IK
Notes
reports
periodically on Indigenous Knowledge (IK) initiatives in Sub-Saharan
Africa and occasionally on such initiatives outsider the Region.
It is published by the Africa Region’s Knowledge and Learning
Center as part of an evolving IK partnership between the World Bank,
communities, NGOs, development institutions and multilateral organizations.
The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and
should not be attributed to the World Bank Group or its partners
in this initiative. A webpage on IK is available at http//www.worldbank.org/afr/ik/
Local
Innovations using Traditional Vegetables to Improve Soil Quality
Introduction
African traditional or indigenous vegetables are becoming increasingly
known for their importance in providing food security to millions
of Africans in rural and urban areas (Rubaihayo 2002). Some have
been attributed with having medicinal properties. However, little
is known about their other properties and their importance in African
agriculture. In June 2002 a team of ten Ugandan and South African
researchers began research, using RRA and PRA tools, on the use
of indigenous knowledge in producing and consuming traditional vegetables
in eight parishes in Uganda. During the fieldwork, researchers noted
that some farmers actively innovate using the local resources at
their disposal in attempts to improve their crop production. Often
these innovations were used to compensate for the lack of modern
agricultural inputs, such as fertilisers and pesticides. Two examples
of local innovations, by farmers in a parish situated some 50 km
west of Kampala, that attempt to improve soil quality by using traditional
vegetables are discussed here.
Commercialisation
Prior to the 1970s, parish farmers predominantly produced traditional
vegetable crops for home consumption. At that time local farmers
did not produce exotic vegetables, such as cabbages, carrots, lettuce,
etc. which were produced on plantations and mainly consumed by the
European and Asian populations, or exported. The vegetables that
the rural African population produced for consumption as local foodstuff
were considered traditional vegetables for at least two reasons.
1.
While some of these plants were cropped, others were readily available
and harvested in their natural habitat, lending some support to
the idea of their “indigenousness”, although strictly
speaking, many are found worldwide.
2. Many of these plants had been consumed for countless generations,
signifying their importance in local culture. In some instances,
the fruit, leaves and roots of a plant were consumed.
During the colonial period, farmers had started producing crops
such as coffee, oranges and pineapples for commercial purposes.
Parish farmers reported that the Amin regime encouraged African
farmers to produce exotic vegetables for commercial purposes. This
practice still continues and farmers indicated on a trend-line that
the cultivation of exotic vegetables as a cash crop is continually
increasing, with more and more land allocated for their cultivation.
Since independence in 1962, the number of people living in Kampala
and other urban centres has increased. Most of these new urban residents
came from the rural areas. Their presence brought about a demand
for traditional vegetables and resulted in a number of popular varieties
being grown as cash crops for the urban markets. This demand was
directly related to migrants’ preferences and the lower prices
charged for traditional vegetables in comparison to prices charged
for exotic vegetables. Rubaihayo (2002) indicates that these vegetables
are also in demand as a result of their ability to supply consumers
with significant amounts of vitamin A, B and C, proteins and minerals
that are needed for normal growth. This is vitally important as
most of these traditional vegetables are grown by poor rural households
or are cheaper to purchase in urban areas in comparison to exotic
vegetables, making them an important source of nutrition for the
most vulnerable members of the population; the rural and urban poor.
In this particular parish, the farmers grew the traditional vegetables
Nakati (Solanum aethiopicum), Ebugga (Amaranthus dubius), Entula
(Solanum aethiopicum gilo) and Ejobyo (Cleome gynandra) as cash-crops.
A host of other traditional vegetables were grown for household
consumption; at least twenty types. Along with exotic vegetables,
the proportion of land allocated for traditional vegetables that
have a commercial value has steadily increased since the 1970s,
although exotic vegetables with their premium prices have greater
land allotment.
Minimal resources
Despite selling their exotic and traditional vegetable cash-crops
at the market in Kampala, most farmers in the parish indicated that
they did not have enough money for agro-chemical inputs, such as
fertiliser, pesticides, herbicides and fungicides. The bulk of their
income was spent on education, health services, groceries and other
commodities that were not produced in the parish. The few farmers
who could afford to purchase and apply agro-chemical inputs did
so sparingly and predominantly for exotic vegetables. This resulted
in farmers having to rely on local resources to perform similar
functions as the agro-chemical inputs. However, manure, which is
often used as a substitute for chemical fertilizer, was scarce.
The political turmoil and subsequent conflicts that occurred in
Uganda during the three decades after independence had decimated
the livestock herds in this parish. Farmers reported that although
they were busy rebuilding their herds, the numbers of livestock
were extremely small. Consequently, manure was scarce and a more
readily available local alternative was required.
The farmers indicated that besides using manure, the periodic resting
of soil was a good strategy to follow to maintain soil quality and
to restore nutrients. However, they seldom practised this method
because of their intensive farming systems and the need to maximise
the use of their small pieces of land (typically between one and
two hectares). After planting exotic vegetables in the 1970s, a
number of farmers had investigated ways to improve the soil without
involving any resting period. During the fieldwork in this parish,
local farmers indicated that the cultivation of traditional vegetables
provided benefits to local soils.
Soil improvement
innovations
Through a process of experimentation, farmers found that by reworking
organic plant matter into the soil after harvest, they improved
the nutrient content of the soil, demonstrated by the fact that
vegetable crops planted in soil in which organic matter had been
reworked had a higher yield than the same crops planted in soil
in which no organic matter had been reworked. After further experimentation,
the farmers concluded that when the organic matter of traditional
vegetable crops was reworked into the soil, the subsequent yield
was greater than when organic matter from exotic vegetables or other
crops was worked into the soil. However, farmers realised that some
harvesting practices (the uprooting of the entire pant, as opposed
to the picking of the fruit and leaves) reduced the availability
of sufficient organic matter so they needed an alternative solution
for some crops.
Farmers pointed out that they rotated various exotic vegetable crops
with traditional vegetable crops because they observed that the
former crops grew better when this was done. Experimenting with
crop rotation led farmers to believe that this activity provided
benefits to the soil and improved the yields of crops planted in
such a fashion, in comparison to when crops were not rotated. Further
experimentation led the farmers to conclude that by rotating specific
exotic vegetable crops with specific traditional vegetable crops,
the result was that the exotic vegetable crops grew better and produced
a higher yield in comparison to when they were planted in soil that
had not previously hosted the specific traditional vegetables. Local
farmers gave the example of rotating green beans (Phaseolus vulgarus),
Ebugga (Amaranthus dubius), and tomatoes (Lycopersicum lycopersicon)
in this order because the Ebugga seemed to add beneficial properties
to the soil that made the other two crops grow better. Farmers believed
that Ebugga neutralised the soil when it was planted after the green
beans, thereby preparing the soil for the tomatoes. They pointed
out that some exotic and traditional vegetables extracted nutrients
from the soil, which are essential for the continued optimal growth
of these crops. The rotation of specific traditional and exotic
vegetables seemed to replace lost nutrients, resulting in good yields
in comparison to when no such rotation pattern was practised. In
some cases, the exotic and traditional vegetables aid one another’s
mutual development and optimal growth.
Sharing
innovations
Parish farmers pointed out that they had no formal network or farmers’
association and therefore had no formal means of sharing agricultural
information. However, they agreed that agricultural information,
including innovations such as those described above, was shared
informally. Typically, a farmer would share information with a neighbour,
family members or friends who would in turn share this with their
neighbours, family members and friends. The presence of an extension
officer in the parish, who occasionally convened meetings with farmers,
provided them with an opportunity to share information. Some farmers
indicated that they had shared information with farmers from other
parishes and districts when they met at the Kampala market. The
farmers who attended the workshops convened for the purpose of this
study indicated that they were all aware of the benefits of the
two methods of improving soil quality. Women residents were intrinsically
involved in agriculture, usually supplying most of the labour. They
reported that they often shared agricultural information during
meetings with other women who belonged to the same social groups
or clubs.
Some
lessons
A few significant lessons can be drawn from the farmers’ experiments
to improve their soil quality:
- Traditional
vegetables are an important resource in promoting food security
and also in maintaining soil quality ensuring that agriculture
can continue to contribute towards food security;
- By means
of experimentation farmers are able to identify important properties
of both traditional and exotic vegetables that make combined production
mutually beneficial, while improving soil quality;
- Often-expensive
modern agricultural inputs do not prevent farmers from farming
effectively and producing marketable crops, in fact it encourages
them to innovate using local resources;
- Farmers
continually innovate to solve problems. In this case farmers could
improve the soil by ploughing in organic matter but when organic
matter was scarce an alternative method, crop rotation, was identified
through means of experimentation.
- While farmers
did not have any formal networks for sharing knowledge, exchanges
between friends, neighbours and family seem to be effective, as
those farmers who attended the workshops indicated their awareness
and use of these and other practices.
Future
steps
Given the focus of this study the researchers were unable to work
with the farmers over an extended period of time in order to scientifically
verify the actual ability of the identified crops to do what the
farmers claimed. With regard to the crop rotation system described
previously, amaranthus sp. is known to have some allelopathic effects
on other crops whereby its presence in the soil has a direct effect
on the soil nutrients and thus on the crops planted in the succeeding
season; depending on the crop, these effects can be positive or
negative. Amaranthus sp. are also known to suppress root-knot nematode
populations (a major pest for tomatoes) in the soil. It is clear
that farmers observed the effects of the different plants on one
another, but what is not clear is what is actually happening in
scientific terms – are the crops acting as a fertilizer or
a pesticide (biofumigation)? Given that most of these traditional
vegetable crops are grown in many other parts of Uganda (Rubaihayo
et al., 2003) and also in a number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa
(Chweya and Eyzaguirre, 1999) such a verification process is necessary
so that, if warranted, the results can be replicated in these areas,
if local farmers are not already using these techniques.
Parish residents
pointed out that agricultural extension services only reached them
during the mid-1990s and that parish farmers had developed and still
continued to develop a number of strategies to improve their cultivation
of traditional and exotic vegetables. These and other innovations
developed by local residents need to be identified and their usefulness
verified. Researchers can then consider how they can collaborate
with farmers to improve on these local innovations. However, local
innovations should not be regarded merely as parts of a stock of
knowledge that can be extracted and simply moved to another site
or transferred to another group of farmers. The broader study indicated
that the use of many vegetables and the manner in which they were
produced involved various rituals and social taboos. Ignorance of
these could make the innovations impractical when they are exchanged
or “improved” upon by outside agents.
References
Chweya, J.A.
and Eyzaguirre, P.B. (Eds.) 1999. The biodiversity of traditional
leafy vegetables. Rome: International Plant Genetic Resources
Institute.
Rubaihayo, E.B. 2002. The Contribution of Indigenous Vegetables
to Household Food Security. IK Notes 44, May 2002. Retrieved
November 26, 2004 from the World Wide Web: http://www.worldbank.org/afr/ik/index.htm
Rubaihayo, E.B., Hart, T.G.B., Kakonge, E., Kaaya, A., Kawongolo,
J., Kabeere, F., Mugisha, J., Tumwiine, J. and Rubaihayo, P. 2003.
Development of Mechanisms for sustainable production and utilisation
of Indigenous Vegetables and management of their genetic diversity
in Uganda. Unpublished report sent to the McKnight Foundation,
Washington, USA.
This
article was written by Tim Hart, Senior Research Manager at the
Human Sciences Research Council, Private Bag X41, Pretoria 0001,
South Africa (thart@hsrc.ac.za).
It is extracted from an unpublished report by Hart, T, Abaijuka,
I, Kawongolo, J, Rubaihayo, E, Kakonge, E & Mugisha, J (2002)
“The Identification and Recording of Indigenous Knowledge
using Rapid Rural Appraisal Techniques: The cultivation and utilisation
of Indigenous vegetables in the Mpigi District, Uganda.” The
author acknowledges the contributions of the Ugandan researchers
from the National Agricultural Research Organisation and Makerere
University, Kampala.
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