growth of the international economy,

06:42 China,

06:43 Europe,

06:43 the US

06:44 will slow down significantly

06:46 because of this

06:48 there is a reduction

06:49 of exports,

06:51 especially raw materials that come from uh

06:54 from developing countries.

06:56 With a drop in commodity prices

07:00 to historical lows.

07:02 A sharp decline in services,

07:04 especially in tourism.

07:06 Many countries in

07:08 the developing world depend

07:10 on these services.

07:11 For instance,

07:12 where I live

07:13 in Southeast Asia,

07:14 many of the countries here

07:16 are heavily dependent

07:17 on,

07:17 on the,

07:18 on tourism.

07:21 The the fact that there is a decline in incomes in

07:25 developed countries means also that there is a decline in the remittances

07:29 that these foreign workers can send home

07:31 to

07:32 uh

07:33 developing countries.

07:36 On top of this,

07:38 Access to international financial markets.

07:42 Has become

07:43 recently more difficult and more expensive,

07:46 particularly for low

07:48 and middle income countries

07:49 because this capital

07:52 capital has returned

07:53 to the places of quote unquote

07:55 safety

07:56 in um

07:57 the deve the developed world.

08:01 This global shock.

08:03 Um,

08:05 comes.

08:07 At the

08:09 To

08:10 attack.

08:12 Situations in developing countries

08:14 that are structurally weak,

08:17 in fact,

08:18 we see the degree of

08:20 pandemic preparedness

08:22 in um.

08:24 Developing countries.

08:26 And this is a graph taken from a recent publication

08:29 at the,

08:30 at the World Bank.

08:32 It shows that.

08:34 This,

08:34 uh,

08:34 pandemic preparedness is

08:38 much lower

08:39 in the case of

08:40 developing countries,

08:42 uh,

08:42 in the case of poorer nations.

08:46 Now,

08:47 the structural conditions that make

08:49 this uh

08:51 preparedness lower.

08:53 Can be listed

08:55 as 4

08:56 1st

08:57 the dismal public health care capacity

08:59 that these countries have.

09:01 Give you an example.

09:03 Malawi

09:04 has

09:05 only 25 intensive care units for a population of 70 million,

09:10 and Zimbabwe has none.

09:13 It.

09:14 Fiscal space that is

09:16 the ability to deploy

09:17 funds and resources by the state

09:20 to counteract the shocks is low

09:23 in developing countries.

09:25 This poor governance,

09:26 which means that the state has low effectiveness

09:30 in uh managing these jobs.

09:32 And

09:34 importantly,

09:35 In many of these countries,

09:37 the informal

09:39 sector is rampant.

09:41 Fact

09:42 In um

09:44 in sub-Saharan Africa and in South Asia.

09:48 The

09:49 share of informal to total workers is over 80%.

09:54 It is also very high in East Asian Pacific,

09:56 in Middle East and North Africa,

09:59 and in Latin America.

10:01 Now why is this important?

10:03 Because

10:04 these informal workers

10:05 don't have unemployment

10:07 insurance.

10:09 Leave benefits,

10:10 paid leave.

10:12 And they don't have access to health insurance

10:15 because they are.

10:17 Most of them are self-employed.

10:20 Low income,

10:21 their level of savings are also

10:23 very low.

10:26 This creates

10:29 In some,

10:30 a very difficult situation.

10:32 What makes managing this health emergency so challenging.

10:37 Is that if unattended,

10:39 it could lead to countless numbers of fatalities.

10:43 Yet

10:44 if drastic measures to contain

10:46 the spread of the disease are imposed.

10:49 It can produce a deep recession

10:51 with business closures,

10:53 mass unemployment,

10:55 and poverty.

10:59 As the economist recently

11:00 wrote,

11:01 the trade-off

11:03 between saving lives

11:05 and saving livelihoods

11:06 is excruciating.

11:11 Although this is an excruciating trade-off

11:14 and real

11:15 and is unavoidable.

11:17 The terms of the trade-off can be changed.

11:21 In fact,

11:22 we argue

11:23 that

11:24 they can be

11:25 changed.

11:27 The,

11:27 the difficult trade-off can be eased

11:30 if,

11:30 uh,

11:30 two types of

11:31 public policy measures are taken.

11:34 The first

11:35 that I will not discuss in detail today

11:38 is about smart containment and mitigation measures.

11:41 These are

11:43 measures

11:44 that are suited

11:45 to developing countries that can

11:48 reduce the spread of the disease but don't have but would not have

11:52 such large

11:53 negative consequences

11:55 on economic reform.

11:58 Those are based

11:59 on um.

12:00 Protecting the most vulnerable groups,

12:03 insulating,

12:04 for instance,

12:04 the elderly.

12:06 Uh,

12:07 scaling up testing.

12:09 For antibodies and antigens.

12:12 And

12:12 also

12:13 isolating the cases of infection.

12:19 The second type of econo of public policy,

12:22 and this is the one that I will refer to in the rest of my presentation,

12:26 has to do with relief and recovery measures,

12:29 macroeconomic policies

12:32 to face the pandemic.

12:34 We find that it's instructive

12:36 to divide

12:37 macroeconomic policies.

12:41 Into two groups.

12:43 Depending on the timing

12:44 that they must be deployed.

12:47 During health crisis.

12:49 That is

12:50 while this containment and mitigation measures are

12:54 undertaken

12:56 that these measures that restrict

12:59 the supply

13:00 and to some extent also the demand

13:02 for economic

13:04 goods and services

13:05 and in the aftermath

13:07 that is

13:08 after

13:09 the health crisis

13:11 as.

13:12 Ended.

13:15 During the health crisis,

13:17 these macroeconomic policies should be mostly about relief.

13:21 And

13:22 in the aftermath

13:23 we can think about

13:25 recovery measures.

13:26 Let me go

13:27 one by one

13:28 relief measures.

13:30 We think the objective here.

13:32 The goal of macroeconomic policy

13:35 uh during this time of crisis

13:36 is not really to stimulate the economy.

13:39 This is impossible because

13:41 the containment measures

13:44 contain

13:45 to mitigate the spread of the disease

13:47 are actually based on

13:49 slowing down economic activity.

13:51 You cannot try to stimulate economic activity if on the other hand,

13:55 you are trying to.

13:56 Decrease it.

13:58 But rather

14:00 During this time of crisis,

14:02 public,

14:02 uh,

14:03 policy

14:04 should macroeconomic policies should be directed to

14:06 increasing public health care capacity

14:09 and supporting those

14:11 most affected

14:13 by the public health measures based on social distancing.

14:17 And

14:18 the more most extreme cases lockdown.

14:21 How do we do this?

14:23 In the paper we offer some specific suggestions

14:27 with examples.

14:28 Here I will be brief.

14:30 The first is

14:32 redirect

14:33 public expenditures to healthcare.

14:36 There are certain

14:37 Issues that

14:39 can be obtained with.

14:42 With

14:43 an increase in expenditures,

14:46 uh,

14:46 a redirection of public expenditures towards

14:50 important healthcare.

14:51 For instance,

14:52 in

14:53 increasing emer emergency hospital space.

14:57 Ventilators,

14:58 protecting medical equipment,

15:00 and

15:01 increasing the salaries

15:02 and compensation of medical personnel,

15:05 probably even including

15:06 uh insurance

15:08 for them.

15:10 The second

15:12 has to do with providing income support to people.

15:15 For formal workers,

15:17 this can be done through extending unemployment.

15:20 And leave benefits,

15:22 but as I said before,

15:24 the majority of workers are informal

15:26 and many people are very poor in these countries.

15:29 So for them.

15:31 General or targeted cash transfers

15:34 are

15:35 recommended.

15:36 General cash transfers

15:38 in cases where

15:39 the majority of the population

15:41 are poor

15:42 and targeted cash transfers where

15:45 a.

15:47 A group of people

15:49 that needed cash transfers can be clearly identified.

15:54 This usually happens in middle income

15:57 country context.

16:00 The third policy has to do with

16:02 With assisting affected businesses.

16:05 Many businesses have been affected,

16:07 not all,

16:07 of course,

16:08 but some crucially so.

16:10 For them,

16:11 wage subsidies are advised

16:13 as well as tax cuts,

16:15 moratoriums on debt repayments,

16:17 and credit lines.

16:19 Many of these

16:21 businesses and of course people as well depend on the financial system

16:26 to manage the shock.

16:28 So a

16:29 4th

16:30 measure

16:31 of relief

16:32 is reducing the stress on the financial system

16:35 by

16:36 cutting interest rates.

16:38 By reducing reserve requirements.

16:41 And by lowering the rates and increasing the maturity

16:45 on the discount window

16:47 that

16:48 banks can

16:49 tap on the central bank.

16:53 Korea has given us many examples on how to

16:57 manage this crisis.

16:59 They have also given us examples on these relief measures.

17:02 Uh,

17:02 they have allocated

17:05 a

17:06 budget

17:07 for relief measures in the order of 1.5% of GDP.

17:10 That's about $425 per capita.

17:14 And they have distributed

17:16 this uh.

17:18 Package

17:19 In the percentages that you can see.

17:22 In the slide,

17:24 health care,

17:25 that's the first topic that I spoke about,

17:27 about 10%

17:28 households

17:30 support

17:31 for,

17:31 uh,

17:32 income income

17:33 at the family level,

17:34 25%

17:36 and support for businesses

17:38 in many different ways,

17:39 some of

17:40 which I explained before

17:42 around 65%.

17:44 I believe.

17:47 That

17:48 many high

17:51 Income countries or are

17:53 Upper middle income countries

17:55 can actually.

17:57 Replicate a similar strategy,

17:59 a similar distribution

18:01 of uh of of public expenditures in in the times of the crisis

18:06 or.

18:07 Lower

18:09 income countries,

18:10 these shares may change a bit.

18:12 For instance,

18:13 the portion for households

18:16 would have to increase,

18:17 probably would take the lion's share

18:20 of the relief measure,

18:21 and the amount for businesses

18:23 would have to be correspondingly lower.

18:28 Now let me now turn to recovery measures.

18:31 So once the worst of the health emergency

18:35 is over,

18:37 Or that is,

18:38 once the containment and mitigation measures

18:41 have been,

18:42 uh,

18:42 lifted or reduced,

18:44 then the objective is to switch from

18:47 crisis management to macroeconomic stimulus.

18:51 The

18:52 goal is to help the economy regain its pre-crisis pattern.

18:57 That's what we'd like to call

18:59 a V-shaped

19:00 recovery.

19:04 How can we

19:05 do this or how can we approach at least

19:07 this goal?

19:09 Well,

19:10 the first thing obviously has to do with

19:12 the relief measures that I spoke

19:15 spoke about before.

19:17 Avoiding the collapse through relief measures

19:19 actually allows for recovery.

19:21 There will be nothing to recover

19:23 if everything has been lost and collapsed

19:26 because relief was not well implemented.

19:30 Then we can turn to.

19:33 The more uh classical ways

19:35 of uh macroeconomic policy,

19:38 monetary policy first

19:40 well in principle

19:41 monetary policy could be effective

19:43 in developing countries

19:45 because the majority of them.

19:48 For the majority of them,

19:49 the policy interest rates are well above

19:52 the zero lower bound.

19:55 Which means that the,

19:56 the interest rates could be reduced

19:58 and through that.

20:00 Tool,

20:01 uh,

20:01 aggregate demand,

20:03 that is aggregate investment and aggregate consumption

20:06 could increase.

20:08 That's in principle,

20:09 in theory.

20:10 In practice,

20:11 what we see is that the monetary transmission

20:14 mechanism

20:15 is

20:16 weak,

20:17 especially in low income

20:19 settings.

20:21 Um,

20:21 there is heterogeneity,

20:22 of course.

20:23 So some countries,

20:25 some countries,

20:25 monetary transmission mechanism

20:28 is sufficiently strong and so monetary policy is useful,

20:31 but in many others it's not.

20:33 A policy rate

20:35 determined by the central bank could decrease,

20:37 but this,

20:38 this may not have an effect

20:40 on

20:40 the lending rate

20:42 that businesses and

20:43 households

20:45 can obtain.

20:48 monetary policy is not very effective,

20:51 then governments may want to turn to fiscal policy.

20:54 This in theory as well could be effective,

20:58 but in practice what we have seen.

21:00 Is that

21:02 Because

21:02 fiscal space that is the resources that these economies have

21:06 is small.

21:07 The tax base

21:09 It's small.

21:11 And the fiscal multipliers are low.

21:14 That means that fiscal policy

21:16 is.

21:18 Usually in this,

21:19 in,

21:20 in settings of developing countries,

21:22 uh,

21:23 not very effective.

21:25 By fiscal multipliers being low,

21:27 I mean that

21:28 for

21:29 every dollar that the government spends,

21:32 GDP increases less than $1.

21:35 Most of the evidence

21:36 in fact points out

21:38 to a low

21:39 multiplier.

21:41 There are some cases

21:42 we can make the argument that

21:44 the fiscal multipliers are larger for

21:47 transfers to families.

21:49 In the case of public investment

21:51 or whenever the economy is in a recession,

21:54 yes,

21:55 there are some cases where

21:57 fiscal multipliers are larger.

22:00 But the evidence here is not very robust.

22:04 This leads us to conclude

22:06 that for

22:07 recovery measures,

22:08 a more reasonable objective.

22:12 Especially for low income countries

22:14 is to ensure continuity

22:16 of public goods and services,

22:18 of course,

22:18 including healthcare.

22:20 Maintaining macroeconomic stability

22:23 and providing for the poor and vulnerable.

22:28 The continuity of public goods and services here

22:31 is

22:32 key.

22:33 Uh,

22:34 for the

22:35 Returning to normality.

22:37 And providing for the poor and vulnerable is also crucial

22:41 so that

22:42 the hurt

22:44 from this crisis

22:45 uh does not lead to the humanitarian emergencies that I spoke about before.

22:52 Let me conclude here.

22:54 By highlighting two points

22:56 that we emphasize in

22:59 our

23:00 article.

23:02 Well,

23:02 a common cry.

23:05 During crisis is that desperate times call for desperate measures.

23:10 The problem with desperate measures

23:11 is that they are often wrong.

23:15 We think

23:15 that critical times actually call for well designed

23:19 government action and effective public.

23:22 Service delivery.

23:23 This is

23:24 government action

23:25 and

23:26 service delivery that is based on evidence

23:29 that is based on the capacities that these developing countries

23:32 can actually have

23:34 to exercise policy.

23:36 The principle then

23:38 is to preserve rather than ignore.

23:41 The practices for macroeconomic stability and for proper governance.

23:46 They have served

23:47 these countries in

23:48 good times

23:50 they can keep serving these countries in bad times.

23:54 And the second conclusion is in

23:56 regards to international cooperation and coordination.

24:00 That is the importance of it.

24:03 This shock

24:04 is large,

24:06 is global,

24:07 is highly contagious.

24:09 Because

24:10 of this,

24:10 the fact that it,

24:11 it is a systemic massive shock,

24:14 it requires international coordination.

24:17 This international coordination can internalize

24:21 the positive externalities of reducing 1st and 2nd wave infections.

24:25 We don't want,

24:26 for instance,

24:26 that if

24:27 once Europe has.

24:30 Has reduced the number of infections significantly that

24:34 because other countries say India

24:37 has lots of infections then

24:38 it can then reinfect

24:40 Europe.

24:44 The second

24:46 Externality that must be internalized through international coordination,

24:49 the negative externalities of unilateral actions

24:53 that may hurt other countries' economic.

24:56 By coordinating and cooperating,

24:58 countries can internalize

25:01 these externalities and obtain

25:04 altogether a better outcome.

25:08 Now,

25:08 given the magnitude of this negative shock.

25:12 Um

25:14 Developing countries are going to see their revenues drop.

25:17 That's

25:18 unavoidable.

25:20 And their access to financial markets dry up.

25:24 We have already seen how difficult it is now for

25:27 developing countries to access financial markets.

25:30 They will need financial assistance.

25:33 They will need financial assistance from international organizations

25:37 and

25:37 from advanced countries.

25:39 In the form of grants if they are

25:41 low income countries

25:43 and if they are.

25:45 Middle income countries most likely in the form of credit lines

25:49 and

25:50 debt renegotiation.

25:52 We think the international coordination and cooperation may yet prevent

25:57 the worst effects of the,

25:58 of this pandemic.

26:02 Thank you very much.

26:05 Thanks,

26:06 Norman,

26:06 uh,

26:07 for that excellent and concise presentation.

26:09 I think it gives us a nice,

26:11 um,

26:12 basis on which to,

26:13 um,

26:14 to,

26:15 to build our conversation.

26:16 Let's start alphabetically.

26:18 Um,

26:19 so,

26:19 Roberto,

26:20 would you have 10 minutes of wisdom to impart?

26:25 Thank you very much thank you for the invitation.

26:27 It's a pleasure to be here.

26:28 Let me share my.

26:30 It's here.

26:43 You see them?

26:45 Can you hear me?

26:46 Yes,

26:47 yes,

26:47 thank you.

26:48 Thank you.

26:49 OK,

26:50 um,

26:51 I,

26:51 um,

26:52 let me start by,

26:53 uh,

26:54 actually thanking.

26:55 Uh,

26:57 Loyce and Pennings for an excellent summary of problems.

26:59 I mean,

27:00 I,

27:00 I really enjoyed,

27:01 uh,

27:01 looking at the.

27:02 At at

27:03 their,

27:04 their primer their policy.

27:06 I learned a lot.

27:07 It's a very comprehensive summary of some of the difficulties

27:11 and approaches to the problem from the viewpoint of uh developing

27:15 countries,

27:15 and for that we have to be

27:18 quite grateful.

27:24 There's a lot in the.

27:26 In the primer and I wanted to focus on

27:30 um.

27:31 Particular point

27:34 Think can serve to uh motivate

27:36 a reflection on how we have been approaching the problem as economists.

27:41 And um.

27:42 The paper

27:44 emphasizes the need for coordination.

27:46 And

27:47 um

27:48 at the end of his,

27:49 uh,

27:49 discussion,

27:49 Norman said,

27:50 well,

27:50 international coordination is key,

27:51 but I,

27:52 there's a different kind of coordination that also turns out to be

27:56 essential,

27:56 which is coordination of

27:58 public health,

27:59 uh,

27:59 policies and approaches and macroeconomic policy.

28:04 That's what um in the abstract for example I identified

28:08 as a point that um caught my attention.

28:11 Partly because

28:15 Now I think it's fair to say.

28:17 That until this particular

28:20 crisis

28:21 there has been uh

28:22 very little

28:23 communication

28:25 between public health experts and macroeconomists.

28:29 It has not been zero.

28:30 I know for a fact that for example

28:33 more than 10 years ago there was a working group at the Federal Reserve

28:36 trying to uh devise some kind of coordination

28:39 with epidemiologists associated with the avian flu,

28:43 um.

28:44 Possibilities

28:45 to to design some kind of policy response so so there has been

28:49 some dialogue but um

28:51 the dialogue.

28:52 Up to this point has been quite um.

28:56 You and far in between

28:59 But I'm going to make a point that even now,

29:01 uh,

29:02 given the urgent situation where,

29:04 uh,

29:04 some

29:04 dialogue and learning from each other turns out to be essential.

29:08 Um,

29:09 the public health response and macroeconomic

29:11 policy proposals have essentially developed as a

29:14 separate enterprises.

29:17 What do I mean with this?

29:18 I mean,

29:18 I think about

29:19 most of what um

29:21 has been proposed.

29:24 Essentially

29:25 starts with the public health problem right so

29:28 public health side

29:30 recognizes well we have

29:31 this huge shock.

29:34 And uh

29:35 the shock of the public health emergency is modeled some by some kind of version of

29:40 of of some

29:42 contagion

29:43 uh virus contagion and epide epidemic models.

29:48 Often based on what is called the the SES model.

29:53 And uh that model actually is is building a particular way,

29:56 right?

29:56 I mean,

29:56 for example,

29:57 it emphasizes the fact that well the more people bump into

29:59 each other and uh infected people meet other non-infected people then

30:04 um you know we're going to

30:05 have a higher rate of infections and depending on

30:09 on that then.

30:10 That

30:11 implies for example that we should try to prevent people from meeting

30:15 so or or or or to to to to pursue activities that

30:18 that increase the frequency with which they

30:21 they meet.

30:21 So for example we uh it has been

30:24 um

30:25 recommended to try to flatten the curve directly by say

30:29 preventing people from meeting

30:30 that's the idea of mitigation or suppression.

30:34 But,

30:35 uh,

30:35 nevertheless,

30:36 you know,

30:36 the,

30:36 the,

30:36 the,

30:36 the,

30:37 um.

30:38 Predictions for example

30:39 are huge and the economic role in some sense

30:44 is is viewed as

30:45 two things.

30:46 One is,

30:46 well,

30:47 you know,

30:47 we want to alleviate the

30:50 pain

30:50 caused by,

30:51 uh,

30:52 you know,

30:52 the virus directly and also by the

30:54 associated restrictive policy measures,

30:56 whatever they are,

30:57 to,

30:58 um,

30:58 try to prevent.

31:00 Uh,

31:01 the problem of,

31:02 of,

31:02 of contagion and the pandemic.

31:05 And then uh in what Norman um

31:08 mentioned as or or or termed

31:10 the recovery phase I think uh we economic policy should try to prevent

31:15 a subsequent,

31:16 uh,

31:17 problem of possible crisis amplification and multiplication.

31:20 I mean we can

31:21 we're worried about for example

31:23 financial crisis or or or or the the breakdown of uh of payment systems or whatnot.

31:29 But here essentially economists are taking.

31:33 The outcomes of the public health analysis and

31:36 the recommendations as given

31:38 as the shock that economists

31:41 have to think about in in devising uh

31:43 public uh economic uh responses.

31:47 Now what's being ignored?

31:49 Well,

31:51 It's not um.

31:53 Too hard to actually believe that the dynamics

31:55 of uh of the coronavirus virus uh spread,

31:59 for example.

32:01 Um,

32:01 depends on,

32:02 on what people actually think that is going to be the economic situation and the,

32:06 the analysis.

32:08 Yes,

32:09 can we just hold one second,

32:10 um,

32:11 because a bunch of people are writing to me and saying they can't see your slides.

32:15 Is,

32:15 can you let me know

32:17 by chat if you can't see them?

32:20 I can see them,

32:21 yeah.

32:22 You can see,

32:22 no,

32:23 but,

32:23 but every,

32:23 I'm just there's a general

32:26 uh.

32:28 We,

32:29 I,

32:29 I can see them.

32:29 Um,

32:30 can you,

32:31 OK,

32:32 OK,

32:32 OK,

32:33 OK.

32:33 All right,

32:33 so,

32:35 OK,

32:35 so let's go.

32:36 And if I get any more complaints,

32:38 then,

32:38 uh,

32:38 I'll stop again.

32:40 OK,

32:41 thanks.

32:41 Sorry.

32:42 All right,

32:42 no problem.

32:43 Um,

32:46 What is being ignored in this

32:48 approach is

32:49 the fact that

32:51 um

32:52 essentially.

32:55 The dynamics of of of the of of the

32:58 spread of of coronavirus and um

33:01 the effectiveness if you want of public health measures like suppression measures

33:06 may depend

33:07 on

33:08 how people perceive and what they expect about their

33:11 economic situation.

33:13 And uh people make choices,

33:15 right?

33:15 I mean,

33:15 um,

33:16 here.

33:17 For example,

33:17 we have the case of Peru.

33:19 Peru is under a lockdown,

33:21 right?

33:22 And,

33:22 uh,

33:22 this,

33:22 this,

33:23 this photograph was taken a few days ago

33:25 when the lockdown is in place,

33:27 but people are still

33:28 in some areas going to the markets because

33:31 they have to

33:32 or they actually think they have to.

33:34 OK,

33:35 Roberto,

33:35 sorry to interrupt one time.

33:36 Are you sharing,

33:37 are you sharing your screen?

33:40 Yes,

33:40 it says,

33:41 uh,

33:41 my,

33:41 my screen says you're sharing a Microsoft

33:43 PowerPoint.

33:44 All right,

33:45 all right,

33:46 we just keep going.

33:47 I I apologize.

33:48 Yeah

33:49 I'm sorry.

33:51 Um,

33:54 So

33:55 We might want to think about the fact that

34:00 The choices that people make with respect to

34:02 whether for example to comply or not with uh

34:06 stay at home or lockdown directives are affected.

34:10 By uh what

34:12 their cost benefit analysis of say.

34:15 Staying at home or going to a market might be

34:18 I mean that's a situation that for example Andres Velasco and I

34:21 are trying to to model now.

34:23 Uh,

34:24 for example,

34:25 the,

34:25 the problem that people that are faced with the,

34:28 with,

34:28 with the question of whether to stay at home or not

34:30 may depend on the costs of staying at home and losing say current income

34:35 versus the costs of going to the market

34:38 and being infected at a higher rate than at home.

34:41 Which might actually mean that they

34:44 lose also future income

34:46 number one and also they actually suffer some kind of

34:49 of cost in a physical sense.

34:53 Now

34:54 when you think about it,

34:55 that actually depends on economic equilibrium.

34:57 I mean people are going to think that.

35:00 The loss of future income if they get infected is higher.

35:04 If the equilibrium there in the recovery phase of Norman's uh

35:09 um

35:10 um timing

35:11 actually is better than if it's not I mean uh

35:15 and therefore

35:15 you know these

35:16 uh decisions will depend

35:18 on macro policy but the point is also that these decisions will determine

35:22 the dynamics of contagion.

35:26 So

35:26 in that sense economic policy current and future

35:30 will

35:30 affect people's

35:32 costs and benefits of for example uh staying at home or not

35:36 complying with the

35:38 health directive.

35:39 And also affect the size of the shock in the economic sense

35:44 so we cannot think about those independently.

35:48 So this view has a lot of implications.

35:51 For example,

35:52 one is that the details

35:53 of economic policy proposals actually

35:56 are going to affect the dynamics of the epidemic.

36:00 I mean,

36:00 notice

36:01 that this is actually in contrast with the dominant models,

36:04 for example,

36:04 of the SERS type

36:05 right which take the dynamics of the epidemic

36:09 as as largely independent.

36:12 Independent of of uh expectations in particular

36:15 of economic uh

36:17 policies.

36:19 And um

36:21 by uh by the same token expectations about

36:23 future economic policy will affect the size of what

36:26 in the literature has been called the added demand and supply shock.

36:32 No,

36:33 this is particularly important for developing countries,

36:35 right,

36:35 because there's the risk that say obvious policies.

36:40 We actually

36:41 work at odds with um.

36:45 Health policies

36:46 like suppression

36:47 by providing the wrong incentive.

36:50 It's also an opportunity,

36:51 right?

36:51 I mean we can see that properly designed economic responses

36:55 can in fact facilitate

36:57 the effectiveness of health policies.

37:01 So to name an example

37:03 from.

37:06 Uh,

37:07 the paper,

37:07 uh,

37:08 by Lois and and pendings

37:10 they mentioned,

37:10 well,

37:11 at some point,

37:12 uh,

37:12 uh,

37:12 Norman also mentioned that

37:13 economic policies you should,

37:15 uh,

37:15 accompany,

37:17 um.

37:18 Health measures,

37:19 right?

37:20 Some of these measures,

37:21 uh,

37:22 economic policy measures are,

37:23 uh,

37:23 subsidized medical attention for prevention and cure

37:26 direct income support to vulnerable populations,

37:29 including cash transfers.

37:31 There was some discussion about whether these

37:33 transfers should be general or targeted.

37:37 No,

37:37 in thinking about this,

37:39 I think that we should recognize that these alternatives

37:41 not only have uh.

37:43 Different uh

37:45 implications for things like income distribution but also

37:48 they provide different incentives

37:50 for suppression policies

37:52 and compliance and therefore

37:54 for the dynamics of the epidemic.

37:57 So this is a problem that

37:58 as economists we should actually

38:01 pay more attention to.

38:02 And uh it may have to be um

38:05 Crucial

38:06 to try to differentiate.

38:09 Uh,

38:09 between policies that seem seem to be,

38:11 uh,

38:11 apparently similar.

38:13 Any case,

38:14 let me just conclude with,

38:15 um,

38:16 praising again and thanking,

38:18 uh,

38:18 Loyce and Pennings uh for a paper that we should all read,

38:21 right?

38:21 but I wanted to raise this

38:24 question

38:25 issue of the interaction of macroeconomic policy

38:27 and the dynamics of virus and infection

38:30 which essentially has been,

38:32 um,

38:33 not,

38:33 uh,

38:34 uh,

38:35 an issue in the literature I think it should be.

38:38 Thank you very much.

38:40 Thank you,

38:40 Roberto.

38:42 Uh,

38:42 Pierre Olivier,

38:43 um,

38:44 welcome,

38:45 and,

38:45 um,

38:46 your comments,

38:46 10 minutes please.

38:48 Yes,

38:48 um,

38:49 can you hear me?

38:50 Very well.

38:51 OK,

38:52 so let me share my screen.

38:54 Uh,

38:54 actually,

38:55 let me just

38:57 make sure I get this right.

38:59 Oh

39:03 OK.

39:05 Can you share the,

39:06 can you see my slides?

39:09 Yes,

39:09 we can.

39:10 OK,

39:11 excellent.

39:12 Well,

39:12 first,

39:12 uh,

39:13 thank you,

39:13 uh,

39:14 for inviting me to,

39:15 uh,

39:16 discuss this,

39:16 uh,

39:17 uh,

39:17 very interesting paper by

39:19 Norman and Stephen.

39:20 I,

39:21 uh,

39:21 will offer,

39:22 um,

39:23 some brief remarks and,

39:26 um,

39:27 that will,

39:28 you know,

39:29 be quite,

39:30 quite general.

39:30 I,

39:30 I think the first point to observe is that the situation

39:33 varies a lot across.

39:35 Countries

39:37 among emerging and developing countries and,

39:39 and,

39:39 and so

39:40 um

39:41 there are some general observations that we can make and I think the paper

39:44 uh is,

39:45 is very pertinent,

39:46 uh,

39:47 but we should keep in mind that there is,

39:48 there's still enormous uh heterogeneity here.

39:51 Um,

39:51 now,

39:52 um,

39:52 in,

39:53 in terms of,

39:53 um,

39:54 organizing my own thoughts and,

39:56 and I think that's the perspective that

39:58 Uh,

39:58 the paper adopts as well,

40:00 uh,

40:00 there is this,

40:01 uh,

40:01 this tension and,

40:03 and possibly interactions between,

40:05 between the pandemic curve and,

40:06 and the recession curve that,

40:08 uh,

40:08 Norman has discussed and,

40:09 and,

40:10 um,

40:10 and Roberto,

40:11 um,

40:12 uh,

40:12 came back,

40:13 uh,

40:13 came back to,

40:13 and I want,

40:14 I want to make two points on this.

40:15 The first,

40:16 sort of,

40:16 um,

40:17 the,

40:17 the general point is,

40:18 is very well,

40:19 I think at this

40:20 point in the,

40:21 uh,

40:21 discussion is very well understood that,

40:24 um,

40:24 the public health policy is trying to

40:27 Uh,

40:27 flatten the curve and try to keep the

40:30 number of infected people um

40:32 within

40:33 reasonable distance of the capacity of the healthcare sector

40:37 and that those measures,

40:39 health policy measures have

40:41 in the short run at least.

40:42 They have some

40:44 economic cost

40:45 and then on top of that,

40:46 uh,

40:47 this economy costs can be amplified if,

40:48 if,

40:49 if,

40:49 if no action is taken to try to,

40:52 uh,

40:52 to control

40:53 how much dislocation this causes in,

40:55 uh,

40:56 in,

40:56 in,

40:56 in,

40:57 in,

40:57 in,

40:57 um,

40:58 in the economy and that's the flattening of the recession curve.

41:01 But there are,

41:01 there are two important I think observations here that one

41:05 wants to keep in mind.

41:07 Um,

41:08 the first one,

41:09 is

41:10 that,

41:11 uh,

41:11 the,

41:12 the,

41:12 anything we do on flattening the,

41:14 uh,

41:14 the pandemic curve is,

41:16 uh,

41:17 is the nature of a global public good,

41:19 uh,

41:20 and so there are,

41:20 there is potentially strong,

41:22 uh,

41:22 feedback from,

41:24 uh,

41:24 whatever happens in emerging markets in developing

41:27 countries back to the advanced economies.

41:29 And,

41:30 and if

41:31 this is not contained in,

41:33 in the advanced,

41:34 in the,

41:34 in the emerging world then,

41:35 and then it's not contained

41:37 anywhere.

41:38 Um,

41:39 the,

41:39 the second,

41:40 the second observation which I think,

41:42 uh,

41:42 as we mentioned,

41:43 and I think is also very important is,

41:45 is the one Roberto just spent some time talking about the feedback from,

41:50 from the macro policies to,

41:52 uh to the health policy and I think there

41:54 the point is that if you don't have the

41:57 capacity to implement.

41:59 Uh,

41:59 um,

42:00 uh,

42:01 the,

42:01 the,

42:01 the,

42:02 from a macroeconomic point of view,

42:03 the

42:04 health policy rules,

42:05 um,

42:06 you know,

42:07 asking people to to be self-isolating or to be confined in their houses,

42:12 but somehow without having

42:14 income programs or support that will guarantee that

42:17 they don't need to go out,

42:18 well then they will go out and that's the picture that

42:21 Uh,

42:21 Roberto shared with us,

42:23 uh,

42:24 it's not because most people don't want to follow

42:27 instructions coming from the health authorities,

42:29 it's often because

42:31 there is very little,

42:32 very little choice,

42:33 and so

42:33 there is an interaction that goes both ways and I think it's very important to,

42:37 uh,

42:37 to keep that in mind.

42:39 Now when I think about emerging market and developing countries,

42:42 I,

42:42 I think

42:43 there are 4 observations I would like to make.

42:47 The first one is about the,

42:48 the time scale of the 3 different

42:52 crises that these countries are facing,

42:54 and I would say there's,

42:56 there's a financial crisis and sudden stop,

42:58 uh,

42:59 there's pandemic crisis,

43:00 and then there's a sort of recession macro crisis.

43:04 And I think that the time scales are different and this

43:07 is something that is important when we think about this.

43:09 So

43:10 the,

43:10 the,

43:11 the,

43:11 the timescale for the financial crisis is,

43:14 is the fastest,

43:15 and so that's the thing that is happening already.

43:18 Uh,

43:19 we know that

43:20 uh and I'm gonna share some uh some graphs here,

43:22 we know that the

43:24 the sudden stop is there and it's hitting

43:26 a large number of countries

43:28 already.

43:29 Uh,

43:29 the,

43:29 the timescale for the health crisis.

43:33 is not as fast as

43:35 the financial crisis or the sudden stop uh timescale,

43:40 um,

43:41 especially in the,

43:42 in many of the developing and emerging countries.

43:44 I mean,

43:44 I think

43:45 they're a bit behind in terms of where they are in

43:48 the development of the pandemics compared to the advanced economies,

43:51 and that's something

43:52 that um

43:54 is important to keep in mind that,

43:55 that can play a role in the way we think about policy.

43:58 And then the,

43:59 the,

43:59 the,

44:00 uh,

44:00 slowest timescale is the macro timescale,

44:03 and,

44:03 and here,

44:04 uh,

44:04 what this means is that the macro implications of both the policies

44:09 we put in place,

44:09 but also their

44:11 side effects and,

44:12 and if they're not accompanied properly,

44:14 are potentially going to last

44:16 much,

44:16 much longer than,

44:18 um,

44:18 than,

44:19 uh,

44:19 than either the sudden stop or,

44:20 or even the health crisis,

44:22 uh,

44:22 with,

44:23 with the feedbacks I,

44:23 I mentioned.

44:25 Um,

44:25 and,

44:26 and so here on the macro side,

44:27 uh,

44:28 the,

44:29 the,

44:29 um,

44:30 outlook and the description that Norman gave us is,

44:32 is,

44:33 is very grim and I think entirely accurate.

44:35 In many countries there is

44:37 limited,

44:37 uh,

44:37 fiscal and institutional capacity.

44:39 There is very little room

44:41 to do anything

44:43 on the scale that we've seen in,

44:46 um,

44:46 the advanced economies.

44:48 Um,

44:49 and in fact I'm going,

44:50 going to argue in,

44:51 in,

44:51 in,

44:52 uh,

44:52 my fourth bullet point on the slide that,

44:54 that it's even worse than that,

44:55 it,

44:55 the,

44:56 the fiscal policy that are implemented in

44:58 advanced economies may actually be making it harder

45:02 for

45:02 emerging and developing countries to,

45:05 uh,

45:06 to implement their own fiscal policy.

45:08 Um,

45:09 and so there,

45:10 the one saving grace for,

45:13 uh,

45:13 the,

45:14 on the macro side.

45:15 Um,

45:16 you know,

45:16 if I take them in reverse order,

45:17 the,

45:17 the,

45:17 the,

45:18 the,

45:18 the one saving grace on the macro side is,

45:20 is,

45:21 uh,

45:21 that maybe,

45:23 um,

45:24 the economy

45:25 will be able to rebound a little bit

45:27 faster than,

45:29 um,

45:30 you know,

45:30 advanced economies for a similarly sized initial contraction.

45:34 And this is where maybe,

45:36 you know,

45:36 we should think that informality is a

45:38 problem when we're in the lockdown phase because

45:41 that means that many of the

45:43 mechanisms by which we would disburse help may not reach

45:46 the people that are intended to help,

45:48 but it also probably means that there's a little bit more flexibility

45:52 on the exit side compared to,

45:54 let's say advanced economies,

45:55 and I think we,

45:56 we ought to keep that in mind that some,

45:58 some of the argument

46:00 for trying To preserve the network of

46:04 employer-employee matches and,

46:06 and,

46:06 and suppliers and firms matches,

46:08 etc.

46:09 that network may be able to reconstitute itself

46:13 more rapidly in,

46:15 in,

46:15 in some emerging and developing countries

46:18 and,

46:18 and that's maybe something that would

46:21 provide some,

46:22 some breathing room on the macro side,

46:24 on the,

46:24 on the exit part of the,

46:26 of the crisis.

46:27 Now

46:28 on the pandemic side.

46:30 The fact that emerging and

46:32 developing countries are a little bit behind,

46:35 not all of them,

46:35 of course,

46:36 as I said,

46:36 there is

46:37 tremendous heterogeneity across countries,

46:39 but on average,

46:40 this pandemic crisis has not hit yet at full force.

46:45 Um,

46:46 emerging and developing countries,

46:48 that gives us

46:50 some,

46:50 uh,

46:51 uh,

46:51 some ray of hope in the sense that,

46:54 you know,

46:54 potentially,

46:56 uh,

46:56 um,

46:56 we might be able to redeploy resources.

46:59 Um,

47:00 it's,

47:00 it's a global problem and the,

47:01 and the health capacity should maybe should be thought of as a,

47:04 as,

47:04 as a global health capacity and that's,

47:06 that's something that,

47:08 uh,

47:08 that's going to be important.

47:10 But of course

47:11 there the one,

47:14 the one concern that we may have is uh

47:16 is the negative feedback from the macro side.

47:19 If really nothing can be done

47:22 to help support confinement policies and,

47:25 and isolation policies and mitigation policies,

47:28 then

47:30 there's a much stronger risk that

47:32 either

47:33 uh uh it will be much longer lasting with many more people.

47:37 infected in a short amount of time

47:40 and,

47:40 and therefore with a much stronger negative effects,

47:42 and so

47:43 the,

47:43 the,

47:44 the concern there is that yes we have a little bit more time to,

47:47 to pivot and address the health side,

47:49 but at the same time there's much less capacity.

47:51 I think that's the tension.

47:53 Now on the financial side,

47:55 as I said,

47:55 you know,

47:57 the countries are already facing

47:58 Um,

47:59 what I call the mother of all 7 stops,

48:01 and the,

48:02 the,

48:02 the data is absolutely

48:03 horrifying when you look at the capital outflows

48:07 from,

48:08 uh,

48:08 the emerging market economies.

48:09 The,

48:09 the gross portfolio flows have,

48:11 have been,

48:11 have been very,

48:12 very large.

48:12 This is what this graph here from the uh

48:15 uh uh Institute for International Finance,

48:17 uh,

48:17 has put together and they're updating their data uh almost weekly and,

48:21 and,

48:21 and you can see it accumulated on the right,

48:23 accumulated.

48:24 Uh,

48:24 non-resident portfolio flows,

48:26 uh,

48:27 dwarf anything we've seen either in the global financial crisis,

48:30 that would be the blue line

48:32 or the time of the taper tantrum or in 2015 where there were some

48:36 Uh,

48:36 uh,

48:36 volatility related to China

48:38 and so this is really a much bigger,

48:41 a much bigger problem.

48:42 Now some of it is,

48:44 is in fact due to,

48:45 you know,

48:45 the repricing of risk that is generally happening

48:48 across

48:49 the world with investors becoming

48:52 much more cautious,

48:54 uh,

48:54 um,

48:55 and,

48:55 and you In the context where

48:57 you may anticipate that maybe the crisis will be

49:00 more severe on the macro and health side,

49:02 in developing countries,

49:02 it's not too surprising that there will be

49:05 a strong response of capital,

49:07 uh,

49:07 uh,

49:07 of capital flows,

49:08 but I want to argue that

49:10 there's also

49:11 a very significant component of that could be related to the fact that

49:16 um advanced economies are embarking on an unprecedented

49:20 borrowing binge.

49:21 And you know,

49:23 uh,

49:23 the world is a closed system

49:25 and if advanced economies are going to be borrowing huge amounts and there are,

49:29 you know,

49:29 whether it's the US,

49:31 European countries,

49:32 uh,

49:32 uh,

49:32 the UK,

49:33 Canada,

49:34 Japan,

49:34 or even China just announced a very significant

49:38 borrowing program,

49:40 there is

49:41 a potential that some of it will be coming from,

49:44 uh,

49:44 you know,

49:45 the emerging,

49:46 emerging countries that are looking maybe for safety or,

49:48 or even if you think in terms of gross flows just.

49:51 Uh,

49:51 foreign investors retrenching and,

49:53 and repatriating their,

49:55 their capital,

49:56 and so there's,

49:56 there's a compounding effect here on the macro side that I think we,

50:00 we ought to keep in mind.

50:02 Uh,

50:02 and so the,

50:03 the,

50:03 the upshot of all this is we,

50:05 we are looking,

50:06 um,

50:08 You know,

50:08 uh,

50:08 I,

50:09 I think a lot of people have started to realize

50:10 is we're looking at potentially a wave of sovereign defaults

50:15 the likes of which we've not seen,

50:17 uh,

50:17 um,

50:18 uh,

50:18 you know,

50:18 any time in,

50:19 in,

50:20 uh,

50:20 recent,

50:21 in recent history,

50:22 certainly much bigger

50:23 than

50:24 the last,

50:25 uh,

50:26 um,

50:26 synchronized wave of sovereign defaults in the 1980s,

50:30 and mostly concentrated in Latin America.

50:32 Uh,

50:33 so

50:34 that's one of the safety valve,

50:37 one of the few safety valves that many of these countries may have,

50:40 and,

50:40 and,

50:40 and there's a,

50:41 there's a certainly a big concern that

50:43 this is,

50:44 this is looming on,

50:45 on the horizon.

50:47 OK,

50:47 thank you very much,

50:48 Pierre Olivier.

50:49 Yeah,

50:49 we're gonna have to move on.

50:50 Um.

50:53 Um,

50:54 I just hit a few points and then,

50:55 and then,

50:56 uh,

50:56 I'm,

50:56 I'm almost done.

50:57 This is my last slide.

50:58 One minute.

50:59 OK,

51:00 so,

51:00 um,

51:01 let me just hit those three points I want to make here.

51:03 The first one is

51:04 on the pandemic,

51:05 the fact that it's staggered,

51:07 uh,

51:08 suggests that,

51:09 uh,

51:09 an important priority would be to have

51:11 some rotation of the health equipment and personnel,

51:15 uh,

51:15 uh,

51:16 from the countries that are past the peak of the

51:18 curve and free up some capacity to the others,

51:20 and I think there is something very important here.

51:22 I call it the International

51:23 COVID brigade.

51:25 That should be happening on the health side.

51:27 On the financial side,

51:28 as I said,

51:29 if nothing happens,

51:31 the global safety net is wholly insufficient,

51:35 so we're going to have a wave of sovereign default.

51:39 What needs to happen is an increase in the capacity

51:41 of financial institutions like the IMF and the World Bank,

51:45 but also

51:46 to have a serious discussion about a possible debt moratorium

51:49 for all emerging and developing countries.

51:52 And then on the third step,

51:53 I want to echo what Norman said,

51:55 which is

51:55 desperate measures,

51:56 desperate times call for desperate measures,

51:59 but you want to be careful about not throwing out

52:02 all the progress that has been done on improving governance

52:06 and institutions

52:07 by implementing things that might cast a very long shadow.

52:12 I will stop here.

52:14 Thank you,

52:14 um,

52:15 and look forward to the discussion.

52:17 Thank you very much,

52:17 Pierre Olivier.

52:19 Uh,

52:19 our next,

52:20 uh,

52:20 two commentators have additional qualifications,

52:23 and both were,

52:25 uh,

52:25 ministers in,

52:26 uh,

52:27 their respective governments.

52:28 Ricardo

52:29 Hausman was,

52:30 I think,

52:30 minister of planning in Venezuela,

52:31 and Andres Velasco was minister of finance,

52:34 um,

52:35 in Chile.

52:36 So they can bring an additional perspective,

52:38 uh,

52:38 as policymakers.

52:40 Um,

52:41 so,

52:41 Ricardo,

52:42 if you would go ahead,

52:43 10 minutes,

52:43 please.

52:44 Well,

52:44 thank you very much.

52:45 Uh,

52:46 thanks,

52:46 uh,

52:47 Norman for an excellent,

52:48 uh,

52:49 paper and thanks to,

52:51 uh,

52:51 Roberto and Pierre Olivier for excellent comments.

52:55 Um,

52:55 uh,

52:56 the first thing,

52:57 uh,

52:57 I would like to

52:59 Uh,

52:59 to say is that,

53:00 um,

53:02 uh,

53:02 we have,

53:03 so like in Norman's paper,

53:04 a general outline

53:06 of,

53:07 uh,

53:07 of the pandemic,

53:09 uh,

53:09 but there are very,

53:11 very important

53:12 details,

53:13 uh,

53:14 that,

53:14 um,

53:15 we don't know

53:17 and that we know that we don't know.

53:19 And that

53:20 uncertainty,

53:22 I think,

53:22 is paramount in

53:24 designing macroeconomic policy.

53:27 Uh,

53:27 for developing countries.

53:28 Let me say that right now,

53:30 uh,

53:30 the Growth lab is working with about 10 countries

53:33 across the world in,

53:35 in Central and South America,

53:36 in Europe and

53:37 the Middle East and in Africa,

53:40 um,

53:40 and we're trying to,

53:41 we've created a task force to,

53:43 to work with them through their day to day decisions

53:47 on,

53:47 on how to manage this situation and I'm going to

53:50 tell you a little bit my impressions if you want from,

53:53 from those front lines.

53:55 Um,

53:56 the first thing.

53:57 That,

53:58 uh,

53:58 Norman spoke about was two periods,

54:00 the period of,

54:01 of the pandemic and then the recovery.

54:04 Um,

54:04 it's very important to know

54:06 how long a period we are talking about.

54:08 Is this a 100 m dash race?

54:10 Is this a marathon?

54:12 How long it is,

54:13 and that depends on some parameters,

54:16 uh,

54:17 epidemiological parameters,

54:18 and we've been talking to epidemiologists and they've been

54:21 sort of like confessing to us all the things

54:23 that they

54:24 wish they knew.

54:26 Uh,

54:26 that they know that they don't know and that are critical.

54:30 Um,

54:31 some of them have to do,

54:32 you know,

54:33 with the percentage of

54:35 Of,

54:35 of people who,

54:36 who have the disease without any symptoms and consequently they become immune.

54:42 What,

54:42 what's that percentage in the population,

54:44 nobody knows,

54:45 nobody knows.

54:47 How effective

54:49 are these lockdown measures,

54:51 because it takes a long time for them to show up in the data and that long time,

54:55 say 3 weeks,

54:56 is an infinite amount of time from the point of view

54:58 of,

54:59 of,

54:59 you know,

54:59 the economic costs of the lockdown and so on.

55:02 So,

55:02 so there's a lot that,

55:03 that,

55:04 uh,

55:04 we don't know.

55:06 In addition,

55:07 you know,

55:07 as Pierre Olivier mentioned about flattening the curve,

55:10 you know,

55:11 flattening the curve also means

55:13 delaying

55:14 the amount of time in which we are fighting

55:17 the pandemic,

55:18 so it makes it a longer term,

55:20 it makes it a longer term,

55:22 um,

55:23 uh,

55:23 um,

55:24 uh,

55:25 crisis.

55:26 So,

55:26 uh,

55:27 you know,

55:27 does this peak in July?

55:28 Does this peak in October?

55:30 Does this peak in January of next year?

55:32 Um,

55:33 uh,

55:33 what,

55:34 what,

55:34 how,

55:35 how difficult,

55:36 um,

55:37 you know,

55:37 what is the time period for which we need to plan,

55:40 uh,

55:41 these things,

55:42 um.

55:44 Now,

55:44 um,

55:45 other countries that we're working on,

55:47 or most of them are under lockdown,

55:50 and right now the,

55:51 the issues that policymakers are facing is how do you manage the lockdown,

55:55 who's allowed to leave,

55:56 who's not allowed to leave?

55:57 How do you compensate the people so that they stay home?

56:00 Can you make them transfers,

56:02 uh,

56:03 um,

56:03 um,

56:04 how do you organize,

56:05 uh,

56:06 uh,

56:06 you know,

56:07 what kind of,

56:07 of,

56:08 uh,

56:09 force do you use to,

56:10 you know,

56:10 encourage people to stay home,

56:12 etc.

56:12 etc.

56:13 And,

56:14 and that

56:15 Prevents them from using the,

56:17 the lockdown period for what the lockdown period really is,

56:20 which is

56:21 a very,

56:21 very expensive purchase of time.

56:24 What are you doing,

56:25 uh,

56:25 from the point of view of,

56:27 of using that lockdown period to,

56:29 to,

56:30 uh,

56:30 to influence or affect the way you

56:33 come out of,

56:34 how,

56:34 what happens after the lockdown?

56:36 And here I want to make a second important point

56:39 that there is no clean break between

56:41 the pandemic period and the recovery period because

56:45 uh the measures,

56:46 the epidemiological measures are going to bleed into the next phase.

56:51 From what we think we know about this pandemic is that if you

56:55 lift the lockdown and go back to business as usual,

56:59 the R factor will be significantly above 1

57:02 and you will get the exponential back again.

57:05 So,

57:06 uh,

57:06 um,

57:07 so,

57:07 uh,

57:08 it's obvious that in the period after this

57:10 severe lockdown cannot be a normal period.

57:14 It will be a period that will also have macroeconomic consequences.

57:18 It will also have negative

57:20 supply,

57:20 uh,

57:21 consequences

57:22 for,

57:23 for,

57:23 for these economies.

57:26 Uh,

57:26 so,

57:27 um,

57:28 er.

57:30 In addition,

57:31 I think that we've,

57:32 we've talked uh broadly about the

57:35 different shocks to the economy,

57:37 but the discussion up to now has been sort of like in a very,

57:40 to some extent in a closed economy kind of framework

57:44 in which there is no balance of payments constraint.

57:47 But I think that the balance of payments

57:49 constraint is going to become dominant in many countries

57:53 for the reasons that Norman mentioned.

57:56 For the,

57:56 you know,

57:57 that exports and remittances and tourism and so on.

58:00 By the way,

58:01 by the way,

58:01 the shock to tourism.

58:03 How long will it be?

58:04 It will not depend on your own pandemic.

58:08 It will depend on everybody else's and the recovery of international travel,

58:11 which is going to be probably

58:14 the slowest to recover,

58:15 and that goes again into this idea that appeared

58:18 afterwards is not a period without any supply shock,

58:21 supply side restrictions.

58:25 Um,

58:26 so in this context,

58:29 uh,

58:29 let's,

58:30 so I'm thinking,

58:31 I'm thinking,

58:31 by the way,

58:32 we need

58:33 to have,

58:35 uh,

58:36 I,

58:36 I second very much what Roberto Chang was saying

58:39 and,

58:39 in his paper that he mentioned with,

58:41 uh,

58:42 Andres Velasco

58:43 that we need to somehow integrate.

58:46 Uh,

58:46 the

58:47 people's decisions during the lockdown and so on,

58:51 uh,

58:51 those are economic decisions that they will be optimizing,

58:53 and we,

58:54 we need to

58:55 integrate macro.

58:57 And epidemiology in the same way as

59:00 it has been discussed in previous events of this seminar series

59:03 with

59:04 um

59:05 Eichenbaum

59:06 and Rebelo's paper,

59:08 but

59:11 Uh,

59:11 we need to

59:12 help countries design exit strategies

59:16 that

59:17 do not

59:17 imply that they can replicate

59:20 Korea's capacity to test and track and so on.

59:24 I think that's,

59:25 that is not going to happen in part because

59:27 there's a,

59:28 a,

59:28 a glut,

59:29 there is a,

59:30 a shortage in,

59:31 in the market for tests and so on.

59:34 And

59:35 countries won't have the capacity

59:37 to implement uh

59:40 uh test and track and trace and so on,

59:42 uh,

59:43 the way,

59:43 the way,

59:44 uh,

59:44 you know,

59:45 uh,

59:45 Singapore does it.

59:47 So there's one idea that I want to,

59:49 to highlight that I wish we would discuss

59:52 more about,

59:53 which is the idea by this professor

59:55 Baruch Barzel from Bar Ilan University in Israel,

59:58 which is this alternating lockdowns.

1:00:01 That 1 week,

1:00:02 1 household

1:00:04 stays home,

1:00:05 and the next week they go out.

1:00:07 All businesses are open,

1:00:09 but maybe with half of their labor force.

1:00:12 And,

1:00:13 and that this weekly thing um

1:00:15 helps screen people so that if you got infected and you go home for a week,

1:00:19 you would probably get symptoms.

1:00:21 So if you get the symptoms,

1:00:22 you stay home.

1:00:23 And that way in his modeling,

1:00:25 it significantly lowers the R factor

1:00:27 and you may get

1:00:28 to uh an R factor maybe below 1

1:00:32 and uh on your exit and,

1:00:34 and that may be your exit out.

1:00:36 It's,

1:00:37 it requires social capital.

1:00:38 It does not require much fiscal resources,

1:00:40 it requires organization,

1:00:42 but I think it is something that given

1:00:45 its promise

1:00:46 and its fiscal cost,

1:00:48 And its capacity cost,

1:00:49 it,

1:00:50 it looks very promising,

1:00:51 and I think we should,

1:00:52 we should spend more time thinking about it.

1:00:55 Now,

1:00:56 the next thing is,

1:00:57 OK,

1:00:58 you mentioned,

1:00:59 Norman mentioned that we have limited fiscal space.

1:01:03 What

1:01:03 do you use it for and when do you use it?

1:01:06 He mentioned,

1:01:06 you know,

1:01:07 you need to use it in the relief

1:01:08 period because otherwise there's no economy to recover,

1:01:11 but then you have to use it in the recovery period.

1:01:14 My guess

1:01:15 is that countries are going to run out of fiscal space

1:01:19 during the relief period.

1:01:22 That uh they will have already committed,

1:01:25 uh,

1:01:25 you know,

1:01:25 all of their flexibility

1:01:27 uh during the relief period,

1:01:30 and that the amounts of money that have been

1:01:31 put on the table by the international community,

1:01:35 uh,

1:01:35 do not.

1:01:37 Do not represent a sufficient enough

1:01:40 um

1:01:41 uh solution

1:01:42 uh for to avoid uh uh the kind of catastrophe that Norman

1:01:47 uh was worried about.

1:01:49 So.

1:01:50 Uh,

1:01:51 um,

1:01:52 it is,

1:01:52 it is important to,

1:01:54 to think about the timing of this fiscal space

1:01:58 because I'm thinking that this process is going to be relatively long,

1:02:02 that,

1:02:03 the more successful we are in flattening the curve,

1:02:06 the longer it will take.

1:02:08 So,

1:02:08 it will be,

1:02:09 it will be a long period,

1:02:10 you know,

1:02:11 there's,

1:02:11 there are countries that have decided we're going to make

1:02:14 social transfers,

1:02:15 and then they immediately realize they can make it once,

1:02:18 they cannot make it twice,

1:02:19 they don't have the fiscal space for it.

1:02:21 So,

1:02:21 my,

1:02:22 my fear is that,

1:02:23 uh,

1:02:23 the fiscal space will be exhausted before

1:02:26 we get

1:02:27 uh out of the 1st,

1:02:28 1st phase.

1:02:30 On monetary policy,

1:02:31 I think there's an enormous variability across countries

1:02:36 because they have different exchange rate regimes.

1:02:39 Some of them have fixed exchange rate regimes,

1:02:41 so there is really no monetary policy there

1:02:44 except

1:02:45 22 things.

1:02:47 Should they devalue?

1:02:49 Should they devalue?

1:02:51 Uh,

1:02:51 is this the time to devalue?

1:02:53 Uh,

1:02:53 would

1:02:54 everybody devaluing at the same time be a beggar thy neighbor policy

1:02:58 or not?

1:02:58 You know,

1:02:58 what are the general equilibrium implications of that?

1:03:01 And how much of their international reserves should they use?

1:03:05 By the way,

1:03:06 this is a question also for countries that have inflation targeting,

1:03:10 floating,

1:03:10 and so on.

1:03:11 They have international reserves.

1:03:13 When should they put them on the table?

1:03:15 Is this the time and,

1:03:16 and,

1:03:16 and,

1:03:17 and for the countries with floating exchange rates,

1:03:19 uh,

1:03:20 you know,

1:03:20 it's very complicated for the central bank to start intervening in

1:03:23 the exchange rate market with what rules should there be auctions,

1:03:26 etc.

1:03:26 etc.

1:03:27 So those are important questions that we need to think about

1:03:30 in.

1:03:31 And finally,

1:03:32 er,

1:03:33 I like very much the comments that Pierro Olivier made uh about,

1:03:37 about the fact that capital is moving out of

1:03:39 er emerging markets and that,

1:03:41 er,

1:03:42 the world is a closed economy.

1:03:45 So in essence,

1:03:46 what we have is the need to recirculate

1:03:48 capital back to developing countries at scales

1:03:52 that are not in line

1:03:54 with the products.

1:03:56 That the international community has to date.

1:03:59 So,

1:04:00 I second very much the idea

1:04:02 that the IMF has to expand

1:04:06 the rapid finance instrument

1:04:08 by another doubling probably.

1:04:11 That we need

1:04:12 Significant more resources allocated to the IMF and the World Bank.

1:04:17 And that without that,

1:04:20 we should not exaggerate the amount of policy space countries will have

1:04:24 to manage this crisis.

1:04:26 Thank you very much.

1:04:28 Thank you,

1:04:28 Ricardo.

1:04:29 Uh,

1:04:30 welcome,

1:04:30 Andres.

1:04:31 Um,

1:04:32 and,

1:04:33 uh,

1:04:34 10 minutes,

1:04:34 please.

1:04:37 Thank you,

1:04:38 everybody.

1:04:38 Let me just make sure that I'm sharing my screen here.

1:04:42 And that um

1:04:45 Did it show up there?

1:04:46 Yes,

1:04:46 you can expand it though.

1:04:48 Yeah,

1:04:48 I'm about to do that once I find the um the right place.

1:04:52 OK.

1:04:54 Um,

1:04:56 All right,

1:04:56 can you see it?

1:04:58 Yes,

1:04:59 wonderful.

1:05:00 Well,

1:05:00 thank you,

1:05:01 uh,

1:05:01 Bill.

1:05:02 Thank you,

1:05:02 Norman,

1:05:02 for the invitation to,

1:05:04 uh,

1:05:04 participate in this,

1:05:05 uh,

1:05:06 discussion.

1:05:06 Pleasure to be sharing

1:05:08 the panel with my dear friends,

1:05:10 Roberto,

1:05:11 um,

1:05:11 Pierre Olivier,

1:05:12 and Ricardo.

1:05:14 Uh,

1:05:14 I will also begin by saying that I learned a lot from the paper that,

1:05:17 uh,

1:05:18 that Norman and,

1:05:19 uh,

1:05:19 co-author provided.

1:05:20 I think it's a very nice summary of the issues.

1:05:23 Let me just try to dig a little deeper,

1:05:26 uh,

1:05:26 into a few of them.

1:05:29 The first one is that obviously,

1:05:31 and once again,

1:05:32 the economist put it very well,

1:05:34 our big uh trade-off,

1:05:37 if there is one,

1:05:38 or the challenge,

1:05:39 put it that way,

1:05:40 is that we all have two goals in mind.

1:05:43 We want to save lives,

1:05:45 and we also want to save livelihoods,

1:05:48 that is to say,

1:05:49 save the economy.

1:05:51 And to make things more complicated,

1:05:54 we have to do this over several periods,

1:05:56 but there are two main periods.

1:05:58 The very short run,

1:06:00 when,

1:06:00 uh,

1:06:01 you know,

1:06:01 the urgent measures,

1:06:03 what some people have called disaster relief have to be put into place,

1:06:07 and the medium run,

1:06:08 when,

1:06:08 you know,

1:06:09 the lockdown restrictions begin to ease and the economy begins to recover.

1:06:13 And granted,

1:06:13 as Ricardo just said,

1:06:15 we don't quite know when that will happen.

1:06:17 Uh,

1:06:18 and that is something that we need to keep in mind.

1:06:21 The question I want to ask is,

1:06:23 is there always a trade-off between these two goals?

1:06:27 And the second question we need to ask is,

1:06:30 if there is a trade-off,

1:06:31 what can we do?

1:06:34 Well,

1:06:36 There isn't always,

1:06:37 always,

1:06:37 always a trade-off,

1:06:39 uh,

1:06:39 because,

1:06:40 uh,

1:06:40 if you begin to,

1:06:41 you know,

1:06:41 Roberto and I have been playing with a couple of models,

1:06:44 um,

1:06:45 uh,

1:06:45 you can tell stories in which,

1:06:47 you know,

1:06:47 a very restrictive lockdown policy,

1:06:50 you know,

1:06:50 saves lives today,

1:06:52 but also cause a lot of layoffs,

1:06:54 firms,

1:06:54 uh,

1:06:55 destroy valuable organizational capital,

1:06:58 fire workers,

1:06:59 and this,

1:07:00 of course,

1:07:00 delays the recovery or maybe makes the recovery impossible.

1:07:04 In that case,

1:07:05 there is a sharp trade-off.

1:07:07 But it could well be that if you save a lot of lives today,

1:07:09 you have more workers that are healthy tomorrow,

1:07:12 and that makes the recovery faster and more vigorous.

1:07:15 In that case,

1:07:16 maybe there isn't a trade-off,

1:07:17 or there isn't a trade-off that is quite as sharp.

1:07:21 So one message is that,

1:07:23 you know,

1:07:24 fighting,

1:07:25 uh,

1:07:25 or flattening the infection curve,

1:07:27 as many people,

1:07:28 including Pierre Olivier,

1:07:29 have said,

1:07:30 need not always flatten the economy.

1:07:33 And the devil very much is going to be in the details.

1:07:36 And I think one

1:07:38 job for analysts,

1:07:39 economists,

1:07:41 and concerned experts that we really have to sort out

1:07:44 over what ranges of what policies there is a trade-off,

1:07:48 um,

1:07:49 when there isn't a trade-off.

1:07:50 And as usual,

1:07:51 the devil is going to be in the details.

1:07:53 And

1:07:54 a lot will hinge on what the post lockdown period looks like.

1:07:59 And the difficulty,

1:08:00 uh,

1:08:01 is,

1:08:01 and here I want to echo what both Roberto and Ricardo said,

1:08:05 the problem is that we don't know very much about that,

1:08:09 but quite crucially,

1:08:10 what happens

1:08:11 in the future

1:08:12 will determine

1:08:13 what policies may or may not be um

1:08:16 appropriate today,

1:08:17 and that.

1:08:19 Feedback loop is very,

1:08:20 very delicate.

1:08:21 Uh,

1:08:22 Roberto made the point,

1:08:23 and I want to,

1:08:24 uh,

1:08:24 emphasize that.

1:08:26 Now,

1:08:27 there is a trade-off,

1:08:28 uh,

1:08:28 and of course,

1:08:29 over many ranges of many policies,

1:08:32 there will be a trade-off.

1:08:33 Uh,

1:08:34 what do we do?

1:08:36 Well,

1:08:36 clearly,

1:08:37 we want to ameliorate the trade-off.

1:08:39 Uh,

1:08:40 nothing,

1:08:41 nothing,

1:08:41 uh,

1:08:42 very new or mysterious here.

1:08:43 We want to change the,

1:08:45 the slope of that,

1:08:47 uh,

1:08:48 pandemic possibility frontier,

1:08:50 if you want to put it in those terms.

1:08:52 And here,

1:08:53 there are three kinds of policies.

1:08:55 The first one is,

1:08:57 we call it health and containment policies.

1:09:00 And I get the sense that in the rush to lockdown,

1:09:04 and as a former policymaker,

1:09:06 and as a recovering politician,

1:09:08 I know that the political incentives are all there

1:09:11 to rush into lockdown very quickly.

1:09:13 Um,

1:09:14 you know,

1:09:14 if the country next door is doing it,

1:09:16 and you're not doing it,

1:09:17 and you're the president or the prime minister,

1:09:19 then you will very easily be accused of being slow,

1:09:22 being careless,

1:09:23 being indolent.

1:09:25 So you will move.

1:09:26 But the question is,

1:09:27 of course,

1:09:27 not only to move quickly,

1:09:28 but also to move intelligently.

1:09:31 And there's probably some policy space here

1:09:33 for things like massive and early testing.

1:09:36 There

1:09:37 is a proposal by Paul Romer that goes into this direction.

1:09:41 Uh,

1:09:42 for lockdowns that insulate the elderly,

1:09:44 a very important point is that if we're all locked in

1:09:47 with our,

1:09:48 you know,

1:09:48 grannies,

1:09:49 and we

1:09:51 infect our grandparents,

1:09:53 then the cost is tremendous.

1:09:54 So not all lockdowns

1:09:56 are created equal.

1:09:57 And last but not least,

1:09:58 there's maybe be room.

1:09:59 Ricardo just mentioned one alternative.

1:10:02 Uh,

1:10:03 you know,

1:10:03 sort of half the families,

1:10:04 you know,

1:10:04 the even number of families go out one week.

1:10:07 Um,

1:10:08 and the odd number of families go,

1:10:09 uh,

1:10:10 out at different weeks.

1:10:10 Countries like Panama have been

1:10:12 experimenting with days in which women go to work and days when men go to work.

1:10:16 Um,

1:10:17 there's probably room here,

1:10:19 uh,

1:10:19 uh,

1:10:19 for institutions like the World Bank with a lot of,

1:10:22 uh,

1:10:23 professional capacity

1:10:24 to experiment,

1:10:25 to think,

1:10:26 to,

1:10:26 uh,

1:10:26 to tell us more about this.

1:10:29 Then,

1:10:29 of course,

1:10:29 there are labor policies.

1:10:31 Uh,

1:10:31 you want to make it easier to work from home,

1:10:34 and some countries have incredibly restrictive,

1:10:37 uh,

1:10:37 labor codes that make it very difficult to do this.

1:10:40 It should be kind of a no-brainer,

1:10:43 very low hanging fruit to modify those rules to make it easier to work from home.

1:10:47 You want to extend sick pay and do other things that allow people

1:10:50 to remain productive while at home.

1:10:53 Last but not least,

1:10:54 and this is what I want to focus,

1:10:56 uh,

1:10:56 uh,

1:10:57 uh,

1:10:57 some of my remaining time on,

1:11:00 you want to ameliorate the trade-off

1:11:02 by following intelligent macroeconomic policies,

1:11:06 uh,

1:11:06 or to put it differently,

1:11:07 if you follow the wrong macro policies,

1:11:09 or if you follow no countercyclical counter-crisis macro policies,

1:11:14 you're going to be the victim of some very nasty,

1:11:17 some very toxic multipliers that are going to be,

1:11:20 be setting in

1:11:21 early on.

1:11:23 And instead of ameliorating the trade-off,

1:11:24 you will be worsening the trade-off in a

1:11:26 way that is quite dramatic and quite substantial.

1:11:31 So if you begin to think about the macroeconomics of a pandemic,

1:11:34 um,

1:11:35 and,

1:11:36 uh,

1:11:36 Roberto and I with a third co-author,

1:11:38 uh,

1:11:39 Luis Felipe Cesves from the University of Chile have been,

1:11:42 have been playing around with a,

1:11:44 a,

1:11:44 a model along these lines.

1:11:46 You can think of the pandemic in many ways,

1:11:48 but one simple way is to say that you suddenly have a massive negative supply shock.

1:11:54 You lose workers,

1:11:55 you lose sales,

1:11:57 firms lose revenue.

1:11:59 Uh,

1:11:59 so,

1:11:59 um,

1:12:00 they're cashless.

1:12:01 They're penniless,

1:12:02 at least in the short run.

1:12:04 Uh,

1:12:05 and the key challenge,

1:12:06 maybe not the only one,

1:12:07 but let me emphasize it to keep,

1:12:09 uh,

1:12:09 the story clear.

1:12:11 The key challenge is to preserve organizational capital,

1:12:14 because if you run a good firm,

1:12:16 you probably spent a lot of time and effort,

1:12:18 you know,

1:12:18 finding just the right work,

1:12:20 and just the right suppliers.

1:12:22 And if you fire all of your workers,

1:12:23 and if you

1:12:24 stop paying all of your suppliers,

1:12:26 then you cannot simply

1:12:28 rebuild those networks,

1:12:30 rebuild that specialized labor force

1:12:32 in the future.

1:12:34 So to be productive tomorrow,

1:12:36 you have to spend money today.

1:12:38 And the question is,

1:12:39 well,

1:12:39 how do you keep paying wages?

1:12:40 How do you keep,

1:12:41 um,

1:12:42 your suppliers happy by paying the money you owe to them?

1:12:45 And here,

1:12:46 the question is,

1:12:47 you know,

1:12:47 very,

1:12:47 it has a very simple answer is credit,

1:12:49 credit,

1:12:50 credit,

1:12:50 credit,

1:12:50 credit,

1:12:51 not just rollovers of existing debts,

1:12:54 but new resources for working capital.

1:12:57 And it's important to emphasize here that tax cuts alone will not do the trick.

1:13:02 A tax cut means that you're

1:13:05 paying the government less,

1:13:07 but,

1:13:07 uh,

1:13:07 this does not mean that you have working capital

1:13:10 to do things like keep paying your wage bill.

1:13:12 And interest rate cuts alone will not do the trick

1:13:16 because firms are not constrained by

1:13:18 the size of the interest payment.

1:13:20 Firms are simply quantity constrained,

1:13:22 not price constrained

1:13:24 by the fact that they need more cash and

1:13:26 they don't necessarily have access to that cash.

1:13:29 So what do most countries do?

1:13:30 What a lot of central banks have done is simply say,

1:13:32 we'll give you a credit line,

1:13:34 we will lend to you,

1:13:36 banks,

1:13:36 uh,

1:13:36 and the banks,

1:13:37 in turn,

1:13:38 will lend to these firms.

1:13:40 But it is very easy to imagine scenarios in which you will have a catch-22,

1:13:45 because,

1:13:46 um,

1:13:47 even if the

1:13:48 commercial bank can get cheap credit from the central bank,

1:13:51 well,

1:13:51 the commercial bank

1:13:53 will lend to the firm if I,

1:13:54 uh,

1:13:55 it thinks that the firm will be healthy in the future.

1:13:57 But the firm will be healthy and productive in the future,

1:13:59 if and only if

1:14:01 it can retain organizational capital,

1:14:03 and that requires

1:14:04 that the bank lend.

1:14:06 So,

1:14:06 um,

1:14:07 it is not hard at all to imagine situations in which you have very bad equilibria,

1:14:12 uh,

1:14:13 and in which bad self-fulfilling prophecies can set in.

1:14:17 The policy implication,

1:14:19 of course,

1:14:19 is that you need not only cheap financing for banks,

1:14:22 but you also are going to need a very active

1:14:24 role for government to rule out those bad equilibria.

1:14:28 And here there's room for the regulator.

1:14:30 There may be room for commercial banks that are state owned and

1:14:33 other agents to be very active ruling out those bad equilibria.

1:14:37 Cheap credit alone,

1:14:38 low interest rates alone are not going to do the trick.

1:14:43 I have 2 more slides,

1:14:44 uh,

1:14:45 on,

1:14:45 uh,

1:14:46 two other issues that seem important to me.

1:14:49 Um,

1:14:50 if this is a hard job in general,

1:14:51 it is particularly hard,

1:14:53 and I'm thinking of the macroeconomic containment

1:14:56 in the case of emerging markets and developing countries.

1:15:00 One unique issue,

1:15:01 of course,

1:15:02 is the prevalence of self-employed and informal workers,

1:15:06 because

1:15:07 it makes it very hard to say to a firm,

1:15:09 I will lend to you as long as you keep the payroll the same,

1:15:13 because we have no idea what the payroll

1:15:15 was because there were no official labor contracts.

1:15:18 It makes it also very hard to lend to a firm because,

1:15:21 you know,

1:15:21 the firm has no income statements and no balance sheets.

1:15:24 So what do you learn against?

1:15:26 That's the bad news.

1:15:28 Now,

1:15:28 the good news may be,

1:15:29 and I think,

1:15:30 uh,

1:15:30 Pierro Olivier,

1:15:31 maybe Ricardo mentioned this,

1:15:32 that um

1:15:33 the big formal firms probably have a lot of um.

1:15:37 Uh,

1:15:38 specialized employment,

1:15:40 a lot of organizational capital.

1:15:42 So if they fire workers,

1:15:43 there's a big social debt weight loss.

1:15:46 Informal firms may have less of this,

1:15:48 and as a result,

1:15:49 if there's some labor shedding,

1:15:51 it can probably

1:15:52 be undone at a later stage without tremendous,

1:15:56 there will be some,

1:15:57 but without tremendous,

1:15:58 uh,

1:15:59 productivity losses.

1:16:01 The other big issue,

1:16:02 and a couple of my uh predecessors,

1:16:05 uh,

1:16:06 uh,

1:16:06 in the floor have said it,

1:16:08 you know,

1:16:08 um,

1:16:09 a difference between advanced countries and emerging

1:16:12 markets is institutional capacity and credibility.

1:16:16 You know,

1:16:16 I'm living in the United Kingdom right now.

1:16:18 This is a very,

1:16:19 uh,

1:16:19 organ,

1:16:20 you know,

1:16:20 orderly country.

1:16:21 If Boris Johnson says stay home,

1:16:23 people stay home.

1:16:25 Uh,

1:16:25 in developed,

1:16:26 uh,

1:16:27 sorry,

1:16:27 in developing countries,

1:16:29 there are fewer,

1:16:30 um,

1:16:31 enforcement,

1:16:31 enforcement capabilities.

1:16:34 Governments have less credibility,

1:16:36 but crucially,

1:16:37 the trade-off is very different,

1:16:39 because I'm,

1:16:40 you know,

1:16:41 if I'm a poor worker,

1:16:42 I will stay home today,

1:16:43 if and only if,

1:16:45 I think that I will have a reasonable income tomorrow,

1:16:48 uh,

1:16:48 so that,

1:16:49 uh,

1:16:49 I will be able to feed my family tomorrow.

1:16:52 But I,

1:16:52 I,

1:16:52 if I have no income today,

1:16:54 and I expect my family will have no income tomorrow,

1:16:56 then I will go out today,

1:16:57 no matter what

1:16:58 the cost in terms of likely infection.

1:17:01 So this is another area,

1:17:03 uh,

1:17:03 and Roberto emphasized this,

1:17:05 in which they're very,

1:17:06 uh,

1:17:07 complicated

1:17:08 feedback,

1:17:08 uh,

1:17:09 loops between what happens today,

1:17:11 both on the health front and the economic front,

1:17:14 and what happens tomorrow on the economic and the health,

1:17:17 uh,

1:17:17 front.

1:17:18 And there could be tremendous scope for,

1:17:21 uh,

1:17:21 self-fulfilling prophecies,

1:17:22 bad equilibria,

1:17:23 uh,

1:17:24 and other nasty outcomes that governments have to endeavor to rule out.

1:17:28 Last but not least,

1:17:30 Ricardo said this,

1:17:31 and,

1:17:31 and I think everybody has said this,

1:17:33 um,

1:17:34 EMs and DCs have much less fiscal space.

1:17:38 A handful of emerging markets,

1:17:40 some in Latin America,

1:17:41 may have some capacity to borrow,

1:17:43 but they are really the exception rule.

1:17:45 Most emerging and developing countries don't have uh much fiscal space.

1:17:49 Whatever they have,

1:17:50 they're probably spending,

1:17:52 uh,

1:17:52 uh,

1:17:52 or getting rid of already.

1:17:54 So,

1:17:55 the role of external financing,

1:17:57 the role of the IFIs is going to be absolutely crucial,

1:18:00 absolutely essential in this crisis.

1:18:03 So let me,

1:18:04 uh,

1:18:04 and this is my last slide,

1:18:06 uh,

1:18:06 say a couple of things about that.

1:18:09 First of all,

1:18:10 priority number 123,

1:18:12 and 4 should be the resources

1:18:14 for the emergency health measures.

1:18:16 Um,

1:18:17 in the big scheme of things,

1:18:19 this is not so much money.

1:18:22 Um,

1:18:23 the World Health Organization has estimated that $40 billion

1:18:27 are what EMs and DCs need

1:18:30 to,

1:18:30 uh,

1:18:31 um,

1:18:32 face the pandemic with reasonable health resources.

1:18:36 $40 billion is a lot of money,

1:18:38 but Uh,

1:18:39 you also have to keep in mind that to some extent,

1:18:42 this expenditure

1:18:43 pays for itself,

1:18:44 because it really ameliorates all the other trade-offs.

1:18:47 And in the end,

1:18:48 both on humanitarian grounds and on efficiency grounds,

1:18:53 it makes a lot of sense to make this money available.

1:18:56 Secondly,

1:18:57 um,

1:18:59 uh,

1:19:00 you have to think about all the resources,

1:19:02 uh,

1:19:02 that are macroeconomically essential,

1:19:05 uh,

1:19:05 for keeping households and firms liquid,

1:19:08 so that they can keep spending,

1:19:10 paying,

1:19:10 paying their debts,

1:19:11 paying salaries,

1:19:12 etc.

1:19:13 Uh,

1:19:14 the headline figures,

1:19:15 of course,

1:19:15 are gigantic.

1:19:16 They are unimaginably big.

1:19:18 If you begin to tally some of the programs of,

1:19:20 uh,

1:19:21 you know,

1:19:21 announcing rich countries,

1:19:23 you see,

1:19:24 uh,

1:19:24 numbers that are 10% of GDP,

1:19:26 uh,

1:19:27 and in some cases,

1:19:28 uh,

1:19:28 substantially bigger.

1:19:30 Now,

1:19:31 the question,

1:19:31 of course,

1:19:31 is where could developing countries or emerging markets get 10% of GDP?

1:19:36 Probably not even the,

1:19:38 the ones that have a lot of fiscal space like Chile,

1:19:40 you know,

1:19:41 could afford to spend 10 points of GDP.

1:19:43 But the headline is really misleading,

1:19:45 I think,

1:19:46 because this is gross spending,

1:19:47 this is not net spending.

1:19:49 And what I mean by this is that in the absence of this spending,

1:19:52 you're going to

1:19:53 To have a big recession,

1:19:55 an economic collapse,

1:19:56 and in the end,

1:19:57 um,

1:19:58 revenues,

1:19:59 state revenues will fall,

1:20:00 uh,

1:20:01 and,

1:20:01 uh,

1:20:02 the,

1:20:02 uh,

1:20:02 economic situation and the fiscal situation will be even worse.

1:20:06 To put it in a somewhat unfair and somewhat provocative way,

1:20:10 you can spend a lot of money upfront,

1:20:12 and in the end,

1:20:13 uh,

1:20:13 come out ahead.

1:20:14 The US government,

1:20:15 uh,

1:20:16 sorry,

1:20:16 the US government

1:20:17 actually made money

1:20:19 bailing out

1:20:20 the biggest,

1:20:21 uh,

1:20:21 12 banks and AIG a little over a decade ago.

1:20:25 It bailed out GM and Chrysler,

1:20:27 and that cost in present value terms American taxpayers

1:20:30 only $8 billion on a much,

1:20:33 much,

1:20:33 much bigger

1:20:34 initial,

1:20:35 uh,

1:20:35 initial layout.

1:20:36 So,

1:20:37 um,

1:20:38 if we don't spend this money upfront,

1:20:40 we may end up,

1:20:41 uh,

1:20:41 in fact,

1:20:41 uh,

1:20:42 with a much larger fiscal burden later on,

1:20:45 and somebody will have to pay that bill,

1:20:47 including creditors,

1:20:48 of course,

1:20:48 because as Pierre Olivier mentioned,

1:20:50 we could be looking at a big,

1:20:53 big,

1:20:53 um.

1:20:54 And debt problems down the road.

1:20:57 The alternative to um

1:20:59 spending the money in emerging and developing countries

1:21:02 is simply

1:21:03 letting the pandemic uh run wild until herd immunity is attained,

1:21:09 that is to say,

1:21:10 until large numbers of people are infected,

1:21:12 and that alone stops the spread of the disease.

1:21:16 This was a strategy that the UK uh briefly considered and eventually discarded,

1:21:21 and it did so to some extent because of political reasons,

1:21:24 but also because the estimates

1:21:27 led policymakers to believe

1:21:29 that in the United Kingdom alone,

1:21:31 the deaths could be in the hundreds of thousands.

1:21:34 Um.

1:21:35 Apply this,

1:21:36 um,

1:21:37 this logic to the Asian continent or

1:21:40 to Sub-Saharan Africa,

1:21:42 and it is not hard to come up with estimates of deaths are in the millions.

1:21:46 So the alternative to spending,

1:21:48 uh,

1:21:48 the money that is required

1:21:50 is truly unthinkable and truly horrendous.

1:21:54 And this is my last point,

1:21:55 uh,

1:21:55 and Ricardo said this very clearly,

1:21:57 and I want to echo

1:21:59 what he had to say.

1:22:00 This means that,

1:22:02 um.

1:22:04 If 10 years ago,

1:22:05 the world needed a lot from the World Bank,

1:22:07 and especially from the IMF,

1:22:10 today,

1:22:10 the world needs a great deal more,

1:22:13 and this is not the time to be cautious,

1:22:15 and this is not the time to be conservative.

1:22:17 At the very least,

1:22:18 I think

1:22:19 we need a very fast financing of the IMF.

1:22:23 And given that the Federal Reserve is,

1:22:25 you know,

1:22:25 the ultimate source of dollars,

1:22:27 and as Ricardo pointed out,

1:22:28 what the world is going to need here is dollars,

1:22:31 one can imagine.

1:22:33 Swap arrangements between the Fed and the IMF,

1:22:36 which,

1:22:36 uh,

1:22:36 in turn,

1:22:37 of course,

1:22:37 the IMF could take the resources and lend them

1:22:40 to emerging markets.

1:22:41 Uh,

1:22:42 the beauty of that is that the Fed doesn't take country risk.

1:22:45 The IMF,

1:22:46 uh,

1:22:46 ends up with a country risk,

1:22:47 but of course,

1:22:48 that's what the IMF is for.

1:22:50 Secondly,

1:22:51 you know,

1:22:51 um,

1:22:52 and this may be too time consuming,

1:22:55 but at least we should put it uh very quickly on the table.

1:22:58 We need to expand,

1:22:59 uh,

1:22:59 SDRI availability,

1:23:01 and we also need to,

1:23:03 to allow in the IMF uh lending,

1:23:05 which is a much bigger multiple of quota.

1:23:07 And last but not least,

1:23:08 for countries that are indebted,

1:23:10 um,

1:23:11 debt relief must be very much the name of the game because as Ricardo pointed out,

1:23:16 very soon,

1:23:16 balance of payments considerations are going to be the overwhelming concern

1:23:20 in many developing countries and in many emerging markets.

1:23:24 So,

1:23:24 financing is absolutely key,

1:23:26 and there,

1:23:27 the international financial community has a great deal

1:23:30 of homework to do.

1:23:32 Let me stop there.

1:23:33 Thanks very much.

1:23:35 Thanks,

1:23:35 Andres.

1:23:36 Um,

1:23:37 thanks to all of you.

1:23:38 We have 5 minutes,

1:23:41 uh,

1:23:41 left,

1:23:42 um,

1:23:43 and there have been several questions,

1:23:44 but I'm just gonna pose to,

1:23:46 distill them to 21 is

1:23:48 on this trade-off between life and livelihood.

1:23:51 Um,

1:23:52 the one way of shifting the curve seems to be

1:23:55 early detection,

1:23:56 testing,

1:23:56 and,

1:23:57 uh,

1:23:57 and quarantining.

1:23:59 Is this really the overall feeling from the panel has

1:24:03 been that this is not that feasible in developing countries.

1:24:07 Do you subscribe to that,

1:24:09 or it seems to abandon that particular

1:24:13 approach,

1:24:14 really condemns us to a very dark outlook.

1:24:17 The second thing is we keep talking about these massive.

1:24:22 Needs for resources,

1:24:24 some of which will appear,

1:24:25 but many won't.

1:24:27 What is your

1:24:28 five year forecast for global inflation?

1:24:36 Bill,

1:24:37 Bill,

1:24:37 can I?

1:24:38 Sure.

1:24:40 OK,

1:24:40 let me address the,

1:24:41 the first,

1:24:42 uh,

1:24:42 the first question.

1:24:44 Sure,

1:24:44 I think we have,

1:24:45 we have all recognized that.

1:24:47 That there is a trade-off,

1:24:49 at least for developing countries.

1:24:51 Uh,

1:24:51 Andres

1:24:52 spoke about the possibility that

1:24:55 Under certain circumstances that might not be one,

1:24:58 but I think those circumstances apply mostly to advanced countries,

1:25:01 if any.

1:25:02 But for developing countries,

1:25:03 I think the overwhelming

1:25:05 evidence is that there is a trade-off,

1:25:08 this very hard trade-off between saving lives and saving livelihoods,

1:25:12 and

1:25:12 I believe that from all the.

1:25:16 Opinions given in this in this panel

1:25:18 we can.

1:25:20 Conclude

1:25:21 that what we need is a combination of

1:25:24 intelligent macro policies,

1:25:26 intelligent labor policies,

1:25:28 and

1:25:29 intelligent public health measures.

1:25:32 And

1:25:33 on the we have spoken a lot about

1:25:35 the first two,

1:25:37 but I also want to emphasize now

1:25:39 the importance of

1:25:41 smart containment and mitigation policies.

1:25:44 They are feasible

1:25:46 in developing countries.

1:25:48 They are not only about.

1:25:50 Uh,

1:25:50 testing,

1:25:51 but they do rely on testing.

1:25:53 There is a paper that is now being produced by

1:25:56 some people in,

1:25:57 uh,

1:25:57 at the World Bank,

1:25:58 Adija Matu,

1:25:59 and Jeff Friedman,

1:26:00 and,

1:26:01 uh,

1:26:02 Damian Delwke.

1:26:04 They are

1:26:06 Presenting a possibility,

1:26:07 a strategy

1:26:08 that has worked in some places

1:26:10 for scaling up both

1:26:12 antibody and antigen testing,

1:26:15 that's one

1:26:15 aspect of,

1:26:16 of,

1:26:16 of the

1:26:17 intelligent or smart containment and mitigation policy.

1:26:20 The second aspect is about insulating the most vulnerable groups,

1:26:24 possibly

1:26:26 in households.

1:26:27 There's also some evidence,

1:26:28 and that can be done.

1:26:29 And the third possibility,

1:26:31 the third aspect of this,

1:26:33 uh,

1:26:33 smart.

1:26:34 strategy

1:26:35 is to.

1:26:37 Isolate the groups

1:26:38 that are currently infected.

1:26:41 If we work through this.

1:26:44 And uh and impose other measures that are

1:26:47 very cost effective.

1:26:48 So for instance,

1:26:49 wearing masks in,

1:26:50 in public,

1:26:51 uh,

1:26:52 that this may be a requirement.

1:26:54 It is something that the international community,

1:26:56 uh,

1:26:57 hesitated a bit a lot at the beginning.

1:26:59 But now even the CDC

1:27:01 has proposed that this is,

1:27:03 this,

1:27:03 this is recommended.

1:27:05 So if we do something like this,

1:27:07 we may be able

1:27:08 to ease the trade-off

1:27:10 between,

1:27:11 um,

1:27:11 saving lives and saving livelihoods.

1:27:14 But it would have to be through this combination

1:27:17 of intelligent

1:27:18 macro policies.

1:27:20 Intelligent labor policies

1:27:22 and intelligent containment and mitigation policies.

1:27:29 Thanks Bill.

1:27:33 All right.

1:27:33 One minute apiece from our distinguished commentators before we go.

1:27:40 Well thank you very much.

1:27:41 I am

1:27:43 impressed by the um by the discussion.

1:27:46 Let me just um mention about uh in particular this uh fiscal costs that as um,

1:27:52 Andres has emphasized,

1:27:54 uh,

1:27:55 this,

1:27:55 um,

1:27:56 some of the

1:27:57 commitments may not.

1:28:00 May not be needed at the end if for example

1:28:03 we can prevent a multiple equilibria and bank ranks and crisis

1:28:08 and also that feeds back into people's

1:28:11 expectations about the future and their decisions about whether

1:28:13 to comply or not for example with public uh

1:28:16 uh containing

1:28:18 containment measures at this point.

1:28:20 That that's,

1:28:20 that was my point and uh you know I interpret

1:28:23 that Norman talked about smart policies and I think that we

1:28:27 have to recognize the

1:28:28 impact of incentives,

1:28:30 uh,

1:28:31 in fact the dynamics of the of

1:28:33 of Coronavirus spread.

1:28:39 Uh,

1:28:40 yeah,

1:28:40 just,

1:28:41 uh,

1:28:41 uh,

1:28:41 just very brief remarks.

1:28:42 I mean I thought it was a terrific panel.

1:28:44 I learned a lot from both the paper and uh my co-panelists.

1:28:48 Um,

1:28:49 on the question that,

1:28:50 um,

1:28:50 is implicit in,

1:28:51 in Bill's,

1:28:53 um,

1:28:54 question to us,

1:28:55 I think,

1:28:56 um,

1:28:56 about the likelihood of future inflation.

1:28:59 I think

1:28:59 there are two points I want to make here.

1:29:01 The first one is

1:29:03 We have to,

1:29:04 um,

1:29:06 we have to be careful about

1:29:08 not repeating some of the mistakes of the

1:29:11 way we handle the,

1:29:12 um,

1:29:13 uh,

1:29:13 global financial crisis in 2008.

1:29:16 Where the global economy pivoted towards fiscal austerity

1:29:21 way too early

1:29:23 and

1:29:24 because of concerns about that sustainability.

1:29:26 Now there are,

1:29:26 as we,

1:29:27 as we discussed since I made that point,

1:29:28 there are issues with that sustainability in

1:29:31 many emerging

1:29:33 and developing countries right now,

1:29:35 that's not a concern for most of the advanced economies and it,

1:29:37 it,

1:29:38 we have to be careful about not pivoting too early

1:29:41 towards a discussion of um fiscal austerity.

1:29:44 Now,

1:29:44 what about inflation?

1:29:46 Well,

1:29:46 I'm,

1:29:46 my,

1:29:47 my short answer would be that inflation would be a sign that things are normalizing.

1:29:50 It would be a sign that people are

1:29:52 coming out,

1:29:52 they want to spend,

1:29:53 maybe the supply is not quite there yet.

1:29:55 Their purchasing power has been protected during the crisis,

1:29:59 and as a result,

1:30:01 there is a general rise in prices.

1:30:03 That's something that central banks

1:30:05 are equipped and policymakers are equipped to deal with.

1:30:08 I'm,

1:30:09 I'm in a sense that uh comes

1:30:11 number 56 or 7 in,

1:30:14 in the list of worries

1:30:15 I have about,

1:30:16 about the current situation.

1:30:17 Certainly it doesn't come,

1:30:18 not 1,

1:30:19 not 2,

1:30:19 not 3,

1:30:20 not even 5.

1:30:21 Um,

1:30:23 now,

1:30:23 what is also true is I think there's going to be a lot of movements in relative prices.

1:30:27 It doesn't mean that generally we're going to have

1:30:29 a rise in inflation,

1:30:30 but I think relative prices are,

1:30:32 are likely to change a lot because there is a lot of readjustment in

1:30:37 the global production

1:30:39 and so that's something that could

1:30:41 have local consequences that could be,

1:30:44 could be um

1:30:45 important.

1:30:46 Um,

1:30:47 I will stop there.

1:30:49 Great,

1:30:50 Ricardo.

1:30:56 Ricardo,

1:30:57 are you still there?

1:30:59 Yeah,

1:31:00 yeah,

1:31:01 yeah,

1:31:01 sorry.

1:31:02 Quick,

1:31:02 a final pithy remark.

1:31:05 Look,

1:31:05 uh,

1:31:05 one idea,

1:31:06 simple idea,

1:31:08 uh,

1:31:08 El Salvador sort of stumbled into it.

1:31:11 The informal sector,

1:31:13 uh,

1:31:14 pays the formal sector.

1:31:16 They pay electricity bills,

1:31:18 water bills,

1:31:18 uh,

1:31:19 uh,

1:31:19 telephones,

1:31:20 they,

1:31:21 they pay,

1:31:21 uh,

1:31:22 interest on,

1:31:23 on,

1:31:23 you know,

1:31:24 motorcycles or,

1:31:26 or electrical

1:31:27 equipment that they bought from department stores.

1:31:30 Those are formal companies.

1:31:32 You can

1:31:33 restructure.

1:31:34 You can force these companies to

1:31:36 give

1:31:37 their clients,

1:31:38 uh,

1:31:39 uh,

1:31:40 uh,

1:31:40 you know,

1:31:40 a loan on the

1:31:41 next 9 months,

1:31:43 next 3 months of payments or whatever.

1:31:45 And,

1:31:46 in that way you're essentially using

1:31:48 your moral suasion or your capacity to regulate the formal sector

1:31:52 to extend liquidity

1:31:54 to the informal sector and those kinds of ideas I think

1:31:57 are at a premium

1:31:59 these days.

1:32:00 OK.

1:32:01 And uh Andres,

1:32:03 the last thought.

1:32:07 We've lost him.

1:32:09 Yes,

1:32:10 uh,

1:32:10 no,

1:32:10 I'm here.

1:32:10 I'm here.

1:32:11 Can you hear me?

1:32:12 Yes.

1:32:14 I,

1:32:15 I want to take up in a few sentences your concern

1:32:19 about um inflation.

1:32:22 Uh,

1:32:23 and I want to arrive at the same conclusion as Per Olivier did,

1:32:26 but,

1:32:27 but phrase it somewhat,

1:32:28 somewhat differently.

1:32:29 Um.

1:32:32 If I had told you in 2005,

1:32:36 that the Federal Reserve would multiply its balance sheet

1:32:39 by a factor of 4,

1:32:40 and that inflation would remain at zero,

1:32:43 you would have probably said that I was crazy.

1:32:45 I've been smoking something.

1:32:47 Um,

1:32:48 but that's exactly what happened.

1:32:50 Um,

1:32:51 and,

1:32:51 uh,

1:32:52 to understand that,

1:32:53 we,

1:32:53 I think we have to understand that,

1:32:55 uh,

1:32:55 macroeconomic circumstances changed massively.

1:32:58 That,

1:32:59 um,

1:33:00 central banks began paying interest on reserves,

1:33:03 that,

1:33:03 of course,

1:33:04 because the world interest rate fell sharply,

1:33:06 the interest rate had to pay was very,

1:33:08 very little.

1:33:09 And so a great deal more liquidity could be

1:33:11 injected into the system without any destabilizing consequences.

1:33:16 Yes,

1:33:16 the world is different today than it was 12 years ago.

1:33:19 But um there's one thing that

1:33:21 the world then and the world today share,

1:33:24 and that is

1:33:26 the real interest rate across the board on planet Earth remains incredibly low.

1:33:32 And because it remains incredibly low,

1:33:35 two things are true.

1:33:36 You can issue a lot of debt,

1:33:38 uh,

1:33:38 as long as,

1:33:39 um,

1:33:40 Uh,

1:33:41 as the interest rate is low

1:33:43 without necessarily opening yourself up to a big debt crisis,

1:33:47 and secondly,

1:33:48 if,

1:33:49 you know,

1:33:49 if the nominal interest rate is 0%,

1:33:51 government bonds and money are perfect substitutes.

1:33:53 So you can also issue a lot more money

1:33:56 without necessarily prompting a run out of money.

1:33:59 That may not last forever.

1:34:01 Um,

1:34:02 you know,

1:34:02 5 years from now,

1:34:03 of course,

1:34:03 if the real interest rate in the world rises,

1:34:06 that equilibrium may be harder to sustain.

1:34:08 But today,

1:34:09 we are in that world,

1:34:11 and,

1:34:11 uh,

1:34:12 you know,

1:34:12 the world is nasty in many dimensions.

1:34:14 In this particular regard,

1:34:16 it is not so nasty.

1:34:17 So I think for many countries,

1:34:18 not only the very rich countries,

1:34:20 but also some middle income countries,

1:34:21 and emerging economies,

1:34:23 their debt carrying,

1:34:24 uh,

1:34:24 capacity has risen a lot in this environment of very low,

1:34:27 uh,

1:34:28 world interest rates.

1:34:29 And that is an opportunity to be aggressive,

1:34:31 uh,

1:34:32 not an invitation to be shy.

1:34:34 Great.

1:34:35 Thank you very much,

1:34:36 Andres.

1:34:36 Thank you,

1:34:36 Ricardo.

1:34:37 Thank you,

1:34:38 Pierre Olivier.

1:34:39 Thank you Roberto,

1:34:40 and especially thank you

1:34:42 Norman.

1:34:43 Uh thank you all online and stay tuned for the next

1:34:47 uh

1:34:48 Episode of

1:34:50 uh economics in the COVID era.

1:34:53 Thank you all.

showAllTimestamps
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transcript
Yes, Bill, you can start now. OK. All right. Um, welcome to all of you, um, who have come online, I guess we all are at this point, um, to this session on the macroeconomic policy in the time of COVID-19, a primer for developing countries. Um, I'm Bill Maloney, chief economist for Uh, EFI and we have an all-star lineup today. We're going to begin with a presentation of about 2025 minutes by Norman Loweza of his primer. Um, Norman is the lead economist and development research group at the bank, and he's currently in the Malaysia hub of the research group. Um, then we will have, um, distinguished panelists, uh, from. Roberto Chung from Rutgers University. He's professor of Economics at Rutgers and research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research. Then we will have um Pierre Olivier Gonza, um, who is at uh UC Berkeley. Um, many accolades, um, Ricardo Hausman, an old friend who is director of the Growth lab at Harvard Center for International Development, and Rafik Hariri, professor of the Practice of International Political Economy and Development, uh, at Harvard Kennedy School. It's a very long title, Ricardo. Um, and then he's, uh, we'll probably dial in a little bit later, but Andres Velasco, who is the Dean of the School of Public Policy at the London School of Economics and Political Science. Uh, so, We're going to have Norman go first and then we will for 20 minutes, 25 minutes, then each of our panelists will have 10 minutes to correct him on his errors and reinforce him where he's correct, and then we'll open it up for questions both from YouTube and from from Webex. They're going to be pre-filtered by by the staff here just so we get a good variety of them in that case prevent overload. Um, so without further ado, I think I'll turn it over to Norman. Um, go ahead. Many thanks, Bill. Let me share my screen first. All right. Thanks, thanks, Bill, uh, for that nice introduction. Uh many thanks to our, uh, our distinguished members of the panel, Roberto, Pierro Olivier, Ricardo, Andres. My, uh, presentation, in fact, is intended to set the stage, uh, for the discussion that will come later on. Well, and, and the presentation is based on a paper that Steven Pennings and I working with a group here in Kuala Lumpur, uh, have written. We started working on this presentation on this, uh, paper about 3 weeks ago. At that time, most of the discussion in regards to the policy response to the pandemic was focused on advanced economy. We thought that it was uh important to highlight the differences on how my macroeconomic policy should be conducted uh in the context of developing countries and that is the subject of my uh presentation of the paper and my presentation today. I think we all know that we are facing a public health and and an economic crisis. Uh, that we have not seen in the recent past, public health emergencies caused by the new coronavirus that has two fatal characteristics. First is that it's highly. It, it is highly contagious. It's at least 10 times more contagious than SARS, and. The second is that it is. Deadlier. It has, it is between 3 and 30 times deadlier than seasonal influenza. If unattended, this pandemic could cause millions of people to die. We have seen a rapid increase in the number of cases of infection. Starting in, uh, China, of course, the epicenter, the original epicenter of this pandemic followed by a number of advanced countries in, in Europe, um, lately in the US, but, uh, countries in the developing world are also seeing rapid increases in the numbers of infection and the number of deaths as well. The numbers of infections are multiplying by multiples of 5, 10 times in some cases uh over just 1 week or two. Now this uh Public health crisis is producing at the same time an economic crisis. What happens is that the measures to contain the spread of the disease. These measures are based on social distancing. Uh, the most extreme example of social distancing is a lockdown. This implies a sharp reduction in, uh, in economic activity. Now this adverse shock. Health related and economic related is massive and global. We can even say that this is worse than the global financial crisis in its potential consequences. Economic shock, if unattended, can lead to mass unemployment and business closures. For poor and developing countries, the crisis can be even worse. This can turn into a humanitarian crisis of unseen consequences, worsening poverty. Uh, a lack of basic social services because governments would have their revenues and their ability much diminished the social services in education, in health and safety. And this The situation can lead in extreme cases to social conflict. Now why is it worse in developing countries? First, because they are suffering. A massive global economic shock as we know this um. It is a shock has made the engines of growth of the international economy, China, Europe, the US will slow down significantly because of this there is a reduction of exports, especially raw materials that come from uh from developing countries. With a drop in commodity prices to historical lows. A sharp decline in services, especially in tourism. Many countries in the developing world depend on these services. For instance, where I live in Southeast Asia, many of the countries here are heavily dependent on, on the, on tourism. The the fact that there is a decline in incomes in developed countries means also that there is a decline in the remittances that these foreign workers can send home to uh developing countries. On top of this, Access to international financial markets. Has become recently more difficult and more expensive, particularly for low and middle income countries because this capital capital has returned to the places of quote unquote safety in um the deve the developed world. This global shock. Um, comes. At the To attack. Situations in developing countries that are structurally weak, in fact, we see the degree of pandemic preparedness in um. Developing countries. And this is a graph taken from a recent publication at the, at the World Bank. It shows that. This, uh, pandemic preparedness is much lower in the case of developing countries, uh, in the case of poorer nations. Now, the structural conditions that make this uh preparedness lower. Can be listed as 4 1st the dismal public health care capacity that these countries have. Give you an example. Malawi has only 25 intensive care units for a population of 70 million, and Zimbabwe has none. It. Fiscal space that is the ability to deploy funds and resources by the state to counteract the shocks is low in developing countries. This poor governance, which means that the state has low effectiveness in uh managing these jobs. And importantly, In many of these countries, the informal sector is rampant. Fact In um in sub-Saharan Africa and in South Asia. The share of informal to total workers is over 80%. It is also very high in East Asian Pacific, in Middle East and North Africa, and in Latin America. Now why is this important? Because these informal workers don't have unemployment insurance. Leave benefits, paid leave. And they don't have access to health insurance because they are. Most of them are self-employed. Low income, their level of savings are also very low. This creates In some, a very difficult situation. What makes managing this health emergency so challenging. Is that if unattended, it could lead to countless numbers of fatalities. Yet if drastic measures to contain the spread of the disease are imposed. It can produce a deep recession with business closures, mass unemployment, and poverty. As the economist recently wrote, the trade-off between saving lives and saving livelihoods is excruciating. Although this is an excruciating trade-off and real and is unavoidable. The terms of the trade-off can be changed. In fact, we argue that they can be changed. The, the difficult trade-off can be eased if, uh, two types of public policy measures are taken. The first that I will not discuss in detail today is about smart containment and mitigation measures. These are measures that are suited to developing countries that can reduce the spread of the disease but don't have but would not have such large negative consequences on economic reform. Those are based on um. Protecting the most vulnerable groups, insulating, for instance, the elderly. Uh, scaling up testing. For antibodies and antigens. And also isolating the cases of infection. The second type of econo of public policy, and this is the one that I will refer to in the rest of my presentation, has to do with relief and recovery measures, macroeconomic policies to face the pandemic. We find that it's instructive to divide macroeconomic policies. Into two groups. Depending on the timing that they must be deployed. During health crisis. That is while this containment and mitigation measures are undertaken that these measures that restrict the supply and to some extent also the demand for economic goods and services and in the aftermath that is after the health crisis as. Ended. During the health crisis, these macroeconomic policies should be mostly about relief. And in the aftermath we can think about recovery measures. Let me go one by one relief measures. We think the objective here. The goal of macroeconomic policy uh during this time of crisis is not really to stimulate the economy. This is impossible because the containment measures contain to mitigate the spread of the disease are actually based on slowing down economic activity. You cannot try to stimulate economic activity if on the other hand, you are trying to. Decrease it. But rather During this time of crisis, public, uh, policy should macroeconomic policies should be directed to increasing public health care capacity and supporting those most affected by the public health measures based on social distancing. And the more most extreme cases lockdown. How do we do this? In the paper we offer some specific suggestions with examples. Here I will be brief. The first is redirect public expenditures to healthcare. There are certain Issues that can be obtained with. With an increase in expenditures, uh, a redirection of public expenditures towards important healthcare. For instance, in increasing emer emergency hospital space. Ventilators, protecting medical equipment, and increasing the salaries and compensation of medical personnel, probably even including uh insurance for them. The second has to do with providing income support to people. For formal workers, this can be done through extending unemployment. And leave benefits, but as I said before, the majority of workers are informal and many people are very poor in these countries. So for them. General or targeted cash transfers are recommended. General cash transfers in cases where the majority of the population are poor and targeted cash transfers where a. A group of people that needed cash transfers can be clearly identified. This usually happens in middle income country context. The third policy has to do with With assisting affected businesses. Many businesses have been affected, not all, of course, but some crucially so. For them, wage subsidies are advised as well as tax cuts, moratoriums on debt repayments, and credit lines. Many of these businesses and of course people as well depend on the financial system to manage the shock. So a 4th measure of relief is reducing the stress on the financial system by cutting interest rates. By reducing reserve requirements. And by lowering the rates and increasing the maturity on the discount window that banks can tap on the central bank. Korea has given us many examples on how to manage this crisis. They have also given us examples on these relief measures. Uh, they have allocated a budget for relief measures in the order of 1.5% of GDP. That's about $425 per capita. And they have distributed this uh. Package In the percentages that you can see. In the slide, health care, that's the first topic that I spoke about, about 10% households support for, uh, income income at the family level, 25% and support for businesses in many different ways, some of which I explained before around 65%. I believe. That many high Income countries or are Upper middle income countries can actually. Replicate a similar strategy, a similar distribution of uh of of public expenditures in in the times of the crisis or. Lower income countries, these shares may change a bit. For instance, the portion for households would have to increase, probably would take the lion's share of the relief measure, and the amount for businesses would have to be correspondingly lower. Now let me now turn to recovery measures. So once the worst of the health emergency is over, Or that is, once the containment and mitigation measures have been, uh, lifted or reduced, then the objective is to switch from crisis management to macroeconomic stimulus. The goal is to help the economy regain its pre-crisis pattern. That's what we'd like to call a V-shaped recovery. How can we do this or how can we approach at least this goal? Well, the first thing obviously has to do with the relief measures that I spoke spoke about before. Avoiding the collapse through relief measures actually allows for recovery. There will be nothing to recover if everything has been lost and collapsed because relief was not well implemented. Then we can turn to. The more uh classical ways of uh macroeconomic policy, monetary policy first well in principle monetary policy could be effective in developing countries because the majority of them. For the majority of them, the policy interest rates are well above the zero lower bound. Which means that the, the interest rates could be reduced and through that. Tool, uh, aggregate demand, that is aggregate investment and aggregate consumption could increase. That's in principle, in theory. In practice, what we see is that the monetary transmission mechanism is weak, especially in low income settings. Um, there is heterogeneity, of course. So some countries, some countries, monetary transmission mechanism is sufficiently strong and so monetary policy is useful, but in many others it's not. A policy rate determined by the central bank could decrease, but this, this may not have an effect on the lending rate that businesses and households can obtain. monetary policy is not very effective, then governments may want to turn to fiscal policy. This in theory as well could be effective, but in practice what we have seen. Is that Because fiscal space that is the resources that these economies have is small. The tax base It's small. And the fiscal multipliers are low. That means that fiscal policy is. Usually in this, in, in settings of developing countries, uh, not very effective. By fiscal multipliers being low, I mean that for every dollar that the government spends, GDP increases less than $1. Most of the evidence in fact points out to a low multiplier. There are some cases we can make the argument that the fiscal multipliers are larger for transfers to families. In the case of public investment or whenever the economy is in a recession, yes, there are some cases where fiscal multipliers are larger. But the evidence here is not very robust. This leads us to conclude that for recovery measures, a more reasonable objective. Especially for low income countries is to ensure continuity of public goods and services, of course, including healthcare. Maintaining macroeconomic stability and providing for the poor and vulnerable. The continuity of public goods and services here is key. Uh, for the Returning to normality. And providing for the poor and vulnerable is also crucial so that the hurt from this crisis uh does not lead to the humanitarian emergencies that I spoke about before. Let me conclude here. By highlighting two points that we emphasize in our article. Well, a common cry. During crisis is that desperate times call for desperate measures. The problem with desperate measures is that they are often wrong. We think that critical times actually call for well designed government action and effective public. Service delivery. This is government action and service delivery that is based on evidence that is based on the capacities that these developing countries can actually have to exercise policy. The principle then is to preserve rather than ignore. The practices for macroeconomic stability and for proper governance. They have served these countries in good times they can keep serving these countries in bad times. And the second conclusion is in regards to international cooperation and coordination. That is the importance of it. This shock is large, is global, is highly contagious. Because of this, the fact that it, it is a systemic massive shock, it requires international coordination. This international coordination can internalize the positive externalities of reducing 1st and 2nd wave infections. We don't want, for instance, that if once Europe has. Has reduced the number of infections significantly that because other countries say India has lots of infections then it can then reinfect Europe. The second Externality that must be internalized through international coordination, the negative externalities of unilateral actions that may hurt other countries' economic. By coordinating and cooperating, countries can internalize these externalities and obtain altogether a better outcome. Now, given the magnitude of this negative shock. Um Developing countries are going to see their revenues drop. That's unavoidable. And their access to financial markets dry up. We have already seen how difficult it is now for developing countries to access financial markets. They will need financial assistance. They will need financial assistance from international organizations and from advanced countries. In the form of grants if they are low income countries and if they are. Middle income countries most likely in the form of credit lines and debt renegotiation. We think the international coordination and cooperation may yet prevent the worst effects of the, of this pandemic. Thank you very much. Thanks, Norman, uh, for that excellent and concise presentation. I think it gives us a nice, um, basis on which to, um, to, to build our conversation. Let's start alphabetically. Um, so, Roberto, would you have 10 minutes of wisdom to impart? Thank you very much thank you for the invitation. It's a pleasure to be here. Let me share my. It's here. You see them? Can you hear me? Yes, yes, thank you. Thank you. OK, um, I, um, let me start by, uh, actually thanking. Uh, Loyce and Pennings for an excellent summary of problems. I mean, I, I really enjoyed, uh, looking at the. At at their, their primer their policy. I learned a lot. It's a very comprehensive summary of some of the difficulties and approaches to the problem from the viewpoint of uh developing countries, and for that we have to be quite grateful. There's a lot in the. In the primer and I wanted to focus on um. Particular point Think can serve to uh motivate a reflection on how we have been approaching the problem as economists. And um. The paper emphasizes the need for coordination. And um at the end of his, uh, discussion, Norman said, well, international coordination is key, but I, there's a different kind of coordination that also turns out to be essential, which is coordination of public health, uh, policies and approaches and macroeconomic policy. That's what um in the abstract for example I identified as a point that um caught my attention. Partly because Now I think it's fair to say. That until this particular crisis there has been uh very little communication between public health experts and macroeconomists. It has not been zero. I know for a fact that for example more than 10 years ago there was a working group at the Federal Reserve trying to uh devise some kind of coordination with epidemiologists associated with the avian flu, um. Possibilities to to design some kind of policy response so so there has been some dialogue but um the dialogue. Up to this point has been quite um. You and far in between But I'm going to make a point that even now, uh, given the urgent situation where, uh, some dialogue and learning from each other turns out to be essential. Um, the public health response and macroeconomic policy proposals have essentially developed as a separate enterprises. What do I mean with this? I mean, I think about most of what um has been proposed. Essentially starts with the public health problem right so public health side recognizes well we have this huge shock. And uh the shock of the public health emergency is modeled some by some kind of version of of of some contagion uh virus contagion and epide epidemic models. Often based on what is called the the SES model. And uh that model actually is is building a particular way, right? I mean, for example, it emphasizes the fact that well the more people bump into each other and uh infected people meet other non-infected people then um you know we're going to have a higher rate of infections and depending on on that then. That implies for example that we should try to prevent people from meeting so or or or or to to to to pursue activities that that increase the frequency with which they they meet. So for example we uh it has been um recommended to try to flatten the curve directly by say preventing people from meeting that's the idea of mitigation or suppression. But, uh, nevertheless, you know, the, the, the, the, um. Predictions for example are huge and the economic role in some sense is is viewed as two things. One is, well, you know, we want to alleviate the pain caused by, uh, you know, the virus directly and also by the associated restrictive policy measures, whatever they are, to, um, try to prevent. Uh, the problem of, of, of contagion and the pandemic. And then uh in what Norman um mentioned as or or or termed the recovery phase I think uh we economic policy should try to prevent a subsequent, uh, problem of possible crisis amplification and multiplication. I mean we can we're worried about for example financial crisis or or or or the the breakdown of uh of payment systems or whatnot. But here essentially economists are taking. The outcomes of the public health analysis and the recommendations as given as the shock that economists have to think about in in devising uh public uh economic uh responses. Now what's being ignored? Well, It's not um. Too hard to actually believe that the dynamics of uh of the coronavirus virus uh spread, for example. Um, depends on, on what people actually think that is going to be the economic situation and the, the analysis. Yes, can we just hold one second, um, because a bunch of people are writing to me and saying they can't see your slides. Is, can you let me know by chat if you can't see them? I can see them, yeah. You can see, no, but, but every, I'm just there's a general uh. We, I, I can see them. Um, can you, OK, OK, OK, OK. All right, so, OK, so let's go. And if I get any more complaints, then, uh, I'll stop again. OK, thanks. Sorry. All right, no problem. Um, What is being ignored in this approach is the fact that um essentially. The dynamics of of of the of of the spread of of coronavirus and um the effectiveness if you want of public health measures like suppression measures may depend on how people perceive and what they expect about their economic situation. And uh people make choices, right? I mean, um, here. For example, we have the case of Peru. Peru is under a lockdown, right? And, uh, this, this, this photograph was taken a few days ago when the lockdown is in place, but people are still in some areas going to the markets because they have to or they actually think they have to. OK, Roberto, sorry to interrupt one time. Are you sharing, are you sharing your screen? Yes, it says, uh, my, my screen says you're sharing a Microsoft PowerPoint. All right, all right, we just keep going. I I apologize. Yeah I'm sorry. Um, So We might want to think about the fact that The choices that people make with respect to whether for example to comply or not with uh stay at home or lockdown directives are affected. By uh what their cost benefit analysis of say. Staying at home or going to a market might be I mean that's a situation that for example Andres Velasco and I are trying to to model now. Uh, for example, the, the problem that people that are faced with the, with, with the question of whether to stay at home or not may depend on the costs of staying at home and losing say current income versus the costs of going to the market and being infected at a higher rate than at home. Which might actually mean that they lose also future income number one and also they actually suffer some kind of of cost in a physical sense. Now when you think about it, that actually depends on economic equilibrium. I mean people are going to think that. The loss of future income if they get infected is higher. If the equilibrium there in the recovery phase of Norman's uh um um timing actually is better than if it's not I mean uh and therefore you know these uh decisions will depend on macro policy but the point is also that these decisions will determine the dynamics of contagion. So in that sense economic policy current and future will affect people's costs and benefits of for example uh staying at home or not complying with the health directive. And also affect the size of the shock in the economic sense so we cannot think about those independently. So this view has a lot of implications. For example, one is that the details of economic policy proposals actually are going to affect the dynamics of the epidemic. I mean, notice that this is actually in contrast with the dominant models, for example, of the SERS type right which take the dynamics of the epidemic as as largely independent. Independent of of uh expectations in particular of economic uh policies. And um by uh by the same token expectations about future economic policy will affect the size of what in the literature has been called the added demand and supply shock. No, this is particularly important for developing countries, right, because there's the risk that say obvious policies. We actually work at odds with um. Health policies like suppression by providing the wrong incentive. It's also an opportunity, right? I mean we can see that properly designed economic responses can in fact facilitate the effectiveness of health policies. So to name an example from. Uh, the paper, uh, by Lois and and pendings they mentioned, well, at some point, uh, uh, Norman also mentioned that economic policies you should, uh, accompany, um. Health measures, right? Some of these measures, uh, economic policy measures are, uh, subsidized medical attention for prevention and cure direct income support to vulnerable populations, including cash transfers. There was some discussion about whether these transfers should be general or targeted. No, in thinking about this, I think that we should recognize that these alternatives not only have uh. Different uh implications for things like income distribution but also they provide different incentives for suppression policies and compliance and therefore for the dynamics of the epidemic. So this is a problem that as economists we should actually pay more attention to. And uh it may have to be um Crucial to try to differentiate. Uh, between policies that seem seem to be, uh, apparently similar. Any case, let me just conclude with, um, praising again and thanking, uh, Loyce and Pennings uh for a paper that we should all read, right? but I wanted to raise this question issue of the interaction of macroeconomic policy and the dynamics of virus and infection which essentially has been, um, not, uh, uh, an issue in the literature I think it should be. Thank you very much. Thank you, Roberto. Uh, Pierre Olivier, um, welcome, and, um, your comments, 10 minutes please. Yes, um, can you hear me? Very well. OK, so let me share my screen. Uh, actually, let me just make sure I get this right. Oh OK. Can you share the, can you see my slides? Yes, we can. OK, excellent. Well, first, uh, thank you, uh, for inviting me to, uh, discuss this, uh, uh, very interesting paper by Norman and Stephen. I, uh, will offer, um, some brief remarks and, um, that will, you know, be quite, quite general. I, I think the first point to observe is that the situation varies a lot across. Countries among emerging and developing countries and, and, and so um there are some general observations that we can make and I think the paper uh is, is very pertinent, uh, but we should keep in mind that there is, there's still enormous uh heterogeneity here. Um, now, um, in, in terms of, um, organizing my own thoughts and, and I think that's the perspective that Uh, the paper adopts as well, uh, there is this, uh, this tension and, and possibly interactions between, between the pandemic curve and, and the recession curve that, uh, Norman has discussed and, and, um, and Roberto, um, uh, came back, uh, came back to, and I want, I want to make two points on this. The first, sort of, um, the, the general point is, is very well, I think at this point in the, uh, discussion is very well understood that, um, the public health policy is trying to Uh, flatten the curve and try to keep the number of infected people um within reasonable distance of the capacity of the healthcare sector and that those measures, health policy measures have in the short run at least. They have some economic cost and then on top of that, uh, this economy costs can be amplified if, if, if, if no action is taken to try to, uh, to control how much dislocation this causes in, uh, in, in, in, in, in, um, in the economy and that's the flattening of the recession curve. But there are, there are two important I think observations here that one wants to keep in mind. Um, the first one, is that, uh, the, the, anything we do on flattening the, uh, the pandemic curve is, uh, is the nature of a global public good, uh, and so there are, there is potentially strong, uh, feedback from, uh, whatever happens in emerging markets in developing countries back to the advanced economies. And, and if this is not contained in, in the advanced, in the, in the emerging world then, and then it's not contained anywhere. Um, the, the second, the second observation which I think, uh, as we mentioned, and I think is also very important is, is the one Roberto just spent some time talking about the feedback from, from the macro policies to, uh to the health policy and I think there the point is that if you don't have the capacity to implement. Uh, um, uh, the, the, the, from a macroeconomic point of view, the health policy rules, um, you know, asking people to to be self-isolating or to be confined in their houses, but somehow without having income programs or support that will guarantee that they don't need to go out, well then they will go out and that's the picture that Uh, Roberto shared with us, uh, it's not because most people don't want to follow instructions coming from the health authorities, it's often because there is very little, very little choice, and so there is an interaction that goes both ways and I think it's very important to, uh, to keep that in mind. Now when I think about emerging market and developing countries, I, I think there are 4 observations I would like to make. The first one is about the, the time scale of the 3 different crises that these countries are facing, and I would say there's, there's a financial crisis and sudden stop, uh, there's pandemic crisis, and then there's a sort of recession macro crisis. And I think that the time scales are different and this is something that is important when we think about this. So the, the, the, the timescale for the financial crisis is, is the fastest, and so that's the thing that is happening already. Uh, we know that uh and I'm gonna share some uh some graphs here, we know that the the sudden stop is there and it's hitting a large number of countries already. Uh, the, the timescale for the health crisis. is not as fast as the financial crisis or the sudden stop uh timescale, um, especially in the, in many of the developing and emerging countries. I mean, I think they're a bit behind in terms of where they are in the development of the pandemics compared to the advanced economies, and that's something that um is important to keep in mind that, that can play a role in the way we think about policy. And then the, the, the, uh, slowest timescale is the macro timescale, and, and here, uh, what this means is that the macro implications of both the policies we put in place, but also their side effects and, and if they're not accompanied properly, are potentially going to last much, much longer than, um, than, uh, than either the sudden stop or, or even the health crisis, uh, with, with the feedbacks I, I mentioned. Um, and, and so here on the macro side, uh, the, the, um, outlook and the description that Norman gave us is, is, is very grim and I think entirely accurate. In many countries there is limited, uh, fiscal and institutional capacity. There is very little room to do anything on the scale that we've seen in, um, the advanced economies. Um, and in fact I'm going, going to argue in, in, in, uh, my fourth bullet point on the slide that, that it's even worse than that, it, the, the fiscal policy that are implemented in advanced economies may actually be making it harder for emerging and developing countries to, uh, to implement their own fiscal policy. Um, and so there, the one saving grace for, uh, the, on the macro side. Um, you know, if I take them in reverse order, the, the, the, the, the one saving grace on the macro side is, is, uh, that maybe, um, the economy will be able to rebound a little bit faster than, um, you know, advanced economies for a similarly sized initial contraction. And this is where maybe, you know, we should think that informality is a problem when we're in the lockdown phase because that means that many of the mechanisms by which we would disburse help may not reach the people that are intended to help, but it also probably means that there's a little bit more flexibility on the exit side compared to, let's say advanced economies, and I think we, we ought to keep that in mind that some, some of the argument for trying To preserve the network of employer-employee matches and, and, and suppliers and firms matches, etc. that network may be able to reconstitute itself more rapidly in, in, in some emerging and developing countries and, and that's maybe something that would provide some, some breathing room on the macro side, on the, on the exit part of the, of the crisis. Now on the pandemic side. The fact that emerging and developing countries are a little bit behind, not all of them, of course, as I said, there is tremendous heterogeneity across countries, but on average, this pandemic crisis has not hit yet at full force. Um, emerging and developing countries, that gives us some, uh, uh, some ray of hope in the sense that, you know, potentially, uh, um, we might be able to redeploy resources. Um, it's, it's a global problem and the, and the health capacity should maybe should be thought of as a, as, as a global health capacity and that's, that's something that, uh, that's going to be important. But of course there the one, the one concern that we may have is uh is the negative feedback from the macro side. If really nothing can be done to help support confinement policies and, and isolation policies and mitigation policies, then there's a much stronger risk that either uh uh it will be much longer lasting with many more people. infected in a short amount of time and, and therefore with a much stronger negative effects, and so the, the, the concern there is that yes we have a little bit more time to, to pivot and address the health side, but at the same time there's much less capacity. I think that's the tension. Now on the financial side, as I said, you know, the countries are already facing Um, what I call the mother of all 7 stops, and the, the, the data is absolutely horrifying when you look at the capital outflows from, uh, the emerging market economies. The, the gross portfolio flows have, have been, have been very, very large. This is what this graph here from the uh uh uh Institute for International Finance, uh, has put together and they're updating their data uh almost weekly and, and, and you can see it accumulated on the right, accumulated. Uh, non-resident portfolio flows, uh, dwarf anything we've seen either in the global financial crisis, that would be the blue line or the time of the taper tantrum or in 2015 where there were some Uh, uh, volatility related to China and so this is really a much bigger, a much bigger problem. Now some of it is, is in fact due to, you know, the repricing of risk that is generally happening across the world with investors becoming much more cautious, uh, um, and, and you In the context where you may anticipate that maybe the crisis will be more severe on the macro and health side, in developing countries, it's not too surprising that there will be a strong response of capital, uh, uh, of capital flows, but I want to argue that there's also a very significant component of that could be related to the fact that um advanced economies are embarking on an unprecedented borrowing binge. And you know, uh, the world is a closed system and if advanced economies are going to be borrowing huge amounts and there are, you know, whether it's the US, European countries, uh, uh, the UK, Canada, Japan, or even China just announced a very significant borrowing program, there is a potential that some of it will be coming from, uh, you know, the emerging, emerging countries that are looking maybe for safety or, or even if you think in terms of gross flows just. Uh, foreign investors retrenching and, and repatriating their, their capital, and so there's, there's a compounding effect here on the macro side that I think we, we ought to keep in mind. Uh, and so the, the, the upshot of all this is we, we are looking, um, You know, uh, I, I think a lot of people have started to realize is we're looking at potentially a wave of sovereign defaults the likes of which we've not seen, uh, um, uh, you know, any time in, in, uh, recent, in recent history, certainly much bigger than the last, uh, um, synchronized wave of sovereign defaults in the 1980s, and mostly concentrated in Latin America. Uh, so that's one of the safety valve, one of the few safety valves that many of these countries may have, and, and, and there's a, there's a certainly a big concern that this is, this is looming on, on the horizon. OK, thank you very much, Pierre Olivier. Yeah, we're gonna have to move on. Um. Um, I just hit a few points and then, and then, uh, I'm, I'm almost done. This is my last slide. One minute. OK, so, um, let me just hit those three points I want to make here. The first one is on the pandemic, the fact that it's staggered, uh, suggests that, uh, an important priority would be to have some rotation of the health equipment and personnel, uh, uh, from the countries that are past the peak of the curve and free up some capacity to the others, and I think there is something very important here. I call it the International COVID brigade. That should be happening on the health side. On the financial side, as I said, if nothing happens, the global safety net is wholly insufficient, so we're going to have a wave of sovereign default. What needs to happen is an increase in the capacity of financial institutions like the IMF and the World Bank, but also to have a serious discussion about a possible debt moratorium for all emerging and developing countries. And then on the third step, I want to echo what Norman said, which is desperate measures, desperate times call for desperate measures, but you want to be careful about not throwing out all the progress that has been done on improving governance and institutions by implementing things that might cast a very long shadow. I will stop here. Thank you, um, and look forward to the discussion. Thank you very much, Pierre Olivier. Uh, our next, uh, two commentators have additional qualifications, and both were, uh, ministers in, uh, their respective governments. Ricardo Hausman was, I think, minister of planning in Venezuela, and Andres Velasco was minister of finance, um, in Chile. So they can bring an additional perspective, uh, as policymakers. Um, so, Ricardo, if you would go ahead, 10 minutes, please. Well, thank you very much. Uh, thanks, uh, Norman for an excellent, uh, paper and thanks to, uh, Roberto and Pierre Olivier for excellent comments. Um, uh, the first thing, uh, I would like to Uh, to say is that, um, uh, we have, so like in Norman's paper, a general outline of, uh, of the pandemic, uh, but there are very, very important details, uh, that, um, we don't know and that we know that we don't know. And that uncertainty, I think, is paramount in designing macroeconomic policy. Uh, for developing countries. Let me say that right now, uh, the Growth lab is working with about 10 countries across the world in, in Central and South America, in Europe and the Middle East and in Africa, um, and we're trying to, we've created a task force to, to work with them through their day to day decisions on, on how to manage this situation and I'm going to tell you a little bit my impressions if you want from, from those front lines. Um, the first thing. That, uh, Norman spoke about was two periods, the period of, of the pandemic and then the recovery. Um, it's very important to know how long a period we are talking about. Is this a 100 m dash race? Is this a marathon? How long it is, and that depends on some parameters, uh, epidemiological parameters, and we've been talking to epidemiologists and they've been sort of like confessing to us all the things that they wish they knew. Uh, that they know that they don't know and that are critical. Um, some of them have to do, you know, with the percentage of Of, of people who, who have the disease without any symptoms and consequently they become immune. What, what's that percentage in the population, nobody knows, nobody knows. How effective are these lockdown measures, because it takes a long time for them to show up in the data and that long time, say 3 weeks, is an infinite amount of time from the point of view of, of, you know, the economic costs of the lockdown and so on. So, so there's a lot that, that, uh, we don't know. In addition, you know, as Pierre Olivier mentioned about flattening the curve, you know, flattening the curve also means delaying the amount of time in which we are fighting the pandemic, so it makes it a longer term, it makes it a longer term, um, uh, um, uh, crisis. So, uh, you know, does this peak in July? Does this peak in October? Does this peak in January of next year? Um, uh, what, what, how, how difficult, um, you know, what is the time period for which we need to plan, uh, these things, um. Now, um, other countries that we're working on, or most of them are under lockdown, and right now the, the issues that policymakers are facing is how do you manage the lockdown, who's allowed to leave, who's not allowed to leave? How do you compensate the people so that they stay home? Can you make them transfers, uh, um, um, how do you organize, uh, uh, you know, what kind of, of, uh, force do you use to, you know, encourage people to stay home, etc. etc. And, and that Prevents them from using the, the lockdown period for what the lockdown period really is, which is a very, very expensive purchase of time. What are you doing, uh, from the point of view of, of using that lockdown period to, to, uh, to influence or affect the way you come out of, how, what happens after the lockdown? And here I want to make a second important point that there is no clean break between the pandemic period and the recovery period because uh the measures, the epidemiological measures are going to bleed into the next phase. From what we think we know about this pandemic is that if you lift the lockdown and go back to business as usual, the R factor will be significantly above 1 and you will get the exponential back again. So, uh, um, so, uh, it's obvious that in the period after this severe lockdown cannot be a normal period. It will be a period that will also have macroeconomic consequences. It will also have negative supply, uh, consequences for, for, for these economies. Uh, so, um, er. In addition, I think that we've, we've talked uh broadly about the different shocks to the economy, but the discussion up to now has been sort of like in a very, to some extent in a closed economy kind of framework in which there is no balance of payments constraint. But I think that the balance of payments constraint is going to become dominant in many countries for the reasons that Norman mentioned. For the, you know, that exports and remittances and tourism and so on. By the way, by the way, the shock to tourism. How long will it be? It will not depend on your own pandemic. It will depend on everybody else's and the recovery of international travel, which is going to be probably the slowest to recover, and that goes again into this idea that appeared afterwards is not a period without any supply shock, supply side restrictions. Um, so in this context, uh, let's, so I'm thinking, I'm thinking, by the way, we need to have, uh, I, I second very much what Roberto Chang was saying and, in his paper that he mentioned with, uh, Andres Velasco that we need to somehow integrate. Uh, the people's decisions during the lockdown and so on, uh, those are economic decisions that they will be optimizing, and we, we need to integrate macro. And epidemiology in the same way as it has been discussed in previous events of this seminar series with um Eichenbaum and Rebelo's paper, but Uh, we need to help countries design exit strategies that do not imply that they can replicate Korea's capacity to test and track and so on. I think that's, that is not going to happen in part because there's a, a, a glut, there is a, a shortage in, in the market for tests and so on. And countries won't have the capacity to implement uh uh test and track and trace and so on, uh, the way, the way, uh, you know, uh, Singapore does it. So there's one idea that I want to, to highlight that I wish we would discuss more about, which is the idea by this professor Baruch Barzel from Bar Ilan University in Israel, which is this alternating lockdowns. That 1 week, 1 household stays home, and the next week they go out. All businesses are open, but maybe with half of their labor force. And, and that this weekly thing um helps screen people so that if you got infected and you go home for a week, you would probably get symptoms. So if you get the symptoms, you stay home. And that way in his modeling, it significantly lowers the R factor and you may get to uh an R factor maybe below 1 and uh on your exit and, and that may be your exit out. It's, it requires social capital. It does not require much fiscal resources, it requires organization, but I think it is something that given its promise and its fiscal cost, And its capacity cost, it, it looks very promising, and I think we should, we should spend more time thinking about it. Now, the next thing is, OK, you mentioned, Norman mentioned that we have limited fiscal space. What do you use it for and when do you use it? He mentioned, you know, you need to use it in the relief period because otherwise there's no economy to recover, but then you have to use it in the recovery period. My guess is that countries are going to run out of fiscal space during the relief period. That uh they will have already committed, uh, you know, all of their flexibility uh during the relief period, and that the amounts of money that have been put on the table by the international community, uh, do not. Do not represent a sufficient enough um uh solution uh for to avoid uh uh the kind of catastrophe that Norman uh was worried about. So. Uh, um, it is, it is important to, to think about the timing of this fiscal space because I'm thinking that this process is going to be relatively long, that, the more successful we are in flattening the curve, the longer it will take. So, it will be, it will be a long period, you know, there's, there are countries that have decided we're going to make social transfers, and then they immediately realize they can make it once, they cannot make it twice, they don't have the fiscal space for it. So, my, my fear is that, uh, the fiscal space will be exhausted before we get uh out of the 1st, 1st phase. On monetary policy, I think there's an enormous variability across countries because they have different exchange rate regimes. Some of them have fixed exchange rate regimes, so there is really no monetary policy there except 22 things. Should they devalue? Should they devalue? Uh, is this the time to devalue? Uh, would everybody devaluing at the same time be a beggar thy neighbor policy or not? You know, what are the general equilibrium implications of that? And how much of their international reserves should they use? By the way, this is a question also for countries that have inflation targeting, floating, and so on. They have international reserves. When should they put them on the table? Is this the time and, and, and, and for the countries with floating exchange rates, uh, you know, it's very complicated for the central bank to start intervening in the exchange rate market with what rules should there be auctions, etc. etc. So those are important questions that we need to think about in. And finally, er, I like very much the comments that Pierro Olivier made uh about, about the fact that capital is moving out of er emerging markets and that, er, the world is a closed economy. So in essence, what we have is the need to recirculate capital back to developing countries at scales that are not in line with the products. That the international community has to date. So, I second very much the idea that the IMF has to expand the rapid finance instrument by another doubling probably. That we need Significant more resources allocated to the IMF and the World Bank. And that without that, we should not exaggerate the amount of policy space countries will have to manage this crisis. Thank you very much. Thank you, Ricardo. Uh, welcome, Andres. Um, and, uh, 10 minutes, please. Thank you, everybody. Let me just make sure that I'm sharing my screen here. And that um Did it show up there? Yes, you can expand it though. Yeah, I'm about to do that once I find the um the right place. OK. Um, All right, can you see it? Yes, wonderful. Well, thank you, uh, Bill. Thank you, Norman, for the invitation to, uh, participate in this, uh, discussion. Pleasure to be sharing the panel with my dear friends, Roberto, um, Pierre Olivier, and Ricardo. Uh, I will also begin by saying that I learned a lot from the paper that, uh, that Norman and, uh, co-author provided. I think it's a very nice summary of the issues. Let me just try to dig a little deeper, uh, into a few of them. The first one is that obviously, and once again, the economist put it very well, our big uh trade-off, if there is one, or the challenge, put it that way, is that we all have two goals in mind. We want to save lives, and we also want to save livelihoods, that is to say, save the economy. And to make things more complicated, we have to do this over several periods, but there are two main periods. The very short run, when, uh, you know, the urgent measures, what some people have called disaster relief have to be put into place, and the medium run, when, you know, the lockdown restrictions begin to ease and the economy begins to recover. And granted, as Ricardo just said, we don't quite know when that will happen. Uh, and that is something that we need to keep in mind. The question I want to ask is, is there always a trade-off between these two goals? And the second question we need to ask is, if there is a trade-off, what can we do? Well, There isn't always, always, always a trade-off, uh, because, uh, if you begin to, you know, Roberto and I have been playing with a couple of models, um, uh, you can tell stories in which, you know, a very restrictive lockdown policy, you know, saves lives today, but also cause a lot of layoffs, firms, uh, destroy valuable organizational capital, fire workers, and this, of course, delays the recovery or maybe makes the recovery impossible. In that case, there is a sharp trade-off. But it could well be that if you save a lot of lives today, you have more workers that are healthy tomorrow, and that makes the recovery faster and more vigorous. In that case, maybe there isn't a trade-off, or there isn't a trade-off that is quite as sharp. So one message is that, you know, fighting, uh, or flattening the infection curve, as many people, including Pierre Olivier, have said, need not always flatten the economy. And the devil very much is going to be in the details. And I think one job for analysts, economists, and concerned experts that we really have to sort out over what ranges of what policies there is a trade-off, um, when there isn't a trade-off. And as usual, the devil is going to be in the details. And a lot will hinge on what the post lockdown period looks like. And the difficulty, uh, is, and here I want to echo what both Roberto and Ricardo said, the problem is that we don't know very much about that, but quite crucially, what happens in the future will determine what policies may or may not be um appropriate today, and that. Feedback loop is very, very delicate. Uh, Roberto made the point, and I want to, uh, emphasize that. Now, there is a trade-off, uh, and of course, over many ranges of many policies, there will be a trade-off. Uh, what do we do? Well, clearly, we want to ameliorate the trade-off. Uh, nothing, nothing, uh, very new or mysterious here. We want to change the, the slope of that, uh, pandemic possibility frontier, if you want to put it in those terms. And here, there are three kinds of policies. The first one is, we call it health and containment policies. And I get the sense that in the rush to lockdown, and as a former policymaker, and as a recovering politician, I know that the political incentives are all there to rush into lockdown very quickly. Um, you know, if the country next door is doing it, and you're not doing it, and you're the president or the prime minister, then you will very easily be accused of being slow, being careless, being indolent. So you will move. But the question is, of course, not only to move quickly, but also to move intelligently. And there's probably some policy space here for things like massive and early testing. There is a proposal by Paul Romer that goes into this direction. Uh, for lockdowns that insulate the elderly, a very important point is that if we're all locked in with our, you know, grannies, and we infect our grandparents, then the cost is tremendous. So not all lockdowns are created equal. And last but not least, there's maybe be room. Ricardo just mentioned one alternative. Uh, you know, sort of half the families, you know, the even number of families go out one week. Um, and the odd number of families go, uh, out at different weeks. Countries like Panama have been experimenting with days in which women go to work and days when men go to work. Um, there's probably room here, uh, uh, for institutions like the World Bank with a lot of, uh, professional capacity to experiment, to think, to, uh, to tell us more about this. Then, of course, there are labor policies. Uh, you want to make it easier to work from home, and some countries have incredibly restrictive, uh, labor codes that make it very difficult to do this. It should be kind of a no-brainer, very low hanging fruit to modify those rules to make it easier to work from home. You want to extend sick pay and do other things that allow people to remain productive while at home. Last but not least, and this is what I want to focus, uh, uh, uh, some of my remaining time on, you want to ameliorate the trade-off by following intelligent macroeconomic policies, uh, or to put it differently, if you follow the wrong macro policies, or if you follow no countercyclical counter-crisis macro policies, you're going to be the victim of some very nasty, some very toxic multipliers that are going to be, be setting in early on. And instead of ameliorating the trade-off, you will be worsening the trade-off in a way that is quite dramatic and quite substantial. So if you begin to think about the macroeconomics of a pandemic, um, and, uh, Roberto and I with a third co-author, uh, Luis Felipe Cesves from the University of Chile have been, have been playing around with a, a, a model along these lines. You can think of the pandemic in many ways, but one simple way is to say that you suddenly have a massive negative supply shock. You lose workers, you lose sales, firms lose revenue. Uh, so, um, they're cashless. They're penniless, at least in the short run. Uh, and the key challenge, maybe not the only one, but let me emphasize it to keep, uh, the story clear. The key challenge is to preserve organizational capital, because if you run a good firm, you probably spent a lot of time and effort, you know, finding just the right work, and just the right suppliers. And if you fire all of your workers, and if you stop paying all of your suppliers, then you cannot simply rebuild those networks, rebuild that specialized labor force in the future. So to be productive tomorrow, you have to spend money today. And the question is, well, how do you keep paying wages? How do you keep, um, your suppliers happy by paying the money you owe to them? And here, the question is, you know, very, it has a very simple answer is credit, credit, credit, credit, credit, not just rollovers of existing debts, but new resources for working capital. And it's important to emphasize here that tax cuts alone will not do the trick. A tax cut means that you're paying the government less, but, uh, this does not mean that you have working capital to do things like keep paying your wage bill. And interest rate cuts alone will not do the trick because firms are not constrained by the size of the interest payment. Firms are simply quantity constrained, not price constrained by the fact that they need more cash and they don't necessarily have access to that cash. So what do most countries do? What a lot of central banks have done is simply say, we'll give you a credit line, we will lend to you, banks, uh, and the banks, in turn, will lend to these firms. But it is very easy to imagine scenarios in which you will have a catch-22, because, um, even if the commercial bank can get cheap credit from the central bank, well, the commercial bank will lend to the firm if I, uh, it thinks that the firm will be healthy in the future. But the firm will be healthy and productive in the future, if and only if it can retain organizational capital, and that requires that the bank lend. So, um, it is not hard at all to imagine situations in which you have very bad equilibria, uh, and in which bad self-fulfilling prophecies can set in. The policy implication, of course, is that you need not only cheap financing for banks, but you also are going to need a very active role for government to rule out those bad equilibria. And here there's room for the regulator. There may be room for commercial banks that are state owned and other agents to be very active ruling out those bad equilibria. Cheap credit alone, low interest rates alone are not going to do the trick. I have 2 more slides, uh, on, uh, two other issues that seem important to me. Um, if this is a hard job in general, it is particularly hard, and I'm thinking of the macroeconomic containment in the case of emerging markets and developing countries. One unique issue, of course, is the prevalence of self-employed and informal workers, because it makes it very hard to say to a firm, I will lend to you as long as you keep the payroll the same, because we have no idea what the payroll was because there were no official labor contracts. It makes it also very hard to lend to a firm because, you know, the firm has no income statements and no balance sheets. So what do you learn against? That's the bad news. Now, the good news may be, and I think, uh, Pierro Olivier, maybe Ricardo mentioned this, that um the big formal firms probably have a lot of um. Uh, specialized employment, a lot of organizational capital. So if they fire workers, there's a big social debt weight loss. Informal firms may have less of this, and as a result, if there's some labor shedding, it can probably be undone at a later stage without tremendous, there will be some, but without tremendous, uh, productivity losses. The other big issue, and a couple of my uh predecessors, uh, uh, in the floor have said it, you know, um, a difference between advanced countries and emerging markets is institutional capacity and credibility. You know, I'm living in the United Kingdom right now. This is a very, uh, organ, you know, orderly country. If Boris Johnson says stay home, people stay home. Uh, in developed, uh, sorry, in developing countries, there are fewer, um, enforcement, enforcement capabilities. Governments have less credibility, but crucially, the trade-off is very different, because I'm, you know, if I'm a poor worker, I will stay home today, if and only if, I think that I will have a reasonable income tomorrow, uh, so that, uh, I will be able to feed my family tomorrow. But I, I, if I have no income today, and I expect my family will have no income tomorrow, then I will go out today, no matter what the cost in terms of likely infection. So this is another area, uh, and Roberto emphasized this, in which they're very, uh, complicated feedback, uh, loops between what happens today, both on the health front and the economic front, and what happens tomorrow on the economic and the health, uh, front. And there could be tremendous scope for, uh, self-fulfilling prophecies, bad equilibria, uh, and other nasty outcomes that governments have to endeavor to rule out. Last but not least, Ricardo said this, and, and I think everybody has said this, um, EMs and DCs have much less fiscal space. A handful of emerging markets, some in Latin America, may have some capacity to borrow, but they are really the exception rule. Most emerging and developing countries don't have uh much fiscal space. Whatever they have, they're probably spending, uh, uh, or getting rid of already. So, the role of external financing, the role of the IFIs is going to be absolutely crucial, absolutely essential in this crisis. So let me, uh, and this is my last slide, uh, say a couple of things about that. First of all, priority number 123, and 4 should be the resources for the emergency health measures. Um, in the big scheme of things, this is not so much money. Um, the World Health Organization has estimated that $40 billion are what EMs and DCs need to, uh, um, face the pandemic with reasonable health resources. $40 billion is a lot of money, but Uh, you also have to keep in mind that to some extent, this expenditure pays for itself, because it really ameliorates all the other trade-offs. And in the end, both on humanitarian grounds and on efficiency grounds, it makes a lot of sense to make this money available. Secondly, um, uh, you have to think about all the resources, uh, that are macroeconomically essential, uh, for keeping households and firms liquid, so that they can keep spending, paying, paying their debts, paying salaries, etc. Uh, the headline figures, of course, are gigantic. They are unimaginably big. If you begin to tally some of the programs of, uh, you know, announcing rich countries, you see, uh, numbers that are 10% of GDP, uh, and in some cases, uh, substantially bigger. Now, the question, of course, is where could developing countries or emerging markets get 10% of GDP? Probably not even the, the ones that have a lot of fiscal space like Chile, you know, could afford to spend 10 points of GDP. But the headline is really misleading, I think, because this is gross spending, this is not net spending. And what I mean by this is that in the absence of this spending, you're going to To have a big recession, an economic collapse, and in the end, um, revenues, state revenues will fall, uh, and, uh, the, uh, economic situation and the fiscal situation will be even worse. To put it in a somewhat unfair and somewhat provocative way, you can spend a lot of money upfront, and in the end, uh, come out ahead. The US government, uh, sorry, the US government actually made money bailing out the biggest, uh, 12 banks and AIG a little over a decade ago. It bailed out GM and Chrysler, and that cost in present value terms American taxpayers only $8 billion on a much, much, much bigger initial, uh, initial layout. So, um, if we don't spend this money upfront, we may end up, uh, in fact, uh, with a much larger fiscal burden later on, and somebody will have to pay that bill, including creditors, of course, because as Pierre Olivier mentioned, we could be looking at a big, big, um. And debt problems down the road. The alternative to um spending the money in emerging and developing countries is simply letting the pandemic uh run wild until herd immunity is attained, that is to say, until large numbers of people are infected, and that alone stops the spread of the disease. This was a strategy that the UK uh briefly considered and eventually discarded, and it did so to some extent because of political reasons, but also because the estimates led policymakers to believe that in the United Kingdom alone, the deaths could be in the hundreds of thousands. Um. Apply this, um, this logic to the Asian continent or to Sub-Saharan Africa, and it is not hard to come up with estimates of deaths are in the millions. So the alternative to spending, uh, the money that is required is truly unthinkable and truly horrendous. And this is my last point, uh, and Ricardo said this very clearly, and I want to echo what he had to say. This means that, um. If 10 years ago, the world needed a lot from the World Bank, and especially from the IMF, today, the world needs a great deal more, and this is not the time to be cautious, and this is not the time to be conservative. At the very least, I think we need a very fast financing of the IMF. And given that the Federal Reserve is, you know, the ultimate source of dollars, and as Ricardo pointed out, what the world is going to need here is dollars, one can imagine. Swap arrangements between the Fed and the IMF, which, uh, in turn, of course, the IMF could take the resources and lend them to emerging markets. Uh, the beauty of that is that the Fed doesn't take country risk. The IMF, uh, ends up with a country risk, but of course, that's what the IMF is for. Secondly, you know, um, and this may be too time consuming, but at least we should put it uh very quickly on the table. We need to expand, uh, SDRI availability, and we also need to, to allow in the IMF uh lending, which is a much bigger multiple of quota. And last but not least, for countries that are indebted, um, debt relief must be very much the name of the game because as Ricardo pointed out, very soon, balance of payments considerations are going to be the overwhelming concern in many developing countries and in many emerging markets. So, financing is absolutely key, and there, the international financial community has a great deal of homework to do. Let me stop there. Thanks very much. Thanks, Andres. Um, thanks to all of you. We have 5 minutes, uh, left, um, and there have been several questions, but I'm just gonna pose to, distill them to 21 is on this trade-off between life and livelihood. Um, the one way of shifting the curve seems to be early detection, testing, and, uh, and quarantining. Is this really the overall feeling from the panel has been that this is not that feasible in developing countries. Do you subscribe to that, or it seems to abandon that particular approach, really condemns us to a very dark outlook. The second thing is we keep talking about these massive. Needs for resources, some of which will appear, but many won't. What is your five year forecast for global inflation? Bill, Bill, can I? Sure. OK, let me address the, the first, uh, the first question. Sure, I think we have, we have all recognized that. That there is a trade-off, at least for developing countries. Uh, Andres spoke about the possibility that Under certain circumstances that might not be one, but I think those circumstances apply mostly to advanced countries, if any. But for developing countries, I think the overwhelming evidence is that there is a trade-off, this very hard trade-off between saving lives and saving livelihoods, and I believe that from all the. Opinions given in this in this panel we can. Conclude that what we need is a combination of intelligent macro policies, intelligent labor policies, and intelligent public health measures. And on the we have spoken a lot about the first two, but I also want to emphasize now the importance of smart containment and mitigation policies. They are feasible in developing countries. They are not only about. Uh, testing, but they do rely on testing. There is a paper that is now being produced by some people in, uh, at the World Bank, Adija Matu, and Jeff Friedman, and, uh, Damian Delwke. They are Presenting a possibility, a strategy that has worked in some places for scaling up both antibody and antigen testing, that's one aspect of, of, of the intelligent or smart containment and mitigation policy. The second aspect is about insulating the most vulnerable groups, possibly in households. There's also some evidence, and that can be done. And the third possibility, the third aspect of this, uh, smart. strategy is to. Isolate the groups that are currently infected. If we work through this. And uh and impose other measures that are very cost effective. So for instance, wearing masks in, in public, uh, that this may be a requirement. It is something that the international community, uh, hesitated a bit a lot at the beginning. But now even the CDC has proposed that this is, this, this is recommended. So if we do something like this, we may be able to ease the trade-off between, um, saving lives and saving livelihoods. But it would have to be through this combination of intelligent macro policies. Intelligent labor policies and intelligent containment and mitigation policies. Thanks Bill. All right. One minute apiece from our distinguished commentators before we go. Well thank you very much. I am impressed by the um by the discussion. Let me just um mention about uh in particular this uh fiscal costs that as um, Andres has emphasized, uh, this, um, some of the commitments may not. May not be needed at the end if for example we can prevent a multiple equilibria and bank ranks and crisis and also that feeds back into people's expectations about the future and their decisions about whether to comply or not for example with public uh uh containing containment measures at this point. That that's, that was my point and uh you know I interpret that Norman talked about smart policies and I think that we have to recognize the impact of incentives, uh, in fact the dynamics of the of of Coronavirus spread. Uh, yeah, just, uh, uh, just very brief remarks. I mean I thought it was a terrific panel. I learned a lot from both the paper and uh my co-panelists. Um, on the question that, um, is implicit in, in Bill's, um, question to us, I think, um, about the likelihood of future inflation. I think there are two points I want to make here. The first one is We have to, um, we have to be careful about not repeating some of the mistakes of the way we handle the, um, uh, global financial crisis in 2008. Where the global economy pivoted towards fiscal austerity way too early and because of concerns about that sustainability. Now there are, as we, as we discussed since I made that point, there are issues with that sustainability in many emerging and developing countries right now, that's not a concern for most of the advanced economies and it, it, we have to be careful about not pivoting too early towards a discussion of um fiscal austerity. Now, what about inflation? Well, I'm, my, my short answer would be that inflation would be a sign that things are normalizing. It would be a sign that people are coming out, they want to spend, maybe the supply is not quite there yet. Their purchasing power has been protected during the crisis, and as a result, there is a general rise in prices. That's something that central banks are equipped and policymakers are equipped to deal with. I'm, I'm in a sense that uh comes number 56 or 7 in, in the list of worries I have about, about the current situation. Certainly it doesn't come, not 1, not 2, not 3, not even 5. Um, now, what is also true is I think there's going to be a lot of movements in relative prices. It doesn't mean that generally we're going to have a rise in inflation, but I think relative prices are, are likely to change a lot because there is a lot of readjustment in the global production and so that's something that could have local consequences that could be, could be um important. Um, I will stop there. Great, Ricardo. Ricardo, are you still there? Yeah, yeah, yeah, sorry. Quick, a final pithy remark. Look, uh, one idea, simple idea, uh, El Salvador sort of stumbled into it. The informal sector, uh, pays the formal sector. They pay electricity bills, water bills, uh, uh, telephones, they, they pay, uh, interest on, on, you know, motorcycles or, or electrical equipment that they bought from department stores. Those are formal companies. You can restructure. You can force these companies to give their clients, uh, uh, uh, you know, a loan on the next 9 months, next 3 months of payments or whatever. And, in that way you're essentially using your moral suasion or your capacity to regulate the formal sector to extend liquidity to the informal sector and those kinds of ideas I think are at a premium these days. OK. And uh Andres, the last thought. We've lost him. Yes, uh, no, I'm here. I'm here. Can you hear me? Yes. I, I want to take up in a few sentences your concern about um inflation. Uh, and I want to arrive at the same conclusion as Per Olivier did, but, but phrase it somewhat, somewhat differently. Um. If I had told you in 2005, that the Federal Reserve would multiply its balance sheet by a factor of 4, and that inflation would remain at zero, you would have probably said that I was crazy. I've been smoking something. Um, but that's exactly what happened. Um, and, uh, to understand that, we, I think we have to understand that, uh, macroeconomic circumstances changed massively. That, um, central banks began paying interest on reserves, that, of course, because the world interest rate fell sharply, the interest rate had to pay was very, very little. And so a great deal more liquidity could be injected into the system without any destabilizing consequences. Yes, the world is different today than it was 12 years ago. But um there's one thing that the world then and the world today share, and that is the real interest rate across the board on planet Earth remains incredibly low. And because it remains incredibly low, two things are true. You can issue a lot of debt, uh, as long as, um, Uh, as the interest rate is low without necessarily opening yourself up to a big debt crisis, and secondly, if, you know, if the nominal interest rate is 0%, government bonds and money are perfect substitutes. So you can also issue a lot more money without necessarily prompting a run out of money. That may not last forever. Um, you know, 5 years from now, of course, if the real interest rate in the world rises, that equilibrium may be harder to sustain. But today, we are in that world, and, uh, you know, the world is nasty in many dimensions. In this particular regard, it is not so nasty. So I think for many countries, not only the very rich countries, but also some middle income countries, and emerging economies, their debt carrying, uh, capacity has risen a lot in this environment of very low, uh, world interest rates. And that is an opportunity to be aggressive, uh, not an invitation to be shy. Great. Thank you very much, Andres. Thank you, Ricardo. Thank you, Pierre Olivier. Thank you Roberto, and especially thank you Norman. Uh thank you all online and stay tuned for the next uh Episode of uh economics in the COVID era. Thank you all.
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The Macroeconomic Response to COVID-19 eSeminar
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The Macroeconomic Response to COVID-19 eSeminar
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What types of policies can developing country governments use to help mitigate the impacts of COVID-19 on the private sector, and to spur a subsequent recovery? In this e-seminar on April 9, 2020, Leonardo Iacovone, Lead Economist (World Bank), Santiago Levy, Senior Fellow (The Brookings Institution), Miriam Bruhn, Senior Economist (World Bank) discussed policy options to aid small and informal firms, drawing on lessons from past crisis experiences. Timestamps: 3:15 - Iacovone; 19:25 - Levy; 33:00 - Bruhn; 49:30 - Discussion and Q&A
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