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00:00 Welcome and the floor is yours.

00:02 Thank you and thank you for,

00:03 for the opportunity to present this work.

00:05 Uh,

00:05 so today I'll be talking about local elites as state capacity,

00:08 how city chiefs use local information

00:10 to increase tax compliance in the DR Congo,

00:12 and this work is joined with Pablo and Augustine

00:14 who are at Harvard and John who's at LSE.

00:17 So before I begin,

00:18 I wanted to give you a brief overview of

00:20 how this work fits into my research agenda,

00:22 which contains two focuses.

00:24 First,

00:24 one on the role of fiscal capacity and development.

00:27 And this includes work on the tax tools

00:29 at the disposal of very low capacity governments

00:32 and how those tools set a ceiling on the government's ability to raise revenues.

00:36 It also includes work on a national scale looking at how tariff

00:40 rates,

00:40 um,

00:41 and domestic consumption tax bases interact and how,

00:44 um,

00:44 trade taxes affect domestic production networks in Rwanda.

00:48 Um,

00:48 and also a focus on the role of actors outside the state system

00:52 and what they can bring to fiscal capacity and state capacity more broadly

00:56 in the realm of taxation and redistribution.

00:58 My other focus is on constraints that firms in emerging markets face.

01:03 And includes work in particular on labor market frictions.

01:06 Um,

01:06 in India,

01:07 in which I partner with a large online jobs platform

01:09 to run experiments studying frictions in the recruitment process,

01:12 but also work on behavioral biases within firms that include,

01:16 uh,

01:16 peer norms and heuristics and

01:19 decision making,

01:20 uh,

01:20 specifically in the realm of taxation.

01:22 And it's this third project under the

01:24 fiscal capacity focus area that I'll be talking about today,

01:27 the role of local elites in building state capacity.

01:30 And the motivation for this work is first that fiscal capacity,

01:33 the ability to collect and spend revenues effectively,

01:36 is an important input to economic and political development

01:39 in poor countries.

01:40 However,

01:41 however,

01:41 lower-income countries often find themselves in low tax,

01:44 low capacity traps.

01:45 Um,

01:46 and so a question for them is how can they collect sufficient revenue.

01:49 To fund public goods

01:50 in a sustainable manner and thus convert themselves into tax states.

01:54 And often in these settings,

01:56 tax collection is still done on a manual basis

01:59 and so the government faces a choice in

02:01 how to go about administering manual tax collection,

02:03 specifically in the type of agent to enlist in collection.

02:07 And the government can choose to enlist

02:09 state agents or bureaucrats in tax collection

02:12 or to delegate this responsibility to outside actors,

02:15 outside of the state system,

02:16 um,

02:17 such as those that are local elites,

02:19 um,

02:19 or informal actors.

02:22 And these local elites can

02:24 um fill many roles uh

02:26 outside the states that are often um contributing towards

02:29 filling gaps in governance outcomes and they

02:31 can take the form of customary leaders,

02:33 leaders in religious spheres,

02:34 or even in the military space.

02:36 And what we observe,

02:37 observed throughout history,

02:38 um,

02:38 and even in many low-income countries today is that governments on the

02:42 lower end of the capacity spectrum often delegate

02:45 collection to such actors outside the state.

02:48 And in making this choice,

02:49 the government will encounter certain trade-offs when making a

02:53 decision over the agent in charge of tax collection.

02:56 In the advantages column for uh local elites,

02:59 we often think that they might possess better local information about taxpayers

03:03 that could be a key input to generating compliance,

03:05 especially in um settings of imperfect uh compliance that because

03:09 these elites um know community members well,

03:12 they're able to target solicitation or they're more effective

03:14 in the bargaining game over taxation given they can leverage

03:18 potentially private information about

03:20 citizen assets or citizen income.

03:23 It's also thought that um local actors

03:26 um also have simply lower administrative costs.

03:29 You could think about uh

03:30 the government's decision to either staff a tax office in every province or

03:33 to enlist someone who's a leader in that community already to collect taxes

03:37 or to deploy state agents to every area in

03:39 a region and thus incur substantial transportation costs.

03:44 In the disadvantages column,

03:45 however,

03:46 because these actors exist outside of the state system,

03:49 almost by definition though they will be harder to control,

03:51 um,

03:52 and monitor,

03:53 and this could give rise to greater leakage and corruption,

03:55 especially in tasks like tax collection where money is changing hands,

03:59 and this could manifest in ways that cause real economic harm.

04:03 And second,

04:04 uh,

04:05 a concern that may speak to more longer run concerns

04:07 about enlisting or empowering actors outside of the state,

04:11 um,

04:11 is how

04:12 raising up these actors could undermine the

04:15 legitimacy and authority of central government institutions

04:18 or the central government itself,

04:19 that by making the central government look weak and that it

04:22 needs to extend the power to collect taxes outside of itself,

04:26 that could undermine in the long run um how strong the government is

04:29 perceived by citizens and how effective it can be in other tasks.

04:33 So this project asks two questions.

04:35 First,

04:36 can low capacity governments increase tax revenue by delegating

04:39 this collection to local informal actors outside the state?

04:43 And if they are more effective,

04:44 is it because these actors possess superior information about citizens,

04:47 or is it due to other margins like,

04:50 um,

04:50 these agents being able to put more effort into tax collection

04:54 or conditional on

04:56 level,

04:56 levels of effort being the same?

04:57 Are they simply more persuasive by virtue of,

05:00 um,

05:00 their position outside the state?

05:03 And second,

05:03 on the other hand,

05:04 does engaging these actors backfire

05:06 in ways that damage government legitimacy.

05:08 Specifically,

05:09 does empowering local elites allow them to extract

05:12 more in the context of taxation but also outside of it,

05:15 that by giving them the power over tax collection,

05:18 do they therefore extract more in other informal

05:21 tasks they undertake in their normal duties?

05:24 And then another dimension that the government may care about,

05:27 thinking about the government as social planner and the administration of

05:30 taxation

05:31 is who bears the ultimate burden of tax.

05:33 And so a relevant question is how does endlisting these actors shift the

05:36 burden to be more regressive or progressive

05:39 relative to collection by state agents.

05:42 And I studied these questions in the context of a field experiment

05:46 that was embedded in the 2018 property tax campaign in the city of Kananga in the DRC.

05:51 This experiment was implemented by the provincial

05:53 government of Kasai Central and involved assigning

05:56 neighborhoods of which there are 356 covering the entire city,

06:00 uh,

06:00 to one of 3 treatment groups.

06:02 In the first treatment group,

06:03 it's state agents that are

06:05 tax collectors from the provincial tax ministry,

06:08 uh,

06:08 that are tasked with collection in the neighborhood,

06:10 and I'll refer to this as the central treatment arm.

06:13 The second treatment arm collection was done by city chiefs that live and work and

06:17 have other informal details in the neighborhoods

06:19 in which they'd be tasked with collection,

06:20 and I'll refer to this as the.

06:23 In the third treatment arm that I call central plus local information,

06:26 is a hybrid arm that was designed in collaboration with the government

06:29 to shed light on the potential information mechanism behind,

06:32 uh,

06:33 state,

06:33 uh,

06:33 city chiefs' greater effectiveness

06:35 that allows state collectors first to consult with the neighborhood chief in

06:38 charge of an area before they those state collectors would collect there.

06:44 And to preview the results,

06:45 in answer to the first question about

06:47 the ability of local elites to raise revenues,

06:50 I find that the answer here is yes,

06:51 at least in this context.

06:53 The local treatment arm increases tax compliance and total revenues

06:56 relative to collection by state agents significantly.

06:59 These amount to approximately a 43%

07:01 increase in tax collection relative to collection by state agents.

07:06 And the evidence is consistent with these effects being driven

07:09 by an informational advantage on the part of chiefs,

07:12 chiefs rather than other margins like effort or persuasive ability

07:16 conditional on effort across the treatment arms being the same.

07:19 Uh,

07:19 the main piece of evidence.

07:22 An arm I mentioned,

07:23 uh,

07:23 just before raises compliance relative to collection by state agents.

07:27 So armed with

07:28 the chief's information,

07:29 state agents perform better,

07:30 but I also find other evidence to rule out

07:32 these other channels of effort and persuasive ability.

07:36 Then on the other hand,

07:37 I do find some evidence that

07:39 delegating collection responsibilities increases corruption,

07:42 uh,

07:42 in the areas where chiefs collect taxes relative to state agents.

07:46 Bribes are higher in these areas,

07:47 uh,

07:48 to a small degree.

07:49 However,

07:49 I don't observe a more informal resource extraction in

07:53 the chief's other duties that now that they have,

07:55 um,

07:55 at least in the short run gained the power over taxation,

07:58 it doesn't appear that

07:59 In the administration of informal labor taxes,

08:01 which is their main other duty in the neighborhood,

08:03 they're extracting more or requiring

08:05 more contributions.

08:09 In looking at the distributional implications,

08:11 it does appear on face that chiefs

08:13 are more regressive in their enforcement of the tax.

08:16 Um,

08:16 when we look at house quality,

08:18 which is maybe the,

08:18 the most direct measure

08:20 that maps to the ultimate base of this tax,

08:22 which is property value,

08:23 we see that chiefs are bringing lower value properties into the tax net.

08:26 But when I look at measures that more directly relate to economic need like income,

08:30 liquidity,

08:31 and well-being,

08:32 I don't observe any differences across the treatment

08:34 arms among the complier set of taxpayers.

08:37 Um,

08:37 so I'll return to this question of what we may think should be the

08:40 ultimate base in,

08:41 uh,

08:41 settings like this of taxes like,

08:43 uh,

08:43 those on,

08:44 um,

08:44 assets,

08:45 uh,

08:45 like property.

08:48 And this evidence on the distributional um

08:50 aspects also speak to the information mechanism.

08:54 It appears that state collectors target

08:56 households by observable characteristics like the

08:58 quality of the roof and walls of structures on the property,

09:01 whereas chiefs,

09:01 though they also target on these characteristics,

09:04 additionally target on what I call unobservable characteristics like

09:07 liquidity,

09:08 the employment status of the,

09:09 of the property owner that are measures of ability to pay in addition to

09:13 house quality.

09:16 And then finally relating to these longerrun concerns about how

09:19 empowering actors outside the state may undermine the government's claims on

09:23 authority or legitimacy in the administration of taxation,

09:26 I don't find any evidence.

09:28 At least in the short run,

09:30 that erosion towards

09:31 the govern the uh views of the government erode um at

09:34 all levels of government from the provincial to the national level,

09:37 and indeed,

09:38 uh,

09:38 citizens appear to have more positive views of the

09:40 chief in areas where chiefs collected relative to state agents

09:43 and would prefer to have the,

09:45 the chief serve as tax collector in the future.

09:50 In terms of the literature that this work contributes to,

09:53 I see it as contributing to two main strands.

09:55 The first is the role of fiscal capacity in fragile states.

09:58 It's long been thought that,

09:59 um,

10:00 fiscal capacity is important for the development

10:03 of

10:03 economic,

10:04 um,

10:05 uh,

10:05 and political institutions as well as um important for stimulating.

10:09 Participation in political processes

10:10 and recent work has documented the role of the choice of tax instruments,

10:14 how to incentivize collectors

10:16 in manual tax collection,

10:17 and how third-party information can be leveraged.

10:20 And where I see this work contributing is by showing

10:22 that the choice of the type of agent in tax collection

10:25 can matter a lot for the government's ability to raise revenues.

10:28 And the second strand of literature to which I see this project contributing

10:32 is the role of local elites in governance and development more broadly,

10:35 which has included areas

10:37 um from land governance and law and order to the redistribution side of public goods

10:41 provision and targeting of welfare programs to

10:42 even the political space of brokering votes.

10:45 And here I see the

10:46 the evidence I'm able to provide on the mechanism of chief

10:49 superior information allowing them to be more effective in tax collection.

10:53 Um,

10:54 we,

10:54 uh,

10:54 provide a link to potentially other literatures to the extent to which

10:57 this mechanism can apply and is at work in those settings.

11:02 So a brief outline for today's talk.

11:04 First,

11:04 I'll describe the

11:06 experimental design in detail and then show you the main

11:08 treatment effects on tax as well as non-tax outcomes.

11:11 Then I'll spend much of my time um building the evidence on mechanisms

11:15 to convince you that it's really about how chiefs use their local information

11:18 that is driving their greater effectiveness.

11:20 Um,

11:21 then I'll talk about the distribution of tax burden,

11:23 tax visits as well as the ultimate tax

11:25 burden and conclude and discuss some next steps.

11:30 So,

11:31 uh,

11:32 this project is based in Kanga,

11:33 which is the 4th largest city

11:35 in the DRC.

11:36 It has a population of 1 million people,

11:38 and it's the capital of the Kasai Central

11:40 Province and seat of the provincial government.

11:42 This is a very high poverty setting.

11:45 Median income is only $1.5 US dollars per person

11:48 per day.

11:49 Um,

11:51 and the DRC is a weak state both at the national and provincial levels,

11:54 and as you might expect,

11:55 it has a very low formal tax compliance.

11:58 In Kasai Central,

11:59 the province in which,

12:00 uh,

12:00 this experiment is based,

12:01 uh,

12:02 there are 6 million people live there,

12:04 and on an annual basis,

12:05 the government only raises about 30 cents per person,

12:08 uh,

12:08 in total revenues.

12:10 And so recently over the last 4 years,

12:13 the government has been trying to raise revenues through a property tax,

12:16 and the reason for emphasizing this tax instrument relative to others

12:20 is first that the revenue stays local.

12:22 So um for taxes on things like interprovincial trade,

12:25 the government needs to share a portion

12:27 of those revenues with the national government,

12:29 whereas all of the money from property

12:30 taxation stays within the provincial government.

12:33 It's also thought to be a more efficient form of taxation relative to

12:37 other forms because it's levied on at very low rates across very broad

12:41 bases.

12:44 And the government first uh implemented a systematic property tax collection

12:49 campaign in 2016 that involved sending state agents door to door to collect taxes,

12:53 and this raised compliance relative to a system of voluntary compliance

12:57 in which citizens were expected to pay at the bank themselves,

13:00 um,

13:00 and less than 1% of citizens complied with the tax under that system.

13:05 And so believing that chiefs may be more effective collectors,

13:08 the government decided to involve

13:09 uh chiefs in the 2018 campaign,

13:12 um,

13:12 thinking that they could further expand the tax net.

13:17 And the details of the tax that's uh levied in the context of this campaign

13:21 uh are,

13:22 are that it's the first uh fixed annual fee,

13:25 and this fee nature of property taxes is common in lower-income countries where

13:29 property evaluation rules don't exist because they're costly

13:32 to construct as well as to keep updated.

13:34 Um,

13:34 in contrast to more developed countries.

13:36 Settings where we observe more complex and progressive formulas that apply um

13:41 uh algorithms based on the size of the land area,

13:44 the quality of the materials,

13:45 etc.

13:46 Here the government charges one rate

13:48 um in two broad bins.

13:50 So there's some effort at classifying properties,

13:52 but

13:52 they classify them into two categories.

13:55 And the lower value band captures 90%

13:58 of properties in this setting,

13:59 uh,

13:59 and these are properties that have

14:01 less developed land area.

14:02 The structures on the property are made of lower quality materials like mud,

14:05 brick,

14:06 or clay,

14:07 um,

14:08 and these are assigned an annual tax liability of about $2 US dollars,

14:12 um,

14:12 and the property value in this category is about $1000 US dollars.

14:16 The remaining 10% of properties falls into the high-value band category,

14:19 um,

14:20 and these are properties with more developed land area,

14:22 built structures are built out of higher quality

14:24 materials like concrete and sheet metal roofing,

14:27 and property value in this category is about,

14:29 um,

14:29 $8000 US dollars,

14:30 and they face an annual tax liability of $9.

14:33 So you may be struck by how low the overall levels of tax liability are here,

14:38 between $2.09 dollars US dollars.

14:41 But when we look in terms of the percentage of property value they represent,

14:44 they're not that different from what we observed.

14:46 In more developed country settings.

14:47 So because no valuation rule exists,

14:49 um,

14:49 I use a machine learning strategy to estimate property value in this context

14:53 and show that it's a point that the rates are about 0.32%

14:57 of total value,

14:58 um,

14:58 which is within the range in the US where property value,

15:02 property taxes,

15:03 uh,

15:03 tax rates range between 0.27% in places like Hawaii to 0.35%

15:08 in places like New Jersey.

15:11 For those that declined to pay the tax,

15:13 the government officially imposes a penalty for non-compliance that is

15:17 a fine of 1.5 times the tax amount plus

15:19 the original tax amount they were supposed to pay,

15:22 and this is communicated through a summons to appear

15:24 at court and either contest or pay the fine.

15:27 So while this is the penalty on the books,

15:28 in practice,

15:29 enforcement is extremely uncommon.

15:31 It usually only happens for um

15:33 firms that own property in the downtown area that have

15:35 large outstanding arrears where the government thinks it can make up

15:38 a lot of revenue by enforcing the tax there and that those firms are likely to pay.

15:43 But at baseline,

15:43 52% of citizens think that sanctions are likely for not

15:47 complying with the tax,

15:48 and this will be a channel that I'll test explicitly

15:51 um by studying how influencing

15:53 citizens enforcement beliefs through primes and reminders about the

15:55 penalty affect the compliance decision and whether that's different,

15:58 uh,

15:59 depending on the type of agent who's collecting taxes.

16:04 So what this campaign looked like in practice,

16:05 uh,

16:06 it involved two stages by a team of 2 collectors in each neighborhood.

16:10 In the first stage,

16:11 the collection team visited every property in the neighborhood to

16:13 construct the property register because no evaluation rule existed.

16:17 During this step,

16:18 they would assign a unique tax ID

16:21 and provide a tax letter to the property owner informing them about tax liability,

16:25 um,

16:26 and our enumerator accompanied them during this visit to record

16:29 information about the property as well as the tax ID,

16:31 uh,

16:31 so that it could be linked to surveys as well

16:34 as the administrative data on tax compliance later on.

16:37 During this visit,

16:38 they could solicit the text if needed or make appointments uh for a next revisit.

16:43 The second stage of the campaign involved the collection

16:45 team making door to door appeals at their discretion,

16:48 and the enumerator did not accompany them during this stage.

16:51 This stage approximately lasted 1 month in each neighborhood,

16:55 and collectors would approach households and request

16:57 that they pay,

16:58 um,

16:58 or make appointments to revisit them later on.

17:01 And when they found someone willing to pay,

17:02 they would use a handheld receipt printer to issue receipts,

17:05 and these receipt printers create an electronic

17:07 record of tax payments that forms the

17:10 administrative data on tax compliance,

17:12 and they're matched to the collections that

17:13 these collectors hand in to the tax ministry

17:16 on a weekly basis,

17:17 uh,

17:18 and they earn a piece rate compensation for the amount of tax they deposit,

17:21 about 30% of

17:23 what they collect,

17:23 they receive as a bonus.

17:26 And so the experiment here is to compare collection done by tax ministry agents

17:30 to collection done by city chiefs when they're assigned as tax collectors.

17:35 And I'll give you a little bit more background

17:37 about what these uh treatments look like in practice.

17:40 In the central treatment arm,

17:41 it's agents of the provincial tax ministry that collect,

17:43 and these are unsalaried contractors with the tax

17:45 ministry and other parts of the bureaucracy.

17:48 So they often work on short uh work on short-run

17:50 campaigns of this nature and rotate between different uh bureaucracies.

17:54 And so their incentive for working on the campaign

17:56 is the um percentage of the revenues that they get to take home as a bonus but also the

18:02 um possibility that the highest performing agents could

18:04 receive a future salary position in the government,

18:07 which is a highly sought after position in

18:08 the city because it provides a regular salary.

18:14 So the neighborhood is randomly assigned to the central treatment arm.

18:17 These,

18:18 uh,

18:18 state agents will travel from their home

18:20 on a daily basis to the tax ministry and go

18:22 and collect in the neighborhood and return to their home,

18:24 typically in a different part of the city at night.

18:26 By contrast,

18:27 in the local treatment arm,

18:28 it's the city chiefs that live and work in the neighborhoods

18:31 that they're tasked with collection,

18:32 and these city chiefs are local notables or leaders.

18:36 That have other informal responsibilities in the neighborhood.

18:39 They help resolve disputes over issues like property and their

18:42 main task is the administration of an informal labor tax

18:45 by which citizens contribute labor on a weekly

18:47 basis towards local public goods projects in the neighborhood

18:51 like repairing of roads,

18:52 and this labor is organized and directed by the chief.

18:56 They're officially approved in their position by the mayor,

18:58 uh,

18:59 um,

18:59 of the city,

19:00 but

19:00 in fact the mayor has little discretion over who's selected

19:04 as chief.

19:04 The main qualification is being a well-known,

19:07 respected,

19:07 longtime resident

19:09 of the neighborhood,

19:10 and these chiefs have on average pretty long tenure,

19:13 about 10 years,

19:14 so it can be much longer than that.

19:16 And it's even the position is even sometimes heritable within families

19:19 in about 1/5 of cases.

19:21 They don't receive any salary in their position as chief.

19:24 Indeed,

19:24 most have another job,

19:25 they own a business or they're a teacher or a pastor,

19:28 and so the compensation that they receive as chief is primarily the status

19:31 as chief and any rents that they could potentially extract through their position.

19:36 So you can think about these chiefs being not

19:37 customary chiefs in a traditional sense but perhaps neo-customary.

19:41 They have some of the trappings of more powerful rural chiefs,

19:44 uh,

19:44 in Africa,

19:45 but not quite as much um authority over the daily

19:47 lives of citizens because they operate in an urban setting.

19:50 However,

19:50 they're a common institution in cities in Francophone Africa and

19:53 importantly they're often involved in tasks like property tax collection.

19:57 Um,

19:58 so I'll just talk,

19:59 uh,

20:00 a little bit about,

20:00 um,

20:01 how we make these comparisons across the treatment before I pause,

20:04 um,

20:04 for questions after this slide.

20:05 So what is held constant across these treatments is

20:08 all the nuts and bolts of the campaign in each

20:10 treatment group.

20:11 This includes the training collectors receive,

20:13 the protocol they use in,

20:14 in tax collection,

20:15 and the technology that they use when they collect.

20:18 Incentives are identical,

20:19 the same piece rate compensation for

20:21 the tax of the deposit that's equal to about 30%

20:24 of collections,

20:25 and additionally,

20:26 the government held fixed expectations

20:28 about future tax collection responsibilities,

20:30 um,

20:31 to avoid biasing effort in the context of this campaign.

20:35 What varies then is everything that attaches to the identity

20:37 or type of agent in charge of collecting taxes.

20:40 This can include some of the potential mechanisms or advantages and

20:43 disadvantages I spoke about earlier like

20:45 differences in information about taxpayers,

20:48 perceived legitimacy on the part of citizens or

20:50 the tools of sanctioning that are at the disposal of either collector type.

20:54 It also comes with some demographic differences.

20:57 Chiefs are on average older,

20:58 less educated,

20:59 and less wealthy.

21:00 Um,

21:01 they're also more skeptical of the government and taxation in general.

21:03 These are differences we see as hard-baked

21:06 into the definition of the chief.

21:07 Um,

21:07 so now I'll pause in case there are,

21:09 uh,

21:09 any questions.

21:12 Um,

21:12 I see one hand,

21:13 David,

21:13 go ahead.

21:15 Yeah,

21:15 I just wanted to ask about your 0.3 here about the sort of time horizons.

21:19 It sort of seemed like the Chiefs,

21:21 you were saying they're longer term positions.

21:23 It would seem like their time horizons would

21:25 Be

21:26 different and and you know,

21:29 it might take time for

21:30 the economy to adjust to this new system and things,

21:33 but I,

21:34 I,

21:34 I guess,

21:35 what does it mean to hold constant

21:38 expectations when people have different

21:40 time and job,

21:41 different,

21:41 uh,

21:42 you know,

21:42 incentives to engage with the population on the long-term,

21:45 etc.

21:46 Yeah,

21:46 that's a great question.

21:47 So by holding constant expectations,

21:49 I mean how the government communicated

21:51 whether or not a collector type would be involved in future campaigns.

21:55 So they told them this is how taxation is going to happen

21:58 in this campaign and we'll,

22:00 um,

22:00 see how each collector type performs and

22:02 then make assessments about future campaigns.

22:04 So that might have implicitly,

22:05 implicitly raised some concerns about competition,

22:08 uh,

22:08 between the collector types in the short run context of this campaign.

22:11 So we exploit some strategies in the timing of

22:15 Where tax collection happens

22:16 across the city and its rollout to address that concern,

22:20 um,

22:20 but I,

22:20 I think you're right that these,

22:22 these agents have different long-run considerations,

22:24 especially when it comes to thinking about

22:26 their relationship to citizens in the neighborhood.

22:28 Chiefs will have to live and work and,

22:30 um,

22:31 interact with,

22:31 uh,

22:32 citizens in their neighborhood.

22:33 Over a much longer horizon than these state agent collectors,

22:37 and so those are partly differences we see as like

22:40 built into the definitions of the treatments that

22:42 governments are making this decision in other spheres

22:44 to outsource um uh or like delegate this

22:47 responsibility to other actors that have stronger connections to

22:51 The community that comes with some advantages potentially in information or

22:55 sanctioning power,

22:56 um,

22:56 but it may come with some costs

22:58 that I haven't enumerated yet like,

23:00 uh,

23:00 not just in terms of corruption but also how those

23:02 actors may be constrained by their longer-run relationships with these,

23:06 uh,

23:07 with citizens.

23:07 Um,

23:08 does that answer your question?

23:09 Yeah,

23:10 but I guess just on that,

23:11 what,

23:12 you know,

23:12 what does that mean for the right time horizon to look for effects as well?

23:16 Uh,

23:16 I see,

23:17 yes,

23:17 um,

23:18 so

23:19 as,

23:19 uh,

23:19 since this is only a short run one-off campaign,

23:22 I can only show the like short run effects of

23:25 engaging chiefs in

23:26 the only the second time that the government has collected

23:28 taxes in this context in a door to door fashion

23:31 and so thinking about how chiefs may be more effective in the future or if

23:35 They might have like um be playing some

23:37 dynamic game by which they're asking citizens to contribute

23:40 now so they can win the authority and be

23:41 more progressive and tax taxation in the future.

23:44 Um,

23:44 I can't speak to the online data we collect is

23:47 about a year after the end of the tax campaign

23:50 and there I look at the other duties the chief is undertaking like

23:53 in the administration of their normal duties,

23:55 specifically in the implement the administration of the informal labor tax,

23:59 and there I don't see any differences across.

24:02 The areas where chiefs collected versus did not in um their other duties,

24:06 um,

24:06 and a follow-up project that I and my co-authors are working on

24:08 studies chiefs' involvement in the targeting

24:10 of anti-poverty benefits by whether they

24:13 engage in taxation or not,

24:14 and there we don't see any differences in

24:16 how the chiefs are um going about administering this like follow-up,

24:19 um,

24:19 fiscal task even though it's on the other side of the fiscal equation.

24:22 So I know that's not a perfect answer,

24:24 um,

24:24 but definitely a concern that's in mind here.

24:28 Thanks,

24:28 Gabriel.

24:29 I see two more hands.

24:30 Biju,

24:31 you go first.

24:32 Yeah,

24:32 hi.

24:33 Um,

24:33 so just to,

24:34 I mean,

24:34 it's related to David's question,

24:35 but first a clarifying question.

24:37 These revenues that these chiefs are collecting,

24:40 uh,

24:40 do they go towards local budget or they just,

24:42 uh,

24:43 taken centrally?

24:45 Uh,

24:45 so they go towards the provincial government's budget,

24:47 which the provincial government can spend anywhere in the province.

24:50 OK,

24:51 so you've got basically

24:53 an enforcement mechanism where local

24:56 Elites who could range from good people to utter thugs

25:00 are being used by the government

25:03 to extract money from regular folks

25:07 with no guarantee that that money is going to come back and benefit

25:10 them in the form of public goods or whatever.

25:12 That's what you're randomizing on.

25:14 I mean,

25:15 and then you're looking only at short term impacts.

25:17 Do you worry about the ethics of what you're doing?

25:20 Um,

25:20 so I think there's two,

25:21 I'll separate this into two concerns.

25:23 I guess the first concern is whether,

25:25 um,

25:25 our involvement stimulated the government's choice to do this.

25:28 So,

25:29 uh,

25:29 from the beginning,

25:30 the government wanted to involve chiefs thinking they would be more

25:33 effective collectors and asked us to participate in

25:36 the randomization exercise,

25:37 but I think that doesn't fully answer your question about whether it's ethical

25:40 to even engage in studying this and

25:42 helping the government implement this effectively.

25:45 Um,

25:45 and,

25:46 uh,

25:46 I think part of the reason that we felt comfortable participating in this.

25:50 Uh,

25:51 in the evaluation of this experiment is that

25:53 we could collect data and show the government

25:55 how much the like risks on the negative

25:57 side would be by collecting data on corruption and

26:00 extraction and the chief's other duties,

26:02 and I think the only answer I can give you

26:04 here that may speak to the longer run concerns about

26:07 Um,

26:08 engaging local actors that the state is less

26:10 able to control and monitor effectively like chiefs

26:13 is the follow-up projects we're doing studying chiefs' involvement and

26:16 subsequent tasks like the targeting of anti-poverty benefits and there's,

26:20 we're able to track more over the long

26:22 run whether empowering the chiefs in this way can

26:25 um lead them to have more extractive power or

26:28 be more um I guess negative actors

26:31 because they collected taxes.

26:32 But what about the delegitimizing of government?

26:36 That's a long term effect that could come.

26:37 I mean,

26:38 you,

26:38 you're now dealing with these chiefs who are doing other functions.

26:41 They're not elected.

26:43 Uh,

26:43 we're all worried about democracy nowadays,

26:45 you know,

26:45 and what's,

26:46 what's the,

26:47 what's,

26:48 I mean,

26:48 is that,

26:49 do you worry about that?

26:50 Yes,

26:51 definitely.

26:51 So

26:52 I spoke a little bit earlier about how

26:53 that's a potential disadvantage in undermining the government's

26:56 uh perceived legitimacy potentially over the longer run

26:59 and so in the context of this study,

27:01 we collect short run,

27:02 uh,

27:03 uh,

27:03 uh,

27:03 measures of views of the government at all levels as well as the views of the chief

27:07 and are in the process of collecting that,

27:09 um,

27:09 2 years,

27:10 3 years after the close of taxation to see

27:12 how those potentially evolve over the longer run.

27:15 And we see if anything areas of positive views of

27:17 the government increase in places where chiefs collected taxes,

27:20 and I think this may partly be a function of

27:22 who the chiefs are in the city.

27:23 These are not like

27:25 very powerful rural chiefs in more traditional settings that

27:27 have more say over the daily lives of citizens.

27:29 They're more like

27:30 quasi-traditional actors that operate in an urban setting.

27:33 And fill some gaps in governance outcomes.

27:35 So maybe they have,

27:36 they can bring some value to the government's

27:38 tasks,

27:39 but they have like less ability to punish,

27:41 um,

27:42 citizens which may speak to some of the external validity of this to

27:45 like whether it could extend to more rural settings or other areas where these

27:49 actors have more power,

27:50 but I think those are valid concerns.

27:54 Thanks,

27:54 Gabriel.

27:54 Anya.

27:58 Hi,

27:58 Gabriel,

27:59 um,

27:59 just a really quick,

28:00 um,

28:01 simple question,

28:01 uh,

28:02 and,

28:02 and do differ if you,

28:04 if that's,

28:05 if you

28:06 address this later,

28:06 but

28:07 can you say a little more about the logistics,

28:09 similarities or differences between the two?

28:11 So how many city chiefs are there per area?

28:14 How many agents were there?

28:16 Do they have the same number of houses to visit?

28:19 Who organized the agents and where they went.

28:23 Uh,

28:24 yes,

28:24 uh,

28:24 so one thing that's not in this list is some of the more details about how

28:28 they work within a neighborhood.

28:30 Both,

28:30 um,

28:31 in both treatment groups,

28:32 the agents work in teams,

28:33 so the chiefs work with the assistant that they work with in their normal duties.

28:36 In the central treatment areas,

28:38 it's two state agents that are paired

28:40 to whole constant the size of the teams,

28:42 and we show balance,

28:43 uh,

28:43 in the paper on these other things like the

28:45 size of the neighborhoods in which they work.

28:46 Work,

28:47 um,

28:47 characteristics of the neighborhoods,

28:49 etc.

28:50 on that more like balanced concern dimension,

28:52 um,

28:53 and in terms of the

28:54 overlap in chiefs and who's enlisted in tax collection,

28:57 there is some like overlap of jurisdictions that led us to

29:00 have to figure out with the government who

29:01 to select to collect in a particular neighborhood where

29:04 chief jurisdictions overlap,

29:05 um,

29:05 and those like conflicts and jurisdictions and overlap are balanced across the

29:10 Treatment and control groups again so that it appears that we chose like the best

29:13 chief or the counterfactual chief who didn't

29:15 end up collecting in the neighborhood to compare

29:17 at the neighborhood level.

29:18 Um,

29:18 does that answer your question?

29:21 Yeah,

29:21 thank you.

29:24 Perfect.

29:25 Uh,

29:25 I see no more hands,

29:26 Gabriel,

29:26 so you can continue.

29:28 OK,

29:28 thank you.

29:30 Um,

29:31 so this table summarizes the key actors involved in

29:33 the campaign and how their activities generate data.

29:36 Um,

29:36 so as I said,

29:37 the collectors are doing a property registration stage and then

29:40 tax solicitation that lasts about a month in each neighborhood.

29:43 In neighborhoods of which there are 356 were randomly assigned to

29:46 one of 7 months in the course of a seven-month campaign,

29:50 and these neighborhoods uh encompass approximately 45,000 properties.

29:53 So this will be the ultimate base of potential taxpayers

29:55 that I'll evaluate my compliance and revenue outcomes against,

29:58 and that comprises the government's administrative tax data.

30:02 The enumeration team undertook 3 separate surveys.

30:05 First,

30:05 a baseline survey about 10 months before the start of taxation.

30:09 Um,

30:09 in each neighborhood,

30:10 randomly selecting 10 households or 12 households per neighborhood.

30:14 Uh,

30:14 a midline monitoring survey happened 4 to 6 weeks

30:16 after the end of taxation in each neighborhood.

30:18 This is a very short survey concentrated on short-run outcomes

30:22 like,

30:22 uh,

30:22 immediate views of the government after the close of taxation,

30:25 reported bribes by by citizens,

30:27 reported visits,

30:28 um,

30:28 by the collectors,

30:29 um,

30:29 as reported by citizens,

30:30 and self-reported payments of the tax.

30:32 And the enumerators tried to reach as many households as possible,

30:35 um,

30:36 and we're able to reach about 36,000 of them.

30:38 The online survey um involves collecting

30:41 measures um of baseline measures like perceptions of the tax,

30:44 um,

30:45 views of government,

30:46 trust in government,

30:47 some of those more detailed measures and involve revisiting

30:50 the baseline sample with some attrition though

30:51 it's balanced across the treatment groups.

30:55 So now I'll turn to talking about uh results.

30:57 The estimation strategy is straightforward here.

30:59 We're regressing individual outcomes

31:01 for an individual in a neighborhood randomization stratum uh at a particular time,

31:06 uh,

31:07 on an indicator at the neighborhood level for that

31:09 neighborhood being assigned to the chief tax collection or local treatment arm.

31:12 In the excluded category in all regressions I'll show

31:14 you unless otherwise specified is the central treatment arm.

31:17 Minimization,

31:18 strain and fixed effects are a combination of two variables,

31:21 geographic divisions of the city and whether or not

31:23 a chief previously collected taxes in a neighborhood.

31:26 Um,

31:27 in some previous instance of taxation,

31:29 which is the case in about 15% of cases.

31:32 I also in my preferred specification include time fixed effects

31:35 to address a concern arising from a

31:36 secular decline in compliance that's common across

31:39 treatment arms over the course of the campaign in the run-up to a contentious

31:42 um presidential election in the DRC

31:45 and so to address this um time.

31:48 Uh,

31:48 this change in compliance over time,

31:50 even though it's common and secular across the treatment groups,

31:53 due to the staggering of how the treatments were rolled out neighborhood

31:56 by neighborhood because the government needed to train collector types and then

31:59 move on to the next collector type to train.

32:01 I include these fixed effects to restrict to the periods where

32:04 the treatments.

32:04 Most closely overlap um and then account for some time variation by splitting the,

32:09 the time up into waves,

32:10 two-month waves of of the campaign.

32:12 So I can talk a little bit more about other strategies

32:15 and robustness I showed to the strategy,

32:17 but I think that this provides the best estimate of

32:19 the treatment effects by accounting for this time variation.

32:22 Finally,

32:22 I cluster standard errors

32:24 at the neighborhood level,

32:25 um,

32:25 and fortunately randomization is balanced

32:28 across the treatments for demographic

32:29 and economic characteristics both of property

32:31 owners but also characteristics like the neighborhood of the neighborhood like

32:34 whether what's the average um level of tax compliance in the previous tax campaign.

32:40 OK,

32:40 here's the main results.

32:42 This table shows estimates from a regression,

32:44 regressing an individual level indicator for whether or not a citizen paid the tax,

32:49 um,

32:49 on the indicator at the neighborhood level for whether,

32:51 um,

32:52 a neighborhood was assigned to the local treatment arm.

32:54 And I see in column one,

32:55 not including house tight fixed effects,

32:58 uh,

32:58 that there's a 3.2% point increase in tax compliance relative to a central need

33:03 of 6.3%.

33:05 And so you may be struck by how low the overall levels of

33:08 compliance here which may speak to some of BJ's concerns about how extractive

33:12 this tax campaign overall is,

33:14 um,

33:14 but it's not that different from what we observe in other lower-income country

33:17 settings in the context of property taxation

33:19 where compliance ranges between 5 and 21%

33:22 in places like Liberia,

33:23 Rwanda,

33:24 and Ghana.

33:25 And to benchmark this magnitude a little bit more,

33:27 I compare it to a standard intervention in the public finance literature

33:30 which is embedding enforcement messages on tax fliers.

33:34 Um,

33:34 and so,

33:34 uh,

33:35 in cross-randomizing,

33:36 I,

33:36 I cross-randomize this as part of the,

33:38 this campaign embedding these messages,

33:40 reminders about penalties

33:42 on the tax letters distributed by

33:43 collectors during the property registration step

33:46 and compare those to a control message that just

33:48 reminds citizens about the importance of paying the tax.

33:50 Um,

33:51 and I see that these have a significant effect on compliance.

33:53 It doesn't differ across the treatment arms,

33:55 but the treatment effect of local is 5

33:57 times larger than the standard public finance intervention.

34:01 In column 2 to restrict variation to comparisons within property value bands

34:05 that include house type fixed effects

34:06 and the coefficient remains essentially unchanged.

34:09 In column 4,

34:10 I restrict uh the sample to those properties

34:12 that are deemed non-exempt by tax collectors this determination

34:16 is made during the property registration step and

34:18 so I'm conditioning on an endogenous outcome that I'll

34:21 consider as,

34:21 as such in a few slides,

34:23 but you can see that this reflects the check,

34:24 the fact that chiefs are more likely to exempt properties,

34:27 those that are elderly and disabled,

34:28 which are the official,

34:29 official,

34:30 um.

34:31 Designations uh for properties that can receive exemptions

34:34 and according to enumerator observations they're more

34:37 likely to do this process accurately.

34:40 In the paper,

34:41 I show extensive robustness to including baseline controls,

34:44 estimating these effects on different samples,

34:46 um,

34:47 and including running a fully saturated

34:49 regression including interactions and dummies for

34:51 all the cross-randomized experiments as well as dealing for the time variation,

34:55 uh,

34:55 concern I talked about earlier,

34:56 uh,

34:57 such as using matching strategies,

34:58 redefining the fixed effects using smaller time period fixed effects,

35:01 and the results

35:02 for the central and local comparison remain essentially unchanged to

35:06 these alternative robustness strategies.

35:11 When I look at revenues,

35:12 it's a similar story.

35:13 I see,

35:13 uh,

35:13 according to my preferred specification,

35:15 uh,

35:15 that the local treatment increases revenues by

35:18 43% relative to collection by state agents,

35:21 and this is similar to the increase in revenues

35:23 we see from high-powered incentives for property tax collectors

35:26 in what is probably the most recent,

35:28 um,

35:29 uh,

35:29 piece of evidence on manual tax collection and incentives,

35:32 uh,

35:33 for agents involved in that process

35:34 done by Adnan Khan,

35:35 um,

35:35 Asim Kwaja,

35:36 and Ben Olkin in Pakistan.

35:40 So now I'll turn to the downsides of cheap tax collection

35:43 and uh

35:44 these,

35:44 the,

35:45 the two potential downsides can be grouped under

35:47 the categories of cheats being harder to control

35:50 which could give rise to greater leakage and corruption

35:52 or these longer run concerns of undermining government legitimacy.

35:58 And in the context of the campaign,

35:59 I observed that bribes are higher when chiefs collect

36:01 taxes relative to state agents by about 1.8% points.

36:05 However,

36:05 this is on a very low base of 1.4%

36:08 of citizens reporting paying a bribe to the tax collector

36:11 in the context of the campaign in the central treatment arm.

36:14 So a positive and statistically significant increase though on a very low base,

36:18 and these bribes almost universally replace taxation.

36:21 So it's not that people are paying the tax and the bribe,

36:23 they're paying the bribe to avoid the tax.

36:25 And these effects on bribes are consistent

36:27 across collecting measures both at midline and endline

36:29 and also using a measure of bribes built from

36:32 comparing self-reports by citizens of paying the tax to

36:35 um administrative data on tax compliance at the individual level.

36:40 In the main other duty the chiefs undertake,

36:42 which is the administration of informal labor taxes,

36:44 I observed no differences in the extensive or intensive margin of

36:48 citizen participation in this informal tax system.

36:51 So citizens are not participate,

36:53 participating more in these public goods

36:55 projects organized and demanded by the chief

36:57 or contributing more labor conditional on participating.

37:01 So I think this is the strongest piece of evidence that these chiefs

37:03 and their main other duties aren't extracting more after engaging in taxation,

37:06 at least in the short run,

37:08 but these effects are the same at midnight and at 9.

37:12 On the assessment margin as I mentioned,

37:13 which the government may also care about in determining who should be

37:16 bearing the burden of the tax by ruling out or in,

37:19 um,

37:20 potential taxpayers,

37:21 chiefs are more accurate and they're granting more exemptions,

37:24 uh,

37:24 relative to state collectors.

37:26 On the government legitimacy side,

37:28 according to measures of views of the government

37:30 at all levels from the provincial governments up to

37:32 the national government as well as specific government

37:35 tax ministries and views of the chiefs themselves,

37:37 I don't observe any differences across the treatment arms in

37:41 these views.

37:42 Um,

37:42 indeed,

37:42 if anything,

37:43 trust in the government is higher in areas where chiefs

37:45 collected taxes relative to where state agents collected taxes,

37:48 even controlling for baseline levels.

37:52 And I see some evidence

37:53 engaging chiefs in tax collection builds some of the more

37:56 voluntary motivations for complying with taxes that

37:59 fall under the umbrella of tax morale.

38:01 I see a higher perceived compliance that others

38:03 in the neighborhood um complied with taxes,

38:05 so this may simply go hand in hand with

38:06 the true treatment effect um in local treatment areas.

38:09 Um,

38:10 uh,

38:10 but,

38:10 uh,

38:10 surprisingly I see some additional evidence of

38:13 fiscal externalities on other formal tax bases.

38:15 Citizens report paying more market vendor fees

38:18 and income taxes in areas where chiefs collected taxes relative to state agents,

38:22 though these should be taken with a grain of salt.

38:24 They're built,

38:24 they're only drawn from citizen self-reports about formal tax impacts.

38:31 OK,

38:31 so I think now I'll pause here on the results

38:33 before I turn to mechanisms if there are any questions on

38:36 these results.

38:39 Uh,

38:39 great,

38:39 thanks.

38:40 Uh,

38:40 Tristan,

38:40 are you ready for your question or you want to wait?

38:48 Tristan,

38:49 I don't

38:50 think we can hear you.

38:53 I'll just go to Chaviv before that,

38:56 and we can come back to Tristan.

38:59 Charlie,

38:59 go ahead.

39:00 Yeah,

39:00 hi,

39:01 thanks.

39:01 Um,

39:02 so,

39:02 uh,

39:03 sorry,

39:03 uh,

39:03 you know,

39:04 I,

39:04 I,

39:04 I missed Vis and,

39:06 uh,

39:06 so,

39:06 so the previous question,

39:07 so I don't know whether this was asked,

39:08 but,

39:09 but basically I,

39:10 I wonder whether,

39:11 you know,

39:12 uh,

39:12 the,

39:12 the chiefs,

39:13 um,

39:14 are basically able to provide better services,

39:17 uh,

39:17 to,

39:18 to these,

39:18 um.

39:19 You know,

39:20 to the,

39:20 to the people that they,

39:21 they collect taxes from.

39:22 And so,

39:23 you know,

39:24 whether,

39:25 whether the provision of these services,

39:27 then,

39:27 you know,

39:28 changes their,

39:28 their perceptions about,

39:30 you know,

39:30 the,

39:30 the,

39:30 the benefits of paying taxes and whatnot.

39:34 Yeah,

39:34 that's a great question.

39:35 So I'll get to this when I speak about mechanisms that even conditional on visiting

39:39 a household,

39:40 like setting aside how,

39:41 who they approach for taxation across collector types,

39:43 whether that differs,

39:44 Chiefs may be more affected by virtue of what they do for citizens in the community

39:48 because remember this is the DRC where

39:49 the both the national and provincial government provide

39:52 no like funding for public.

39:53 Like education or health services,

39:55 most of that is filled by private,

39:56 fill that space is filled by private NGOs or other actors.

40:00 So when thinking from the citizen side,

40:01 the chief is administering local public goods

40:03 through this informal labor tax institution.

40:05 The provincial government doesn't provide much for citizens,

40:08 um,

40:09 and within a particular like randomly selected neighborhood

40:13 compared to the chief,

40:13 so that may impact the compliance decision,

40:15 and that's something I'll,

40:16 um,

40:17 examine explicitly when we get to mechanisms.

40:20 Right,

40:20 so,

40:20 so just,

40:21 sorry,

40:21 just a,

40:21 a quick follow up.

40:22 So,

40:23 so,

40:23 you know,

40:24 well,

40:24 the case of the state,

40:25 so that these guys are only collecting taxes,

40:27 they're not providing services,

40:28 whereas the chief is doing both collecting and providing services.

40:31 So,

40:33 OK,

40:33 so yeah,

40:33 so that's,

40:34 that's a bit of an important difference.

40:35 OK,

40:36 thanks.

40:38 Yeah,

40:38 uh,

40:39 this is Tristan.

40:40 Can you hear me?

40:40 Yes,

40:41 yeah,

40:41 um,

40:42 uh,

40:42 so I guess my question was very similar,

40:44 and I just wanted to

40:45 sort of note that there's a,

40:46 there's a job market candidate at Berkeley,

40:49 Benjamin Kraus,

40:50 who does

40:51 also tax compliance experiments,

40:52 but then he has,

40:54 you know,

40:54 one variation of actually

40:55 Um,

40:56 the amount of services which are given,

40:58 and he finds that

40:59 if you don't,

41:00 uh,

41:00 deliver services,

41:01 and you enforce tax compliance,

41:03 tax revenue can actually go down,

41:05 whereas people actually give money only when they're

41:07 receiving services.

41:08 So I think,

41:09 you know,

41:09 to these points and also Javis that it would be good to see some,

41:12 I guess variation across individuals in terms of

41:15 the quality of of services they're receiving and,

41:18 and,

41:19 you know,

41:19 whether they get those from the state or the gov the chief.

41:22 Overall,

41:23 sure,

41:23 um,

41:24 yeah,

41:24 I'll just briefly preview the like set of evidence on that margin so I can look,

41:28 I look at heterogeneity and chiefs like

41:30 how effective they are according to citizens,

41:32 um,

41:32 at baseline and just look at heterogeneity and their performance by that,

41:36 but also I have some,

41:37 uh,

41:38 some of that cross-randomized variation in the tax prime experiments are,

41:41 I also include.

41:42 primes about

41:43 um motivations for paying the tax that included trust in the government or

41:47 expecting public goods in return and I can look at

41:49 like differences in the effect of those messages across the treatment arms

41:52 that would at least get about like is there

41:54 an effect of priming citizens on these margins differentially across

41:57 the collector type um and we can look at that evidence at,

42:00 at the end of the mechanism section.

42:05 You too.

42:08 Yeah,

42:09 thanks.

42:10 The,

42:10 the,

42:11 these responses on bribes and trust in government and so on,

42:14 they're from the household survey,

42:15 right?

42:17 Uh,

42:17 yes,

42:18 the part of the bribes measure is built from comparison,

42:21 comparing citizen self-reports of payments to the administrative data,

42:24 but everything else is built from,

42:26 uh,

42:26 citizen

42:27 surveys.

42:27 OK,

42:27 so do you,

42:27 do you worry about,

42:29 uh,

42:29 biased responses and particularly bias with

42:33 I mean,

42:34 particular attributes of the chiefs,

42:36 I suppose you could test for that,

42:37 but,

42:37 you know,

42:38 if I was scared of a particular chief,

42:39 I'm not going to tell you whether I'm bribing him or not or her.

42:44 Um,

42:45 so you're worried that because in areas where chiefs collected taxes,

42:48 citizens are less likely to say that they

42:50 need a chief.

42:51 I,

42:51 I'm,

42:51 I'm not sure which direction it's going to go.

42:53 I'm just worried that,

42:54 that,

42:54 you know,

42:54 if,

42:55 if I'm scared of retribution from a chief because they learned that I'm sort of

42:59 telling the interviewer bad things about them,

43:02 they're going to not be nice to me.

43:04 Yeah,

43:04 that's certainly a possibility.

43:05 I think the best response I can give here

43:07 is we look at and control for baseline measures

43:10 of these views before the chief engaged in taxation and we don't see like movement

43:14 in either treatment group controlling for baseline measures and

43:17 changes over time relative to these baseline measures.

43:19 I think

43:20 that's my best sense of before taxation took place and we

43:22 raised up the chief and the ability to collect taxes,

43:25 it doesn't look like views of the government

43:26 have changed in the treatment of control areas

43:29 over time.

43:32 Thanks,

43:32 Gabriel,

43:33 um,

43:33 Chuan,

43:34 and then we'll continue.

43:38 Yeah,

43:39 so I,

43:39 I think the results are quite

43:41 surprising in that

43:43 it's not clear why.

43:46 Which is we want to,

43:47 to,

43:47 to pay the tax to the tax authority itself.

43:50 My,

43:50 my question is,

43:51 is,

43:52 so you,

43:52 you create some tests to try to,

43:54 to kind of dismiss other stories of

43:57 long-term bribing,

43:58 displacement of tax to other,

44:00 other things,

44:00 but

44:01 are you,

44:01 are you

44:02 powered enough to be able to rule those out convincingly?

44:07 Or have you in designing that,

44:09 that,

44:09 that experiment,

44:10 did,

44:10 did you think about

44:12 how you would go and test

44:14 the fact that they could enter long-term contracts and,

44:16 and,

44:17 and the number of brides would increase or,

44:20 or the payment to on taxes that would go back

44:23 to the community more directly would increase as opposed to

44:26 tax to the provincial government.

44:27 So a lot of things can happen,

44:29 uh,

44:29 uh,

44:29 you know,

44:30 since the,

44:30 the chief is,

44:31 is present in very,

44:33 in many aspects of,

44:34 of citizen's life.

44:35 So,

44:36 have you thought about trying to,

44:37 to detect those or is that some kind of expo thing that you've done?

44:41 And,

44:42 and might not have the power to,

44:43 to actually test.

44:45 Um,

44:46 yeah,

44:46 that's a great question.

44:47 So in the context of this campaign,

44:48 we look at the short-run measures,

44:50 um,

44:50 like 4 to 6 weeks after taxation finished in the neighborhood,

44:53 what are the differences in these more corruption like

44:57 pure bribe taking but also extraction on these,

44:59 in these other chief duties,

45:00 and then the online data is collected between 10 and 12 months afterwards,

45:04 so that's the longest

45:05 period out in this study that we can see.

45:07 Um,

45:08 and then in the follow-up study I mentioned earlier looking at

45:10 Chief's performance in

45:11 the targeting of anti-poverty benefits,

45:13 um,

45:14 leveraging variation in whether those chiefs collected taxes or not,

45:17 in which all chiefs were asked to target these benefits.

45:19 We can again collect measures on differences in

45:22 not bribe taking during the tax campaign,

45:25 but these other margins like administration of the informal labor tax and

45:28 then additionally study how these chiefs

45:29 perform based on whether they collected taxes

45:31 in the targeting of these benefits

45:33 and we observed that the chiefs.

45:35 tax,

45:35 um,

45:36 or if anything better at targeting needier citizens

45:38 and are less nepotistic in doing so.

45:41 Um,

45:41 so that's the furthest out I can go.

45:42 The government wants to,

45:43 um,

45:44 conduct a new tax campaign

45:46 after COVID,

45:46 and we expect that they'll want to engage chiefs because they are more effective

45:50 and,

45:50 um,

45:50 we're currently thinking about ways that we

45:52 can get out these longer run considerations about

45:54 empowering the chief in this way.

45:55 Does it have

45:56 potential costs or even potential benefits as you alluded to

45:59 over the long run.

46:05 OK,

46:06 you can continue,

46:06 Gabriel.

46:07 OK,

46:08 thank you.

46:10 Um,

46:10 so now I'll talk about mechanisms and

46:11 the explanations for the chief's greater effectiveness,

46:15 like,

46:15 uh,

46:15 attempt to group into three main families of explanations.

46:18 And so the first is that chiefs are simply making more tax

46:21 visits because they live in the neighborhoods in which they collect.

46:25 The second is that

46:27 chiefs are better able to target tax solicitation

46:29 because they possess local information about citizens,

46:31 about their propensity to pay.

46:33 And the third,

46:34 um,

46:35 is that chiefs conditional on visiting a household are more persuasive,

46:39 uh,

46:39 and convincing citizens to pay in the tax bargaining process,

46:42 and this can be grouped into some of the tax morale,

46:44 uh,

46:45 explanations around the voluntary decision to comply,

46:47 and these can be linked to chiefs greater trust with

46:49 citizens or some of the explanations that were brought up,

46:52 uh,

46:52 in the questions about chiefs,

46:54 um,

46:55 having a,

46:55 a stronger claim on the reciprocity.

46:57 Of taxation and public goods spending that because

47:00 they're they actually provide goods in the neighborhood

47:02 they may be better able to activate

47:04 um or signal

47:05 the importance of taxes um in

47:08 um

47:09 to pay

47:10 and then simply cheese could be more effective because they have

47:12 other tools at their disposal for punishing non-compliers relative to.

47:18 So the intuition behind this first channel is that um it's less

47:21 costly for chiefs to make visits because they live where they work.

47:23 Estate agents are traveling from their home,

47:25 typically in a different part of their city

47:27 to collect in,

47:27 in the city,

47:28 to collect in the neighborhood on a daily basis

47:31 during collection,

47:32 um,

47:32 so chiefs can spend more time in the neighborhood,

47:34 potentially make more visits or repeat visits.

47:36 This could increase compliance if,

47:37 for example,

47:38 time-bearing liquidity constraints bind.

47:40 Chiefs can catch people on days when they're more likely to

47:42 have cash on hand if they're visiting them more often and if

47:45 liquidity is an important input to compliance,

47:47 this may matter.

47:48 It could also simply increase the perception that

47:51 necessary collector is not going away and

47:53 you comply with the tax.

47:56 Raise compliance.

47:57 So the first test I apply here is to look

47:58 at differences reported visits by citizens in the midline monitoring survey

48:03 on the extensive,

48:04 uh,

48:04 margin of receiving a visit at all,

48:06 and here I'm talking about visits after the registration step in which

48:09 all households are visited that are made at the collection team's discretion,

48:13 as well as the intensive margin of number of visits

48:15 received by a specific household.

48:17 And here I see no significant differences along either margin.

48:21 Uh,

48:21 and I'm relatively well-powered here because this draws on the midline

48:25 monitoring survey where there's about 19,500

48:27 observations between these two treatments.

48:29 So the null effects have a relatively high degree of precision.

48:32 But an additional piece of evidence is to look at interactions that

48:35 take place outside of the official tax visits that collectors conduct,

48:39 and I asked citizens about interactions that happen

48:42 outside of those visits.

48:43 So you can imagine that the chief in doing his or her normal duties is

48:46 reminding citizens that I'm gonna visit you tonight and ask that you pay the tax,

48:49 so you better.

48:49 Have your money together

48:51 and to see whether that would be an additional

48:52 way that cheese can put pressure on citizens,

48:54 but I don't observe any differences in these

48:56 unofficial discussions across the treatment areas with collectors.

48:59 So it appears that chiefs are making more effort outside of

49:02 the explicit tax visits,

49:04 uh,

49:04 to ask citizens to pay the tax.

49:09 The intuition behind the second mechanism is that chiefs know citizens well,

49:12 they interact with them on a daily basis

49:14 in the administration of their normal duties,

49:16 and so they have a potentially a better

49:18 signal about households payment propensity for the tax,

49:21 and this could make them more efficient collectors if they

49:23 can shift the composition of households towards higher propensity payers.

49:29 And the first test I'll apply here is to

49:31 see what happens when you share chief's information with a team of state collectors

49:34 and test whether that can increase compliance.

49:37 And I do this by evaluating the hybrid treatment arm,

49:39 the Central plus Local Information or CLI arm,

49:42 and the way this worked is that,

49:44 um,

49:44 the state collection team first

49:46 did the property registration stuff on their own,

49:48 and then

49:49 having constructed the property register for a neighborhood,

49:51 they met with

49:53 Of that neighborhood and discuss the ability and

49:55 willingness of each property owner to pay.

49:57 Then armed with this information,

49:58 they go to collect

49:59 in the neighborhood

50:00 and we check after the fact to make sure that

50:03 it doesn't appear that now that they've met one another,

50:05 they collaborate in taxation

50:06 um through both collector surveys and surveys of citizens.

50:11 So what this looks like in practice is there's

50:12 a team of state collectors at top and bottom

50:14 and they have the property register in front of

50:16 them with the name of the property owner,

50:17 the tax ID and tax amount.

50:19 The chief is that right and he's for who's in charge of that neighborhood,

50:22 um,

50:22 and he's looking at a picture of the property

50:24 on the tablet which was taken by the enumerator

50:27 during the property registration step and the enumerator is prompting the chief

50:30 to separately rate the ability and willingness to pay of each property owner

50:34 on the tax roll and they go line by line through it.

50:36 It takes approximately 4 hours to do one of these consultations,

50:39 and the state agents are recording the information on the register

50:42 and they'll take this with them when they go to collect.

50:45 So first I check what happens to compliance and revenues.

50:48 The CLI treatment arm as you see in column one,

50:50 increases compliance by 2.4% points relative to the

50:53 state agent arm where no consultation takes place

50:56 and increases revenuees significantly.

50:58 Incomtu.

51:00 This is also the case conditional on visits.

51:02 So columns 3 and 4 show that there's no differences

51:04 in the extensive or intensive margin of visits respectively.

51:07 In columns 5,

51:08 I restrict the sample to those that report receiving a visit in the midline survey

51:13 after the registration step and see that compliance is higher

51:16 in the CLI areas,

51:17 um,

51:18 among the set of visitors.

51:19 So this is,

51:20 this is a marginally significant difference is

51:21 consistent with the compositional shift in taxpayers.

51:25 Um,

51:25 when state agents,

51:26 uh,

51:27 engage in consultation with the chief.

51:30 However,

51:31 these,

51:31 um,

51:32 collectors don't fully recover the gap with chiefs.

51:34 Um,

51:34 when I compare

51:35 local to the CLI treatment arm,

51:37 I see still a negative

51:38 effect of 2.6% points,

51:41 which is consistent with,

51:42 um,

51:42 uh,

51:43 local information being

51:44 somewhat to some extent non-codifiable or

51:46 not fully transferable to the state agents

51:48 in the context of a one-off consultation

51:50 that the chief can't fully communicate their

51:52 full set of knowledge about citizens.

51:55 However,

51:55 it's also consistent with some of the

51:57 potential mechanisms on the persuasive side that even

51:59 conditional on reaching a high payment propensity household,

52:02 chiefs are more effective at convincing that property owner to pay.

52:05 And I'll return to those explanations in a few slides.

52:11 But first I want to build the evidence that the CLI collectors are

52:14 more effective because the chiefs possess

52:17 information about citizens that's effective and informing

52:19 uh

52:20 whether they're likely to pay the tax or not.

52:22 So first I want to check that the

52:23 CLI collectors actually followed the chief's recommendations,

52:25 and I do this by correlating the measures.

52:28 Collected during the consultation,

52:29 which are 1 to 3 scales of

52:31 ease of payment and willingness to pay that the chief

52:34 provided their subjective evaluations of for each household and that was recorded

52:38 by the enumerator that I can then match to the records of

52:41 citizen reported visits and administrative tax compliance.

52:45 And I see that I see positive and significant correlations for both these measures

52:49 on the visits and compliance margin that

52:51 area that properties that are rated as having a higher

52:53 ease of payment receive more visits by the CLI collectors

52:56 and they're more likely to comply with the tax.

52:58 Of course,

52:58 there's concerns about the endogeneity of compliance here to

53:01 shifts in the visit strategy and I'll return to that

53:03 um

53:04 in the next table.

53:07 So then I want,

53:08 I ask how informative our chief's recommendations beyond what

53:11 the state agents would observe on their own.

53:13 So the property,

53:13 looking at the property,

53:14 you can gain information based on observing how

53:17 high quality the materials of the property are

53:19 even from talking to the property owner

53:21 potentially and what observable characteristics there may be

53:23 about

53:24 that person.

53:25 Um,

53:25 but the main factors here in the decision of state

53:28 collectors to target households appears to be observable house characteristics.

53:31 So I repeat these correlations controlling for

53:34 enumerator observations of the wall and roof quality of structures on the property

53:38 and whether the property is threatened by erosion,

53:39 and the correlations are somewhat weaker,

53:41 but they're still positive and significant

53:43 for both measures in columns 124,

53:45 and 5.

53:46 In columns 3 and 6,

53:48 I look at the,

53:48 again the outcome of administrative

53:51 record,

53:51 the administrative record of tax compliance.

53:53 And restrict the sample to properties that said they received a visit,

53:56 and I see that conditional on visits

53:58 compliance is higher in areas where chief said these properties have a

54:02 property owners have a higher ease or higher willingness of payment.

54:08 Then there's the question of whether chiefs were actually providing

54:11 the information that was most strongly correlated with

54:14 uh potential tax compliance and weren't,

54:16 weren't playing some other dynamic game of or short run game of

54:20 trying to punish

54:21 their enemies in the neighborhood by directing collectors there,

54:23 reward their friends by

54:25 moving collectors away from them.

54:26 And so I,

54:27 I try to study how chiefs themselves would target and whether they follow

54:31 similar recommendation formulas as the chiefs that serve as consultants.

54:34 So obviously this counterfactual doesn't exist in

54:37 areas where chiefs served as consultants,

54:39 state agents in the CLI aren't collected taxes,

54:41 but I use the microdata built from these chief consultations.

54:45 To create a prediction formula for both ease and willingness to pay

54:48 using variables from surveys,

54:50 so I create this,

54:51 use those observations

54:53 from surveys to construct this predictive measure

54:55 and then apply,

54:56 apply that prediction formula in the local treatment areas

54:58 and evaluate how chiefs perform when they collect in those

55:01 areas relative to this predicted measure of ease of payment

55:04 and willingness to pay.

55:06 And I see similar correlations in local

55:08 treatment areas even conditional on observable characteristics of

55:10 the household that these predictive measures of

55:12 ease and willingness to pay predict both visits

55:15 and compliance positively.

55:17 And so then an obvious question is what does

55:19 this look like in the central treatment arms,

55:21 and we do see in columns 2 and 4 applying the same prediction formula

55:25 that the predicted ease and willingness to

55:27 pay are positively correlated with compliance,

55:30 but in columns 1 and 3,

55:31 I see that they're not predictive,

55:32 conditional and observable characteristics of the

55:34 property with receiving a visit.

55:36 So it really doesn't appear that the state agents have access

55:38 to the content of information that the chief has conditional on

55:42 the household's observable qualities.

55:46 So then I finally ask if this is the case that chiefs information is important,

55:49 we should observe that more knowledgeable chiefs

55:51 are more effective when serving as consultants.

55:54 So I built a

55:55 measure of chief knowledge built from quizzes um given to chiefs about the name,

55:59 job,

55:59 and education level of citizens in their neighborhood to build

56:01 an index of chief information and see how they perform,

56:05 um,

56:05 as consultants in terms of whether they raise the

56:08 performance of the CLI agents more

56:10 post-consultation relative to less knowledgeable chiefs.

56:13 And I see that this is indeed the case in column 4

56:15 that more knowledgeable chiefs raise compliance

56:17 more when they serve as consultants,

56:19 um,

56:19 so the indicator at left in this table is just

56:21 an indicator for the chief knowledge being above median,

56:24 uh,

56:24 for all chiefs in the city.

56:26 As a placebo test,

56:27 I can look in the central treatment areas

56:29 and observe no correlation between chief knowledge and

56:32 central collector performance when no consultation took place

56:35 and in column 6 I see also that chiefs that are more

56:37 knowledgeable appear to be more effective collectors when they themselves lied.

56:43 Um,

56:43 so that summarizes the,

56:44 um,

56:45 the evidence on the information side,

56:47 and so if you recall there's still a gap between the CLI and local treatment arms,

56:50 and this could either be consistent with a

56:53 still like some form of information gap

56:55 that the consultation doesn't fully fill that gap

56:57 or consistent with these other

56:58 persuasion mechanisms which I'll turn to now.

57:02 The idea here is that Gabriel,

57:04 can I ask a question.

57:07 Um,

57:07 so what is the,

57:09 what is the main tool in the hands of

57:12 the central tax collector who consulted with the chief

57:16 in terms of getting

57:18 Higher,

57:19 you know,

57:19 higher revenues.

57:21 I don't want to say higher compliance because it's conditional on the visit.

57:24 So is it just the

57:25 increasing the number of visits and nagging?

57:28 Or is there actually

57:30 something else where they just kind of threatening more with,

57:34 you know,

57:34 penalties or priming somehow,

57:36 whatever,

57:37 and

57:38 related to that,

57:39 I guess,

57:39 do the citizens know that these people consulted with the chief?

57:44 Um,

57:44 yeah,

57:44 so in answer to your last question,

57:46 they don't know

57:47 that the consultation took place.

57:49 Um,

57:49 we asked the chiefs and the estate agents not to mention it.

57:51 It's still possible that they

57:53 knew the consultation.

57:55 But in the survey we don't see evidence of that.

57:57 Um,

57:58 I think the,

57:58 the evidence that we have,

58:00 uh,

58:00 that suggests how these,

58:01 uh,

58:02 CLI agents raise their effectiveness relative to when they collect

58:05 without a consultation is not that they're doing more visits.

58:07 The visit rates are not different.

58:09 If anything,

58:09 they're lower in the CLI treatment arm relative to the state agent central arm.

58:14 It rather appears that they're shifting the composition of taxpayers,

58:16 so this is something I'll return to

58:18 in the distribution implication section,

58:20 but they come to resemble the types

58:21 of households that chiefs target when they collect

58:24 rather than state agent collectors.

58:25 Um,

58:26 does that fully answer your question?

58:28 Yeah,

58:29 it's,

58:29 I mean,

58:29 I had missed because I didn't read the paper.

58:32 I missed that they don't get to

58:35 visit everyone or even maybe a potentially a substantial portion,

58:39 and they have to kind of strategize on where to go.

58:42 Yes,

58:43 that's right.

58:43 So in the second stage,

58:44 only 40% of households receive a visit on average,

58:47 um,

58:48 solicitation,

58:48 right.

58:49 Thanks.

58:50 Um,

58:50 I'm seeing two more hands.

58:52 If you don't mind,

58:52 let's take those quickly and then we'll let you

58:54 run through your rest of yours until 2:15 uninterrupted.

58:57 Is that OK?

58:58 Sure.

59:00 Chubby,

59:00 you were first.

59:02 Yeah,

59:02 so what's the ownership rate here?

59:05 So

59:05 you know if there's a lot of renters,

59:07 what happens to a visit?

59:08 I mean,

59:08 the guy should not pay that.

59:09 So,

59:10 you know,

59:10 is it part of the better information that these chiefs know who

59:14 actually that they're,

59:15 you know,

59:15 this is a house with the owner there versus a house that is rented?

59:19 Um,

59:20 and then,

59:21 you know,

59:21 uh so were these,

59:22 sorry,

59:23 it's a separate question,

59:23 but were these chiefs

59:25 rewarded somehow by,

59:26 by,

59:27 you know,

59:27 in the elicitation only,

59:29 uh,

59:29 arm where they,

59:30 you know,

59:31 they had to go,

59:32 you know,

59:32 picture by picture saying,

59:33 you know,

59:34 whether or not

59:35 These guys would be willing to,

59:37 uh,

59:37 would be willing to pay the tax and,

59:39 and could uh,

59:39 you know,

59:40 could a

59:40 sort of an incentive where you kinda,

59:42 you know,

59:42 you make it,

59:43 you know,

59:43 you make a payment conditional on actually eliciting a tax

59:47 payment,

59:48 uh,

59:48 would,

59:48 would that improve,

59:49 you know,

59:50 their,

59:50 their,

59:50 at least their effort and,

59:51 and,

59:52 you know,

59:52 in,

59:52 in providing,

59:53 you know,

59:54 good information and that,

59:55 that could also help you,

59:56 um,

59:57 you know,

59:57 I guess in the,

59:58 in the pursuit,

59:58 you know,

59:59 whether that's

1:00:00 You know,

1:00:00 it's part of the,

1:00:01 part of the impact of the,

1:00:02 of the chief is,

1:00:03 is persuasion or is actually just better information.

1:00:07 Um,

1:00:07 yeah,

1:00:08 that's a great question.

1:00:08 So to your first question about um

1:00:10 whether they have content about who should be bearing the burden

1:00:13 of the tax and thinking about like renters versus property owners,

1:00:16 in the initial registration step,

1:00:17 uh,

1:00:18 collectors were instructed to like rule out

1:00:20 the households that were,

1:00:21 had renters residing there and to identify the

1:00:24 property owner if they were within the city,

1:00:25 then

1:00:26 they could list that property owner's name and the renter

1:00:28 would be in charge of hassling the property owner.

1:00:30 Um,

1:00:30 but it doesn't appear like the rental rates are not very high in this context.

1:00:34 They're about,

1:00:35 um,

1:00:35 like official rental rates

1:00:37 and how the government construes it.

1:00:39 Um,

1:00:39 I think less than 10%.

1:00:40 Most people are residing within the property,

1:00:42 but formal property ownership is like around 10% as well.

1:00:45 So people have

1:00:46 like a sale deed for their land,

1:00:47 but

1:00:48 in from the government's perspective,

1:00:49 this doesn't officially recognize

1:00:51 that they own the property though according to the tax they're

1:00:54 still liable to pay the tax because they're residing there.

1:00:57 Um,

1:00:57 so we can look at that uh we look

1:00:58 at that on some of the exemption and classification margins

1:01:02 at the beginning and the only differences we see across the treatment

1:01:04 and control groups are that chiefs are more likely to accurately exempt.

1:01:07 Households,

1:01:08 uh,

1:01:08 to your,

1:01:08 uh,

1:01:09 second question about the incentives for the chiefs during the consultation,

1:01:13 um,

1:01:13 they were just given a lump sum payment at the,

1:01:15 at the end of the consultations.

1:01:17 They're giving something equivalent to,

1:01:19 I think about $5 US dollars,

1:01:20 um,

1:01:20 to compensate them for traveling because they travel

1:01:22 to an office to do the consultation,

1:01:25 um.

1:01:26 Uh,

1:01:26 I think you were suggesting potentially that

1:01:28 you could get more effective information if

1:01:30 you like align the incentives for for

1:01:31 for providing that information during the consultation

1:01:34 more um and we didn't do that since it was just a lump sum payment.

1:01:38 Um,

1:01:38 and something that I haven't looked at

1:01:39 explicitly is how like baseline chief characteristics of

1:01:43 the,

1:01:43 that service as consultants other than their knowledge,

1:01:45 um,

1:01:46 would influence outcomes during this process,

1:01:47 but I think that's something that could get us

1:01:49 some of the points that you raised,

1:01:50 um,

1:01:51 to look at like how powerful the chief is,

1:01:52 how like extractive they are in their other duties,

1:01:54 and

1:01:55 look at those that heterogeneity within

1:01:57 the consultation data.

1:02:00 He's shiny.

1:02:05 Thanks.

1:02:05 Um,

1:02:06 so,

1:02:07 um,

1:02:08 I'm just wondering if tribal or ethnic,

1:02:11 uh,

1:02:11 ethnic,

1:02:11 um,

1:02:12 identities are

1:02:13 a salient dimension here,

1:02:15 um,

1:02:16 and if you have any variation,

1:02:17 for example,

1:02:18 um,

1:02:19 In the ethnicity or or uh tribe of the collectors versus the chiefs,

1:02:25 and so is it,

1:02:25 you know,

1:02:25 for example,

1:02:26 that

1:02:26 the chiefs just tend to be of the same ethnicity or tribe as

1:02:31 the people they're collecting taxes from

1:02:33 and so that would sort of suggest

1:02:35 an alternative

1:02:37 mechanism and an alternative

1:02:39 way,

1:02:39 um,

1:02:41 potential alternative ways of collecting taxes

1:02:43 that would get around some of the concerns

1:02:45 that for example Bijo raised about legitimacy.

1:02:48 Yeah,

1:02:48 that's a great question.

1:02:49 So in within this,

1:02:50 uh,

1:02:51 province and within Kananga,

1:02:52 there's a dominant ethnicity,

1:02:54 uh,

1:02:55 that,

1:02:55 uh,

1:02:56 accounts for about like 68% of citizens within the city,

1:02:59 and the rates of like membership of this identity which is Lulua,

1:03:02 um,

1:03:03 among chiefs and state collectors is the same at baseline.

1:03:05 And so the match between the ethnicity of the property

1:03:08 owner and the ethnicity ethnicity of the tax collector,

1:03:10 um,

1:03:10 across the treatment groups is the same.

1:03:12 Um,

1:03:12 there is a question then of how like they go

1:03:14 about soliciting taxes by the ethnicity of the property owner.

1:03:18 And we see um no differences in the targeting by like whether you're,

1:03:21 you have a co-ethnicity match with the property owner and the tax collector

1:03:25 on the collector side.

1:03:26 There is some suggestive evidence that state agent collectors are more

1:03:29 likely to try and pursue co-ethnics more for tax collection,

1:03:32 so we see some positive increase in visits

1:03:34 for co-ethnics,

1:03:35 um,

1:03:36 relative to non-co-ethnics in the state collector side,

1:03:38 though.

1:03:38 No differences in the ultimate set of tax compliers

1:03:41 and this difference is only marginally significant and a little bit noisy,

1:03:44 um,

1:03:45 so

1:03:45 I think it surprised us a little bit given there's a substantial set of like

1:03:48 minority tribes within the city that at

1:03:50 least in tax collection it doesn't appear that

1:03:53 the agents are targeting

1:03:54 co-ethnics differentially or

1:03:56 appear to be targeting co-ethnics,

1:03:57 uh,

1:03:58 more strategically in the first place.

1:04:02 Uh,

1:04:02 thanks,

1:04:02 Gabriel.

1:04:03 So for time management,

1:04:04 you have a little less than 10 minutes and we'll try

1:04:07 not to interrupt you unless there's something urgent comes up.

1:04:10 OK,

1:04:10 great.

1:04:11 Um,

1:04:12 so I'll talk less about these persuasion

1:04:13 mechanisms before getting to the distribution implications.

1:04:16 Um,

1:04:16 and so the idea here is that the chief might have two

1:04:19 tools at their disposal.

1:04:20 The first is,

1:04:21 um,

1:04:22 uh,

1:04:23 the ability to activate tax morale because they're more trusted by

1:04:25 citizens or have a closer link to services as we discussed

1:04:29 in more detail earlier,

1:04:30 um,

1:04:30 given the government doesn't really provide much in,

1:04:32 in terms of public goods in this setting,

1:04:34 and this could engender greater voluntary motivation,

1:04:37 setting aside concerns about enforcement power to comply with the tax.

1:04:40 Then chiefs may also simply have more sanctioning tools at their disposal.

1:04:44 Well,

1:04:44 we might think that state collectors have a more credible

1:04:46 claim on enforcing the official legal fines for non-tax for non-compliance

1:04:51 because they're more closely linked with the tax ministry,

1:04:52 Chiefs may be able to,

1:04:54 uh,

1:04:54 threaten to withhold services,

1:04:56 to enforce more informal labor tax

1:04:58 or ostracize people in the community who don't pay,

1:05:01 and that can make them more effective.

1:05:03 Um,

1:05:03 and so I'll skip to the summary of evidence on this,

1:05:06 um,

1:05:07 mechanism,

1:05:08 and I think what,

1:05:09 um,

1:05:10 uh,

1:05:10 a piece of evidence that I find among the most convincing on this side is to look at

1:05:14 collection during property registration.

1:05:16 So this is the stage of the campaign in which every

1:05:18 household receives a visit in a linear property by property fashion

1:05:21 where they move from east to west across the neighborhood.

1:05:24 Our enumerator is present and is recording information,

1:05:27 uh,

1:05:27 that captures GPS GPS points so we can

1:05:30 validate the path of collectors to the neighborhood.

1:05:32 And this should really neutralize the chief's ability to target households by

1:05:36 payment propensity because every household is visited in a specific pattern.

1:05:39 And here I don't observe any differences across the

1:05:41 central and local treatment arms in tax compliance or revenues

1:05:45 when this targeting ability of the chief is neutralized.

1:05:47 So this seems to suggest that,

1:05:49 uh,

1:05:49 granted it's in the presence of enumerators

1:05:50 but chiefs are not more effective at convincing

1:05:53 property owners to pay the tax.

1:05:55 A second strategy is to look at cross-randomized

1:05:58 messages on tax letter treatments which included local public goods messages,

1:06:01 information about the government and why

1:06:04 you should trust the government and the provision of local

1:06:06 public goods to activate these more tax morale-like mechanisms.

1:06:09 And we don't see any significant differences.

1:06:11 I also in response to the enforcement messages

1:06:13 that are different across the treatment groups.

1:06:15 So you might think if these were more effective at priming citizens in a particular

1:06:19 reason to comply with the tax,

1:06:20 it might be more effective in local areas relative to central.

1:06:23 That doesn't appear to be the case.

1:06:24 I also don't see heterogeneity by baseline

1:06:26 chief characteristics that we think might be.

1:06:28 Correlated with persuasive ability,

1:06:29 chiefs that are more trusted or more powerful

1:06:31 or operate in more remote areas of the city

1:06:34 at baseline aren't more effective at collecting taxes.

1:06:36 It is the case that more active chiefs are more effective,

1:06:40 active as measured at baseline in terms

1:06:41 of the number of duties they're undertaking,

1:06:43 how often and regular they,

1:06:44 they administer the informal tax,

1:06:46 for example.

1:06:47 These more active chiefs at baseline are more effective at raising compliance,

1:06:51 um,

1:06:51 though this is also consistent with an information story,

1:06:53 more active chiefs will be better informed and knowledgeable

1:06:56 about citizens because they're interacting with them more frequently.

1:07:00 And finally I look at inline measures that are more direct measures of these um

1:07:05 uh potential sources of inputs to the um persuasion side of compliance

1:07:09 like

1:07:10 citizens perceived probability of punishment for non-compliance atline,

1:07:13 the,

1:07:14 their beliefs about the duty to pay the tax and how much of that

1:07:16 money they think will be spent on public goods,

1:07:18 and I don't see any significant differences

1:07:20 across the treatment and control room.

1:07:21 So all told,

1:07:22 the information on the persuasion,

1:07:23 uh,

1:07:24 mechanism doesn't appear to suggest that cheats are really more persuasive,

1:07:27 um,

1:07:28 conditional on visiting a household.

1:07:31 To now turn to the distributional impacts before concluding.

1:07:35 And the question here is what is the de facto incidence

1:07:37 of taxes when collected by chiefs relative to state agent collectors?

1:07:41 And there's reasons to think that taxation by

1:07:43 actors like chiefs might be regressive because in many

1:07:46 settings we observed the administration of informal taxes,

1:07:49 including in the DRC to be pretty regressive,

1:07:51 that lower,

1:07:52 um,

1:07:53 the poorer properties are bearing a higher burden of such taxes.

1:07:56 However,

1:07:56 chiefs might be more progressive in this context if they

1:07:58 possess superior local information that could allow for greater progressivity

1:08:02 in enforcement.

1:08:04 And so I'll study two dimensions here.

1:08:06 First,

1:08:06 how collectors

1:08:08 distribute tax visits and solicitation to households,

1:08:11 and then what the government may ultimately care

1:08:12 about most in the administration of taxation,

1:08:14 who ultimately pays the tax,

1:08:16 and how do they differ across

1:08:17 the treatment groups.

1:08:20 So in studying the visit margin,

1:08:21 I compare characteristics of households that are

1:08:23 revisited in the 2nd stage of the campaign

1:08:26 at the discretion of the collection teams

1:08:27 after registration across the treatment arms,

1:08:29 and I'll focus first on house quality

1:08:32 and I construct an index of house quality built for measures

1:08:34 like the quality of the walls of structures on the property.

1:08:37 And this table shows estimates from separate regressions,

1:08:40 regressing

1:08:41 um

1:08:42 local in blue and CLI in red,

1:08:44 um,

1:08:45 indicators for those treatments,

1:08:46 um,

1:08:47 on a measure of house quality,

1:08:48 this index where the comparison is the central treatment arm

1:08:51 and the sample is restricted to those who reported receiving a visit.

1:08:54 And so here we see to see that chiefs and CI CLI collectors are visiting lower quality

1:08:59 uh properties compared to central collectors or in

1:09:02 other words relying less on observable characteristics.

1:09:05 But it is still the case that the chief

1:09:06 NCLI collectors are targeting above median house quality,

1:09:10 uh,

1:09:10 properties.

1:09:10 So this figure,

1:09:11 uh,

1:09:11 above shows differences relative to central,

1:09:14 but I see positive differences,

1:09:15 um,

1:09:16 relative to lower quality households in terms of

1:09:17 the average house quality that collectors are targeting

1:09:20 in the local and CLI arms.

1:09:22 It's simply a less pronounced positive correlation.

1:09:24 So this suggests that chiefs and CI collectors might be targeting

1:09:27 other dimensions.

1:09:28 And these can capture unobservable characteristics

1:09:31 like the liquidity of the household,

1:09:32 past tax compliance,

1:09:34 and views of the government.

1:09:35 I also bring in the predicted ease of payment

1:09:37 measure I spoke about in the CLI treatment arm

1:09:40 and construct a measure of all these unobservable

1:09:42 margins that I call the payment propensity index.

1:09:45 And I repeat these comparisons to the central treatment arm conditioning

1:09:48 again to the set of households that report receiving a visit

1:09:51 and I see positive differences relative to central in the

1:09:54 local and CLI treatment arms which suggests that these

1:09:57 characteristics which we expect are positively correlated with compliance,

1:10:00 um,

1:10:01 are more likely to be used by chiefs and CLI collectors

1:10:03 when they go about soliciting um taxation by targeting visits.

1:10:09 And I can drill into this a little bit further by

1:10:11 looking at the probability of receiving a visit by different categories in the

1:10:15 combination of house quality and predicted ease of payment.

1:10:18 So the top two measures here,

1:10:20 um,

1:10:20 look at only households that we can rate as having above median house quality and

1:10:24 split it up within that category by having high or low predicted ease of payment.

1:10:28 And

1:10:28 I'm looking at the probability of receiving a

1:10:30 visit relative to the central treatment arm,

1:10:32 and we see that households that have high house quality but low predicted ease

1:10:35 of payment receive a visit less by chiefs as well as CI collectors.

1:10:38 And on the flip side,

1:10:39 in the bottom two measures,

1:10:41 properties with low house quality

1:10:43 but high predicted ease of payment are more likely to receive a visit.

1:10:46 So it appears that chiefs are targeting by ability to pay as well as house quality.

1:10:51 And I'll just mention that it doesn't appear that um

1:10:53 chiefs are targeting more their family and

1:10:55 friends or targeting them less relative to other

1:10:57 people um or targeting differentially people they have

1:11:00 a closer connection to in the neighborhood,

1:11:02 um,

1:11:02 like members of the same church or those

1:11:04 that they have a stronger social connection to.

1:11:08 So now finally the distribution of the tax burden.

1:11:10 I'll look first at how compliance varies

1:11:12 by the government's official property value gains,

1:11:14 but then look at these more direct measures

1:11:16 of economic need like income and liquidity.

1:11:19 So the first two columns rerun the original regression

1:11:22 estimate I showed you but separately by whether,

1:11:24 by which property value band of property is classified as belonging to,

1:11:27 and I see that the treatment effect

1:11:28 is coming through the lower-value property band,

1:11:30 that chiefs are bringing lower-value properties into the tax net.

1:11:35 This is reflected in column 3 by a lower average level of house quality

1:11:38 when I restrict the sample to the site of people who ultimately paid the tax.

1:11:42 However,

1:11:43 when I look at what are perhaps the most direct measures of need,

1:11:46 average monthly income and liquidity,

1:11:48 both from an index of measures related to this,

1:11:50 I don't see any differences across the compliers in terms of these measures.

1:11:54 Nor do I see your treatment effects on maybe the most direct measures

1:11:57 of need which are going without a meal um in the last week.

1:12:00 Um,

1:12:01 or not being able to pay school or health fees,

1:12:03 I don't see any differences across the treatment and control groups

1:12:06 even among the set of ultimate compliers of the tax.

1:12:11 So to take uh a stock,

1:12:13 we can place in the advantages column some increases in revenues,

1:12:17 uh,

1:12:17 as well as cost effectiveness.

1:12:18 The local treatment arm is in fact the only cost-effective treatment

1:12:21 as it doesn't incur substantial transportation costs on the government side.

1:12:24 I also see some evidence of trusting

1:12:26 government increasing when she collects taxes.

1:12:29 However,

1:12:29 on the disadvantaged side,

1:12:30 we have a small increase in bribes and some

1:12:33 increase in at least on-face regressivity by house quality,

1:12:36 though no ultimate differences in these most direct measures of economic need.

1:12:40 So to think about how the government can put together these

1:12:43 positives and negatives and make a decision over the collector type,

1:12:46 I assume first the government will trade off

1:12:48 the cost-effectiveness or net return on tax collection

1:12:51 but also potentially pay some social cost on bribes or even the

1:12:54 regressivity or tax burden beyond what they lose in terms of revenue.

1:12:58 So most of the bribes here are Replacing revenues,

1:13:00 as I said,

1:13:01 but the government may think that

1:13:02 increasing corruption by having chiefs involved in the process may

1:13:05 harm its ability to collect revenues in the future,

1:13:08 um,

1:13:08 and may place some value on that amount.

1:13:10 So in the paper,

1:13:10 I built a framework to

1:13:12 evaluate what,

1:13:13 how much the government would need to value the cost

1:13:15 of those additional bribes collected in local treatment arm.

1:13:18 To,

1:13:19 um,

1:13:19 prefer enlisting state agents over chiefs,

1:13:22 and I find that that amount would need to be 15 times higher

1:13:24 than the value of an additional $1 in net revenue in order to

1:13:28 prefer

1:13:28 uh employing state agents.

1:13:31 And a final consideration here is thinking

1:13:33 about citizen preferences for chief tax collection.

1:13:35 Uh,

1:13:36 and at online I see that citizens have more positive views of the

1:13:39 chief in areas where they collected taxes

1:13:41 relative to where state agents collected,

1:13:43 and they seem to appear to prefer having chiefs

1:13:45 as tax service tax collectors in the future.

1:13:47 Um,

1:13:47 so this is,

1:13:48 uh,

1:13:48 a question that I think we hope to collect data on the future

1:13:50 and see how this evolves over time as chiefs continue to be involved

1:13:54 as is expected in this process.

1:13:57 And so I'll just,

1:13:58 uh,

1:13:59 leave this,

1:14:00 uh,

1:14:00 slide up that,

1:14:02 that,

1:14:02 um,

1:14:02 the results here suggest that there's,

1:14:04 there's short-run benefits to collaborating like local,

1:14:07 with local elites like chiefs,

1:14:08 um,

1:14:09 in very low capacity settings like this,

1:14:11 but in the longer run,

1:14:12 state tax collection will likely produce higher revenues as the state

1:14:14 accumulates enforcement power and information about citizens that can be used,

1:14:18 uh,

1:14:18 in tax compliance.

1:14:19 But in the short run for state seeking to build rudimentary fiscal capacity,

1:14:22 engaging these actors can be a powerful tool.

1:14:25 Thank you.

1:14:28 Uh

1:14:30 Excellent.

1:14:31 Thank you,

1:14:31 Gabriel,

1:14:32 and thanks everyone.

1:14:34 Let me remind you that this is Gabriel.

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transcript
Welcome and the floor is yours. Thank you and thank you for, for the opportunity to present this work. Uh, so today I'll be talking about local elites as state capacity, how city chiefs use local information to increase tax compliance in the DR Congo, and this work is joined with Pablo and Augustine who are at Harvard and John who's at LSE. So before I begin, I wanted to give you a brief overview of how this work fits into my research agenda, which contains two focuses. First, one on the role of fiscal capacity and development. And this includes work on the tax tools at the disposal of very low capacity governments and how those tools set a ceiling on the government's ability to raise revenues. It also includes work on a national scale looking at how tariff rates, um, and domestic consumption tax bases interact and how, um, trade taxes affect domestic production networks in Rwanda. Um, and also a focus on the role of actors outside the state system and what they can bring to fiscal capacity and state capacity more broadly in the realm of taxation and redistribution. My other focus is on constraints that firms in emerging markets face. And includes work in particular on labor market frictions. Um, in India, in which I partner with a large online jobs platform to run experiments studying frictions in the recruitment process, but also work on behavioral biases within firms that include, uh, peer norms and heuristics and decision making, uh, specifically in the realm of taxation. And it's this third project under the fiscal capacity focus area that I'll be talking about today, the role of local elites in building state capacity. And the motivation for this work is first that fiscal capacity, the ability to collect and spend revenues effectively, is an important input to economic and political development in poor countries. However, however, lower-income countries often find themselves in low tax, low capacity traps. Um, and so a question for them is how can they collect sufficient revenue. To fund public goods in a sustainable manner and thus convert themselves into tax states. And often in these settings, tax collection is still done on a manual basis and so the government faces a choice in how to go about administering manual tax collection, specifically in the type of agent to enlist in collection. And the government can choose to enlist state agents or bureaucrats in tax collection or to delegate this responsibility to outside actors, outside of the state system, um, such as those that are local elites, um, or informal actors. And these local elites can um fill many roles uh outside the states that are often um contributing towards filling gaps in governance outcomes and they can take the form of customary leaders, leaders in religious spheres, or even in the military space. And what we observe, observed throughout history, um, and even in many low-income countries today is that governments on the lower end of the capacity spectrum often delegate collection to such actors outside the state. And in making this choice, the government will encounter certain trade-offs when making a decision over the agent in charge of tax collection. In the advantages column for uh local elites, we often think that they might possess better local information about taxpayers that could be a key input to generating compliance, especially in um settings of imperfect uh compliance that because these elites um know community members well, they're able to target solicitation or they're more effective in the bargaining game over taxation given they can leverage potentially private information about citizen assets or citizen income. It's also thought that um local actors um also have simply lower administrative costs. You could think about uh the government's decision to either staff a tax office in every province or to enlist someone who's a leader in that community already to collect taxes or to deploy state agents to every area in a region and thus incur substantial transportation costs. In the disadvantages column, however, because these actors exist outside of the state system, almost by definition though they will be harder to control, um, and monitor, and this could give rise to greater leakage and corruption, especially in tasks like tax collection where money is changing hands, and this could manifest in ways that cause real economic harm. And second, uh, a concern that may speak to more longer run concerns about enlisting or empowering actors outside of the state, um, is how raising up these actors could undermine the legitimacy and authority of central government institutions or the central government itself, that by making the central government look weak and that it needs to extend the power to collect taxes outside of itself, that could undermine in the long run um how strong the government is perceived by citizens and how effective it can be in other tasks. So this project asks two questions. First, can low capacity governments increase tax revenue by delegating this collection to local informal actors outside the state? And if they are more effective, is it because these actors possess superior information about citizens, or is it due to other margins like, um, these agents being able to put more effort into tax collection or conditional on level, levels of effort being the same? Are they simply more persuasive by virtue of, um, their position outside the state? And second, on the other hand, does engaging these actors backfire in ways that damage government legitimacy. Specifically, does empowering local elites allow them to extract more in the context of taxation but also outside of it, that by giving them the power over tax collection, do they therefore extract more in other informal tasks they undertake in their normal duties? And then another dimension that the government may care about, thinking about the government as social planner and the administration of taxation is who bears the ultimate burden of tax. And so a relevant question is how does endlisting these actors shift the burden to be more regressive or progressive relative to collection by state agents. And I studied these questions in the context of a field experiment that was embedded in the 2018 property tax campaign in the city of Kananga in the DRC. This experiment was implemented by the provincial government of Kasai Central and involved assigning neighborhoods of which there are 356 covering the entire city, uh, to one of 3 treatment groups. In the first treatment group, it's state agents that are tax collectors from the provincial tax ministry, uh, that are tasked with collection in the neighborhood, and I'll refer to this as the central treatment arm. The second treatment arm collection was done by city chiefs that live and work and have other informal details in the neighborhoods in which they'd be tasked with collection, and I'll refer to this as the. In the third treatment arm that I call central plus local information, is a hybrid arm that was designed in collaboration with the government to shed light on the potential information mechanism behind, uh, state, uh, city chiefs' greater effectiveness that allows state collectors first to consult with the neighborhood chief in charge of an area before they those state collectors would collect there. And to preview the results, in answer to the first question about the ability of local elites to raise revenues, I find that the answer here is yes, at least in this context. The local treatment arm increases tax compliance and total revenues relative to collection by state agents significantly. These amount to approximately a 43% increase in tax collection relative to collection by state agents. And the evidence is consistent with these effects being driven by an informational advantage on the part of chiefs, chiefs rather than other margins like effort or persuasive ability conditional on effort across the treatment arms being the same. Uh, the main piece of evidence. An arm I mentioned, uh, just before raises compliance relative to collection by state agents. So armed with the chief's information, state agents perform better, but I also find other evidence to rule out these other channels of effort and persuasive ability. Then on the other hand, I do find some evidence that delegating collection responsibilities increases corruption, uh, in the areas where chiefs collect taxes relative to state agents. Bribes are higher in these areas, uh, to a small degree. However, I don't observe a more informal resource extraction in the chief's other duties that now that they have, um, at least in the short run gained the power over taxation, it doesn't appear that In the administration of informal labor taxes, which is their main other duty in the neighborhood, they're extracting more or requiring more contributions. In looking at the distributional implications, it does appear on face that chiefs are more regressive in their enforcement of the tax. Um, when we look at house quality, which is maybe the, the most direct measure that maps to the ultimate base of this tax, which is property value, we see that chiefs are bringing lower value properties into the tax net. But when I look at measures that more directly relate to economic need like income, liquidity, and well-being, I don't observe any differences across the treatment arms among the complier set of taxpayers. Um, so I'll return to this question of what we may think should be the ultimate base in, uh, settings like this of taxes like, uh, those on, um, assets, uh, like property. And this evidence on the distributional um aspects also speak to the information mechanism. It appears that state collectors target households by observable characteristics like the quality of the roof and walls of structures on the property, whereas chiefs, though they also target on these characteristics, additionally target on what I call unobservable characteristics like liquidity, the employment status of the, of the property owner that are measures of ability to pay in addition to house quality. And then finally relating to these longerrun concerns about how empowering actors outside the state may undermine the government's claims on authority or legitimacy in the administration of taxation, I don't find any evidence. At least in the short run, that erosion towards the govern the uh views of the government erode um at all levels of government from the provincial to the national level, and indeed, uh, citizens appear to have more positive views of the chief in areas where chiefs collected relative to state agents and would prefer to have the, the chief serve as tax collector in the future. In terms of the literature that this work contributes to, I see it as contributing to two main strands. The first is the role of fiscal capacity in fragile states. It's long been thought that, um, fiscal capacity is important for the development of economic, um, uh, and political institutions as well as um important for stimulating. Participation in political processes and recent work has documented the role of the choice of tax instruments, how to incentivize collectors in manual tax collection, and how third-party information can be leveraged. And where I see this work contributing is by showing that the choice of the type of agent in tax collection can matter a lot for the government's ability to raise revenues. And the second strand of literature to which I see this project contributing is the role of local elites in governance and development more broadly, which has included areas um from land governance and law and order to the redistribution side of public goods provision and targeting of welfare programs to even the political space of brokering votes. And here I see the the evidence I'm able to provide on the mechanism of chief superior information allowing them to be more effective in tax collection. Um, we, uh, provide a link to potentially other literatures to the extent to which this mechanism can apply and is at work in those settings. So a brief outline for today's talk. First, I'll describe the experimental design in detail and then show you the main treatment effects on tax as well as non-tax outcomes. Then I'll spend much of my time um building the evidence on mechanisms to convince you that it's really about how chiefs use their local information that is driving their greater effectiveness. Um, then I'll talk about the distribution of tax burden, tax visits as well as the ultimate tax burden and conclude and discuss some next steps. So, uh, this project is based in Kanga, which is the 4th largest city in the DRC. It has a population of 1 million people, and it's the capital of the Kasai Central Province and seat of the provincial government. This is a very high poverty setting. Median income is only $1.5 US dollars per person per day. Um, and the DRC is a weak state both at the national and provincial levels, and as you might expect, it has a very low formal tax compliance. In Kasai Central, the province in which, uh, this experiment is based, uh, there are 6 million people live there, and on an annual basis, the government only raises about 30 cents per person, uh, in total revenues. And so recently over the last 4 years, the government has been trying to raise revenues through a property tax, and the reason for emphasizing this tax instrument relative to others is first that the revenue stays local. So um for taxes on things like interprovincial trade, the government needs to share a portion of those revenues with the national government, whereas all of the money from property taxation stays within the provincial government. It's also thought to be a more efficient form of taxation relative to other forms because it's levied on at very low rates across very broad bases. And the government first uh implemented a systematic property tax collection campaign in 2016 that involved sending state agents door to door to collect taxes, and this raised compliance relative to a system of voluntary compliance in which citizens were expected to pay at the bank themselves, um, and less than 1% of citizens complied with the tax under that system. And so believing that chiefs may be more effective collectors, the government decided to involve uh chiefs in the 2018 campaign, um, thinking that they could further expand the tax net. And the details of the tax that's uh levied in the context of this campaign uh are, are that it's the first uh fixed annual fee, and this fee nature of property taxes is common in lower-income countries where property evaluation rules don't exist because they're costly to construct as well as to keep updated. Um, in contrast to more developed countries. Settings where we observe more complex and progressive formulas that apply um uh algorithms based on the size of the land area, the quality of the materials, etc. Here the government charges one rate um in two broad bins. So there's some effort at classifying properties, but they classify them into two categories. And the lower value band captures 90% of properties in this setting, uh, and these are properties that have less developed land area. The structures on the property are made of lower quality materials like mud, brick, or clay, um, and these are assigned an annual tax liability of about $2 US dollars, um, and the property value in this category is about $1000 US dollars. The remaining 10% of properties falls into the high-value band category, um, and these are properties with more developed land area, built structures are built out of higher quality materials like concrete and sheet metal roofing, and property value in this category is about, um, $8000 US dollars, and they face an annual tax liability of $9. So you may be struck by how low the overall levels of tax liability are here, between $2.09 dollars US dollars. But when we look in terms of the percentage of property value they represent, they're not that different from what we observed. In more developed country settings. So because no valuation rule exists, um, I use a machine learning strategy to estimate property value in this context and show that it's a point that the rates are about 0.32% of total value, um, which is within the range in the US where property value, property taxes, uh, tax rates range between 0.27% in places like Hawaii to 0.35% in places like New Jersey. For those that declined to pay the tax, the government officially imposes a penalty for non-compliance that is a fine of 1.5 times the tax amount plus the original tax amount they were supposed to pay, and this is communicated through a summons to appear at court and either contest or pay the fine. So while this is the penalty on the books, in practice, enforcement is extremely uncommon. It usually only happens for um firms that own property in the downtown area that have large outstanding arrears where the government thinks it can make up a lot of revenue by enforcing the tax there and that those firms are likely to pay. But at baseline, 52% of citizens think that sanctions are likely for not complying with the tax, and this will be a channel that I'll test explicitly um by studying how influencing citizens enforcement beliefs through primes and reminders about the penalty affect the compliance decision and whether that's different, uh, depending on the type of agent who's collecting taxes. So what this campaign looked like in practice, uh, it involved two stages by a team of 2 collectors in each neighborhood. In the first stage, the collection team visited every property in the neighborhood to construct the property register because no evaluation rule existed. During this step, they would assign a unique tax ID and provide a tax letter to the property owner informing them about tax liability, um, and our enumerator accompanied them during this visit to record information about the property as well as the tax ID, uh, so that it could be linked to surveys as well as the administrative data on tax compliance later on. During this visit, they could solicit the text if needed or make appointments uh for a next revisit. The second stage of the campaign involved the collection team making door to door appeals at their discretion, and the enumerator did not accompany them during this stage. This stage approximately lasted 1 month in each neighborhood, and collectors would approach households and request that they pay, um, or make appointments to revisit them later on. And when they found someone willing to pay, they would use a handheld receipt printer to issue receipts, and these receipt printers create an electronic record of tax payments that forms the administrative data on tax compliance, and they're matched to the collections that these collectors hand in to the tax ministry on a weekly basis, uh, and they earn a piece rate compensation for the amount of tax they deposit, about 30% of what they collect, they receive as a bonus. And so the experiment here is to compare collection done by tax ministry agents to collection done by city chiefs when they're assigned as tax collectors. And I'll give you a little bit more background about what these uh treatments look like in practice. In the central treatment arm, it's agents of the provincial tax ministry that collect, and these are unsalaried contractors with the tax ministry and other parts of the bureaucracy. So they often work on short uh work on short-run campaigns of this nature and rotate between different uh bureaucracies. And so their incentive for working on the campaign is the um percentage of the revenues that they get to take home as a bonus but also the um possibility that the highest performing agents could receive a future salary position in the government, which is a highly sought after position in the city because it provides a regular salary. So the neighborhood is randomly assigned to the central treatment arm. These, uh, state agents will travel from their home on a daily basis to the tax ministry and go and collect in the neighborhood and return to their home, typically in a different part of the city at night. By contrast, in the local treatment arm, it's the city chiefs that live and work in the neighborhoods that they're tasked with collection, and these city chiefs are local notables or leaders. That have other informal responsibilities in the neighborhood. They help resolve disputes over issues like property and their main task is the administration of an informal labor tax by which citizens contribute labor on a weekly basis towards local public goods projects in the neighborhood like repairing of roads, and this labor is organized and directed by the chief. They're officially approved in their position by the mayor, uh, um, of the city, but in fact the mayor has little discretion over who's selected as chief. The main qualification is being a well-known, respected, longtime resident of the neighborhood, and these chiefs have on average pretty long tenure, about 10 years, so it can be much longer than that. And it's even the position is even sometimes heritable within families in about 1/5 of cases. They don't receive any salary in their position as chief. Indeed, most have another job, they own a business or they're a teacher or a pastor, and so the compensation that they receive as chief is primarily the status as chief and any rents that they could potentially extract through their position. So you can think about these chiefs being not customary chiefs in a traditional sense but perhaps neo-customary. They have some of the trappings of more powerful rural chiefs, uh, in Africa, but not quite as much um authority over the daily lives of citizens because they operate in an urban setting. However, they're a common institution in cities in Francophone Africa and importantly they're often involved in tasks like property tax collection. Um, so I'll just talk, uh, a little bit about, um, how we make these comparisons across the treatment before I pause, um, for questions after this slide. So what is held constant across these treatments is all the nuts and bolts of the campaign in each treatment group. This includes the training collectors receive, the protocol they use in, in tax collection, and the technology that they use when they collect. Incentives are identical, the same piece rate compensation for the tax of the deposit that's equal to about 30% of collections, and additionally, the government held fixed expectations about future tax collection responsibilities, um, to avoid biasing effort in the context of this campaign. What varies then is everything that attaches to the identity or type of agent in charge of collecting taxes. This can include some of the potential mechanisms or advantages and disadvantages I spoke about earlier like differences in information about taxpayers, perceived legitimacy on the part of citizens or the tools of sanctioning that are at the disposal of either collector type. It also comes with some demographic differences. Chiefs are on average older, less educated, and less wealthy. Um, they're also more skeptical of the government and taxation in general. These are differences we see as hard-baked into the definition of the chief. Um, so now I'll pause in case there are, uh, any questions. Um, I see one hand, David, go ahead. Yeah, I just wanted to ask about your 0.3 here about the sort of time horizons. It sort of seemed like the Chiefs, you were saying they're longer term positions. It would seem like their time horizons would Be different and and you know, it might take time for the economy to adjust to this new system and things, but I, I, I guess, what does it mean to hold constant expectations when people have different time and job, different, uh, you know, incentives to engage with the population on the long-term, etc. Yeah, that's a great question. So by holding constant expectations, I mean how the government communicated whether or not a collector type would be involved in future campaigns. So they told them this is how taxation is going to happen in this campaign and we'll, um, see how each collector type performs and then make assessments about future campaigns. So that might have implicitly, implicitly raised some concerns about competition, uh, between the collector types in the short run context of this campaign. So we exploit some strategies in the timing of Where tax collection happens across the city and its rollout to address that concern, um, but I, I think you're right that these, these agents have different long-run considerations, especially when it comes to thinking about their relationship to citizens in the neighborhood. Chiefs will have to live and work and, um, interact with, uh, citizens in their neighborhood. Over a much longer horizon than these state agent collectors, and so those are partly differences we see as like built into the definitions of the treatments that governments are making this decision in other spheres to outsource um uh or like delegate this responsibility to other actors that have stronger connections to The community that comes with some advantages potentially in information or sanctioning power, um, but it may come with some costs that I haven't enumerated yet like, uh, not just in terms of corruption but also how those actors may be constrained by their longer-run relationships with these, uh, with citizens. Um, does that answer your question? Yeah, but I guess just on that, what, you know, what does that mean for the right time horizon to look for effects as well? Uh, I see, yes, um, so as, uh, since this is only a short run one-off campaign, I can only show the like short run effects of engaging chiefs in the only the second time that the government has collected taxes in this context in a door to door fashion and so thinking about how chiefs may be more effective in the future or if They might have like um be playing some dynamic game by which they're asking citizens to contribute now so they can win the authority and be more progressive and tax taxation in the future. Um, I can't speak to the online data we collect is about a year after the end of the tax campaign and there I look at the other duties the chief is undertaking like in the administration of their normal duties, specifically in the implement the administration of the informal labor tax, and there I don't see any differences across. The areas where chiefs collected versus did not in um their other duties, um, and a follow-up project that I and my co-authors are working on studies chiefs' involvement in the targeting of anti-poverty benefits by whether they engage in taxation or not, and there we don't see any differences in how the chiefs are um going about administering this like follow-up, um, fiscal task even though it's on the other side of the fiscal equation. So I know that's not a perfect answer, um, but definitely a concern that's in mind here. Thanks, Gabriel. I see two more hands. Biju, you go first. Yeah, hi. Um, so just to, I mean, it's related to David's question, but first a clarifying question. These revenues that these chiefs are collecting, uh, do they go towards local budget or they just, uh, taken centrally? Uh, so they go towards the provincial government's budget, which the provincial government can spend anywhere in the province. OK, so you've got basically an enforcement mechanism where local Elites who could range from good people to utter thugs are being used by the government to extract money from regular folks with no guarantee that that money is going to come back and benefit them in the form of public goods or whatever. That's what you're randomizing on. I mean, and then you're looking only at short term impacts. Do you worry about the ethics of what you're doing? Um, so I think there's two, I'll separate this into two concerns. I guess the first concern is whether, um, our involvement stimulated the government's choice to do this. So, uh, from the beginning, the government wanted to involve chiefs thinking they would be more effective collectors and asked us to participate in the randomization exercise, but I think that doesn't fully answer your question about whether it's ethical to even engage in studying this and helping the government implement this effectively. Um, and, uh, I think part of the reason that we felt comfortable participating in this. Uh, in the evaluation of this experiment is that we could collect data and show the government how much the like risks on the negative side would be by collecting data on corruption and extraction and the chief's other duties, and I think the only answer I can give you here that may speak to the longer run concerns about Um, engaging local actors that the state is less able to control and monitor effectively like chiefs is the follow-up projects we're doing studying chiefs' involvement and subsequent tasks like the targeting of anti-poverty benefits and there's, we're able to track more over the long run whether empowering the chiefs in this way can um lead them to have more extractive power or be more um I guess negative actors because they collected taxes. But what about the delegitimizing of government? That's a long term effect that could come. I mean, you, you're now dealing with these chiefs who are doing other functions. They're not elected. Uh, we're all worried about democracy nowadays, you know, and what's, what's the, what's, I mean, is that, do you worry about that? Yes, definitely. So I spoke a little bit earlier about how that's a potential disadvantage in undermining the government's uh perceived legitimacy potentially over the longer run and so in the context of this study, we collect short run, uh, uh, uh, measures of views of the government at all levels as well as the views of the chief and are in the process of collecting that, um, 2 years, 3 years after the close of taxation to see how those potentially evolve over the longer run. And we see if anything areas of positive views of the government increase in places where chiefs collected taxes, and I think this may partly be a function of who the chiefs are in the city. These are not like very powerful rural chiefs in more traditional settings that have more say over the daily lives of citizens. They're more like quasi-traditional actors that operate in an urban setting. And fill some gaps in governance outcomes. So maybe they have, they can bring some value to the government's tasks, but they have like less ability to punish, um, citizens which may speak to some of the external validity of this to like whether it could extend to more rural settings or other areas where these actors have more power, but I think those are valid concerns. Thanks, Gabriel. Anya. Hi, Gabriel, um, just a really quick, um, simple question, uh, and, and do differ if you, if that's, if you address this later, but can you say a little more about the logistics, similarities or differences between the two? So how many city chiefs are there per area? How many agents were there? Do they have the same number of houses to visit? Who organized the agents and where they went. Uh, yes, uh, so one thing that's not in this list is some of the more details about how they work within a neighborhood. Both, um, in both treatment groups, the agents work in teams, so the chiefs work with the assistant that they work with in their normal duties. In the central treatment areas, it's two state agents that are paired to whole constant the size of the teams, and we show balance, uh, in the paper on these other things like the size of the neighborhoods in which they work. Work, um, characteristics of the neighborhoods, etc. on that more like balanced concern dimension, um, and in terms of the overlap in chiefs and who's enlisted in tax collection, there is some like overlap of jurisdictions that led us to have to figure out with the government who to select to collect in a particular neighborhood where chief jurisdictions overlap, um, and those like conflicts and jurisdictions and overlap are balanced across the Treatment and control groups again so that it appears that we chose like the best chief or the counterfactual chief who didn't end up collecting in the neighborhood to compare at the neighborhood level. Um, does that answer your question? Yeah, thank you. Perfect. Uh, I see no more hands, Gabriel, so you can continue. OK, thank you. Um, so this table summarizes the key actors involved in the campaign and how their activities generate data. Um, so as I said, the collectors are doing a property registration stage and then tax solicitation that lasts about a month in each neighborhood. In neighborhoods of which there are 356 were randomly assigned to one of 7 months in the course of a seven-month campaign, and these neighborhoods uh encompass approximately 45,000 properties. So this will be the ultimate base of potential taxpayers that I'll evaluate my compliance and revenue outcomes against, and that comprises the government's administrative tax data. The enumeration team undertook 3 separate surveys. First, a baseline survey about 10 months before the start of taxation. Um, in each neighborhood, randomly selecting 10 households or 12 households per neighborhood. Uh, a midline monitoring survey happened 4 to 6 weeks after the end of taxation in each neighborhood. This is a very short survey concentrated on short-run outcomes like, uh, immediate views of the government after the close of taxation, reported bribes by by citizens, reported visits, um, by the collectors, um, as reported by citizens, and self-reported payments of the tax. And the enumerators tried to reach as many households as possible, um, and we're able to reach about 36,000 of them. The online survey um involves collecting measures um of baseline measures like perceptions of the tax, um, views of government, trust in government, some of those more detailed measures and involve revisiting the baseline sample with some attrition though it's balanced across the treatment groups. So now I'll turn to talking about uh results. The estimation strategy is straightforward here. We're regressing individual outcomes for an individual in a neighborhood randomization stratum uh at a particular time, uh, on an indicator at the neighborhood level for that neighborhood being assigned to the chief tax collection or local treatment arm. In the excluded category in all regressions I'll show you unless otherwise specified is the central treatment arm. Minimization, strain and fixed effects are a combination of two variables, geographic divisions of the city and whether or not a chief previously collected taxes in a neighborhood. Um, in some previous instance of taxation, which is the case in about 15% of cases. I also in my preferred specification include time fixed effects to address a concern arising from a secular decline in compliance that's common across treatment arms over the course of the campaign in the run-up to a contentious um presidential election in the DRC and so to address this um time. Uh, this change in compliance over time, even though it's common and secular across the treatment groups, due to the staggering of how the treatments were rolled out neighborhood by neighborhood because the government needed to train collector types and then move on to the next collector type to train. I include these fixed effects to restrict to the periods where the treatments. Most closely overlap um and then account for some time variation by splitting the, the time up into waves, two-month waves of of the campaign. So I can talk a little bit more about other strategies and robustness I showed to the strategy, but I think that this provides the best estimate of the treatment effects by accounting for this time variation. Finally, I cluster standard errors at the neighborhood level, um, and fortunately randomization is balanced across the treatments for demographic and economic characteristics both of property owners but also characteristics like the neighborhood of the neighborhood like whether what's the average um level of tax compliance in the previous tax campaign. OK, here's the main results. This table shows estimates from a regression, regressing an individual level indicator for whether or not a citizen paid the tax, um, on the indicator at the neighborhood level for whether, um, a neighborhood was assigned to the local treatment arm. And I see in column one, not including house tight fixed effects, uh, that there's a 3.2% point increase in tax compliance relative to a central need of 6.3%. And so you may be struck by how low the overall levels of compliance here which may speak to some of BJ's concerns about how extractive this tax campaign overall is, um, but it's not that different from what we observe in other lower-income country settings in the context of property taxation where compliance ranges between 5 and 21% in places like Liberia, Rwanda, and Ghana. And to benchmark this magnitude a little bit more, I compare it to a standard intervention in the public finance literature which is embedding enforcement messages on tax fliers. Um, and so, uh, in cross-randomizing, I, I cross-randomize this as part of the, this campaign embedding these messages, reminders about penalties on the tax letters distributed by collectors during the property registration step and compare those to a control message that just reminds citizens about the importance of paying the tax. Um, and I see that these have a significant effect on compliance. It doesn't differ across the treatment arms, but the treatment effect of local is 5 times larger than the standard public finance intervention. In column 2 to restrict variation to comparisons within property value bands that include house type fixed effects and the coefficient remains essentially unchanged. In column 4, I restrict uh the sample to those properties that are deemed non-exempt by tax collectors this determination is made during the property registration step and so I'm conditioning on an endogenous outcome that I'll consider as, as such in a few slides, but you can see that this reflects the check, the fact that chiefs are more likely to exempt properties, those that are elderly and disabled, which are the official, official, um. Designations uh for properties that can receive exemptions and according to enumerator observations they're more likely to do this process accurately. In the paper, I show extensive robustness to including baseline controls, estimating these effects on different samples, um, and including running a fully saturated regression including interactions and dummies for all the cross-randomized experiments as well as dealing for the time variation, uh, concern I talked about earlier, uh, such as using matching strategies, redefining the fixed effects using smaller time period fixed effects, and the results for the central and local comparison remain essentially unchanged to these alternative robustness strategies. When I look at revenues, it's a similar story. I see, uh, according to my preferred specification, uh, that the local treatment increases revenues by 43% relative to collection by state agents, and this is similar to the increase in revenues we see from high-powered incentives for property tax collectors in what is probably the most recent, um, uh, piece of evidence on manual tax collection and incentives, uh, for agents involved in that process done by Adnan Khan, um, Asim Kwaja, and Ben Olkin in Pakistan. So now I'll turn to the downsides of cheap tax collection and uh these, the, the two potential downsides can be grouped under the categories of cheats being harder to control which could give rise to greater leakage and corruption or these longer run concerns of undermining government legitimacy. And in the context of the campaign, I observed that bribes are higher when chiefs collect taxes relative to state agents by about 1.8% points. However, this is on a very low base of 1.4% of citizens reporting paying a bribe to the tax collector in the context of the campaign in the central treatment arm. So a positive and statistically significant increase though on a very low base, and these bribes almost universally replace taxation. So it's not that people are paying the tax and the bribe, they're paying the bribe to avoid the tax. And these effects on bribes are consistent across collecting measures both at midline and endline and also using a measure of bribes built from comparing self-reports by citizens of paying the tax to um administrative data on tax compliance at the individual level. In the main other duty the chiefs undertake, which is the administration of informal labor taxes, I observed no differences in the extensive or intensive margin of citizen participation in this informal tax system. So citizens are not participate, participating more in these public goods projects organized and demanded by the chief or contributing more labor conditional on participating. So I think this is the strongest piece of evidence that these chiefs and their main other duties aren't extracting more after engaging in taxation, at least in the short run, but these effects are the same at midnight and at 9. On the assessment margin as I mentioned, which the government may also care about in determining who should be bearing the burden of the tax by ruling out or in, um, potential taxpayers, chiefs are more accurate and they're granting more exemptions, uh, relative to state collectors. On the government legitimacy side, according to measures of views of the government at all levels from the provincial governments up to the national government as well as specific government tax ministries and views of the chiefs themselves, I don't observe any differences across the treatment arms in these views. Um, indeed, if anything, trust in the government is higher in areas where chiefs collected taxes relative to where state agents collected taxes, even controlling for baseline levels. And I see some evidence engaging chiefs in tax collection builds some of the more voluntary motivations for complying with taxes that fall under the umbrella of tax morale. I see a higher perceived compliance that others in the neighborhood um complied with taxes, so this may simply go hand in hand with the true treatment effect um in local treatment areas. Um, uh, but, uh, surprisingly I see some additional evidence of fiscal externalities on other formal tax bases. Citizens report paying more market vendor fees and income taxes in areas where chiefs collected taxes relative to state agents, though these should be taken with a grain of salt. They're built, they're only drawn from citizen self-reports about formal tax impacts. OK, so I think now I'll pause here on the results before I turn to mechanisms if there are any questions on these results. Uh, great, thanks. Uh, Tristan, are you ready for your question or you want to wait? Tristan, I don't think we can hear you. I'll just go to Chaviv before that, and we can come back to Tristan. Charlie, go ahead. Yeah, hi, thanks. Um, so, uh, sorry, uh, you know, I, I, I missed Vis and, uh, so, so the previous question, so I don't know whether this was asked, but, but basically I, I wonder whether, you know, uh, the, the chiefs, um, are basically able to provide better services, uh, to, to these, um. You know, to the, to the people that they, they collect taxes from. And so, you know, whether, whether the provision of these services, then, you know, changes their, their perceptions about, you know, the, the, the benefits of paying taxes and whatnot. Yeah, that's a great question. So I'll get to this when I speak about mechanisms that even conditional on visiting a household, like setting aside how, who they approach for taxation across collector types, whether that differs, Chiefs may be more affected by virtue of what they do for citizens in the community because remember this is the DRC where the both the national and provincial government provide no like funding for public. Like education or health services, most of that is filled by private, fill that space is filled by private NGOs or other actors. So when thinking from the citizen side, the chief is administering local public goods through this informal labor tax institution. The provincial government doesn't provide much for citizens, um, and within a particular like randomly selected neighborhood compared to the chief, so that may impact the compliance decision, and that's something I'll, um, examine explicitly when we get to mechanisms. Right, so, so just, sorry, just a, a quick follow up. So, so, you know, well, the case of the state, so that these guys are only collecting taxes, they're not providing services, whereas the chief is doing both collecting and providing services. So, OK, so yeah, so that's, that's a bit of an important difference. OK, thanks. Yeah, uh, this is Tristan. Can you hear me? Yes, yeah, um, uh, so I guess my question was very similar, and I just wanted to sort of note that there's a, there's a job market candidate at Berkeley, Benjamin Kraus, who does also tax compliance experiments, but then he has, you know, one variation of actually Um, the amount of services which are given, and he finds that if you don't, uh, deliver services, and you enforce tax compliance, tax revenue can actually go down, whereas people actually give money only when they're receiving services. So I think, you know, to these points and also Javis that it would be good to see some, I guess variation across individuals in terms of the quality of of services they're receiving and, and, you know, whether they get those from the state or the gov the chief. Overall, sure, um, yeah, I'll just briefly preview the like set of evidence on that margin so I can look, I look at heterogeneity and chiefs like how effective they are according to citizens, um, at baseline and just look at heterogeneity and their performance by that, but also I have some, uh, some of that cross-randomized variation in the tax prime experiments are, I also include. primes about um motivations for paying the tax that included trust in the government or expecting public goods in return and I can look at like differences in the effect of those messages across the treatment arms that would at least get about like is there an effect of priming citizens on these margins differentially across the collector type um and we can look at that evidence at, at the end of the mechanism section. You too. Yeah, thanks. The, the, these responses on bribes and trust in government and so on, they're from the household survey, right? Uh, yes, the part of the bribes measure is built from comparison, comparing citizen self-reports of payments to the administrative data, but everything else is built from, uh, citizen surveys. OK, so do you, do you worry about, uh, biased responses and particularly bias with I mean, particular attributes of the chiefs, I suppose you could test for that, but, you know, if I was scared of a particular chief, I'm not going to tell you whether I'm bribing him or not or her. Um, so you're worried that because in areas where chiefs collected taxes, citizens are less likely to say that they need a chief. I, I'm, I'm not sure which direction it's going to go. I'm just worried that, that, you know, if, if I'm scared of retribution from a chief because they learned that I'm sort of telling the interviewer bad things about them, they're going to not be nice to me. Yeah, that's certainly a possibility. I think the best response I can give here is we look at and control for baseline measures of these views before the chief engaged in taxation and we don't see like movement in either treatment group controlling for baseline measures and changes over time relative to these baseline measures. I think that's my best sense of before taxation took place and we raised up the chief and the ability to collect taxes, it doesn't look like views of the government have changed in the treatment of control areas over time. Thanks, Gabriel, um, Chuan, and then we'll continue. Yeah, so I, I think the results are quite surprising in that it's not clear why. Which is we want to, to, to pay the tax to the tax authority itself. My, my question is, is, so you, you create some tests to try to, to kind of dismiss other stories of long-term bribing, displacement of tax to other, other things, but are you, are you powered enough to be able to rule those out convincingly? Or have you in designing that, that, that experiment, did, did you think about how you would go and test the fact that they could enter long-term contracts and, and, and the number of brides would increase or, or the payment to on taxes that would go back to the community more directly would increase as opposed to tax to the provincial government. So a lot of things can happen, uh, uh, you know, since the, the chief is, is present in very, in many aspects of, of citizen's life. So, have you thought about trying to, to detect those or is that some kind of expo thing that you've done? And, and might not have the power to, to actually test. Um, yeah, that's a great question. So in the context of this campaign, we look at the short-run measures, um, like 4 to 6 weeks after taxation finished in the neighborhood, what are the differences in these more corruption like pure bribe taking but also extraction on these, in these other chief duties, and then the online data is collected between 10 and 12 months afterwards, so that's the longest period out in this study that we can see. Um, and then in the follow-up study I mentioned earlier looking at Chief's performance in the targeting of anti-poverty benefits, um, leveraging variation in whether those chiefs collected taxes or not, in which all chiefs were asked to target these benefits. We can again collect measures on differences in not bribe taking during the tax campaign, but these other margins like administration of the informal labor tax and then additionally study how these chiefs perform based on whether they collected taxes in the targeting of these benefits and we observed that the chiefs. tax, um, or if anything better at targeting needier citizens and are less nepotistic in doing so. Um, so that's the furthest out I can go. The government wants to, um, conduct a new tax campaign after COVID, and we expect that they'll want to engage chiefs because they are more effective and, um, we're currently thinking about ways that we can get out these longer run considerations about empowering the chief in this way. Does it have potential costs or even potential benefits as you alluded to over the long run. OK, you can continue, Gabriel. OK, thank you. Um, so now I'll talk about mechanisms and the explanations for the chief's greater effectiveness, like, uh, attempt to group into three main families of explanations. And so the first is that chiefs are simply making more tax visits because they live in the neighborhoods in which they collect. The second is that chiefs are better able to target tax solicitation because they possess local information about citizens, about their propensity to pay. And the third, um, is that chiefs conditional on visiting a household are more persuasive, uh, and convincing citizens to pay in the tax bargaining process, and this can be grouped into some of the tax morale, uh, explanations around the voluntary decision to comply, and these can be linked to chiefs greater trust with citizens or some of the explanations that were brought up, uh, in the questions about chiefs, um, having a, a stronger claim on the reciprocity. Of taxation and public goods spending that because they're they actually provide goods in the neighborhood they may be better able to activate um or signal the importance of taxes um in um to pay and then simply cheese could be more effective because they have other tools at their disposal for punishing non-compliers relative to. So the intuition behind this first channel is that um it's less costly for chiefs to make visits because they live where they work. Estate agents are traveling from their home, typically in a different part of their city to collect in, in the city, to collect in the neighborhood on a daily basis during collection, um, so chiefs can spend more time in the neighborhood, potentially make more visits or repeat visits. This could increase compliance if, for example, time-bearing liquidity constraints bind. Chiefs can catch people on days when they're more likely to have cash on hand if they're visiting them more often and if liquidity is an important input to compliance, this may matter. It could also simply increase the perception that necessary collector is not going away and you comply with the tax. Raise compliance. So the first test I apply here is to look at differences reported visits by citizens in the midline monitoring survey on the extensive, uh, margin of receiving a visit at all, and here I'm talking about visits after the registration step in which all households are visited that are made at the collection team's discretion, as well as the intensive margin of number of visits received by a specific household. And here I see no significant differences along either margin. Uh, and I'm relatively well-powered here because this draws on the midline monitoring survey where there's about 19,500 observations between these two treatments. So the null effects have a relatively high degree of precision. But an additional piece of evidence is to look at interactions that take place outside of the official tax visits that collectors conduct, and I asked citizens about interactions that happen outside of those visits. So you can imagine that the chief in doing his or her normal duties is reminding citizens that I'm gonna visit you tonight and ask that you pay the tax, so you better. Have your money together and to see whether that would be an additional way that cheese can put pressure on citizens, but I don't observe any differences in these unofficial discussions across the treatment areas with collectors. So it appears that chiefs are making more effort outside of the explicit tax visits, uh, to ask citizens to pay the tax. The intuition behind the second mechanism is that chiefs know citizens well, they interact with them on a daily basis in the administration of their normal duties, and so they have a potentially a better signal about households payment propensity for the tax, and this could make them more efficient collectors if they can shift the composition of households towards higher propensity payers. And the first test I'll apply here is to see what happens when you share chief's information with a team of state collectors and test whether that can increase compliance. And I do this by evaluating the hybrid treatment arm, the Central plus Local Information or CLI arm, and the way this worked is that, um, the state collection team first did the property registration stuff on their own, and then having constructed the property register for a neighborhood, they met with Of that neighborhood and discuss the ability and willingness of each property owner to pay. Then armed with this information, they go to collect in the neighborhood and we check after the fact to make sure that it doesn't appear that now that they've met one another, they collaborate in taxation um through both collector surveys and surveys of citizens. So what this looks like in practice is there's a team of state collectors at top and bottom and they have the property register in front of them with the name of the property owner, the tax ID and tax amount. The chief is that right and he's for who's in charge of that neighborhood, um, and he's looking at a picture of the property on the tablet which was taken by the enumerator during the property registration step and the enumerator is prompting the chief to separately rate the ability and willingness to pay of each property owner on the tax roll and they go line by line through it. It takes approximately 4 hours to do one of these consultations, and the state agents are recording the information on the register and they'll take this with them when they go to collect. So first I check what happens to compliance and revenues. The CLI treatment arm as you see in column one, increases compliance by 2.4% points relative to the state agent arm where no consultation takes place and increases revenuees significantly. Incomtu. This is also the case conditional on visits. So columns 3 and 4 show that there's no differences in the extensive or intensive margin of visits respectively. In columns 5, I restrict the sample to those that report receiving a visit in the midline survey after the registration step and see that compliance is higher in the CLI areas, um, among the set of visitors. So this is, this is a marginally significant difference is consistent with the compositional shift in taxpayers. Um, when state agents, uh, engage in consultation with the chief. However, these, um, collectors don't fully recover the gap with chiefs. Um, when I compare local to the CLI treatment arm, I see still a negative effect of 2.6% points, which is consistent with, um, uh, local information being somewhat to some extent non-codifiable or not fully transferable to the state agents in the context of a one-off consultation that the chief can't fully communicate their full set of knowledge about citizens. However, it's also consistent with some of the potential mechanisms on the persuasive side that even conditional on reaching a high payment propensity household, chiefs are more effective at convincing that property owner to pay. And I'll return to those explanations in a few slides. But first I want to build the evidence that the CLI collectors are more effective because the chiefs possess information about citizens that's effective and informing uh whether they're likely to pay the tax or not. So first I want to check that the CLI collectors actually followed the chief's recommendations, and I do this by correlating the measures. Collected during the consultation, which are 1 to 3 scales of ease of payment and willingness to pay that the chief provided their subjective evaluations of for each household and that was recorded by the enumerator that I can then match to the records of citizen reported visits and administrative tax compliance. And I see that I see positive and significant correlations for both these measures on the visits and compliance margin that area that properties that are rated as having a higher ease of payment receive more visits by the CLI collectors and they're more likely to comply with the tax. Of course, there's concerns about the endogeneity of compliance here to shifts in the visit strategy and I'll return to that um in the next table. So then I want, I ask how informative our chief's recommendations beyond what the state agents would observe on their own. So the property, looking at the property, you can gain information based on observing how high quality the materials of the property are even from talking to the property owner potentially and what observable characteristics there may be about that person. Um, but the main factors here in the decision of state collectors to target households appears to be observable house characteristics. So I repeat these correlations controlling for enumerator observations of the wall and roof quality of structures on the property and whether the property is threatened by erosion, and the correlations are somewhat weaker, but they're still positive and significant for both measures in columns 124, and 5. In columns 3 and 6, I look at the, again the outcome of administrative record, the administrative record of tax compliance. And restrict the sample to properties that said they received a visit, and I see that conditional on visits compliance is higher in areas where chief said these properties have a property owners have a higher ease or higher willingness of payment. Then there's the question of whether chiefs were actually providing the information that was most strongly correlated with uh potential tax compliance and weren't, weren't playing some other dynamic game of or short run game of trying to punish their enemies in the neighborhood by directing collectors there, reward their friends by moving collectors away from them. And so I, I try to study how chiefs themselves would target and whether they follow similar recommendation formulas as the chiefs that serve as consultants. So obviously this counterfactual doesn't exist in areas where chiefs served as consultants, state agents in the CLI aren't collected taxes, but I use the microdata built from these chief consultations. To create a prediction formula for both ease and willingness to pay using variables from surveys, so I create this, use those observations from surveys to construct this predictive measure and then apply, apply that prediction formula in the local treatment areas and evaluate how chiefs perform when they collect in those areas relative to this predicted measure of ease of payment and willingness to pay. And I see similar correlations in local treatment areas even conditional on observable characteristics of the household that these predictive measures of ease and willingness to pay predict both visits and compliance positively. And so then an obvious question is what does this look like in the central treatment arms, and we do see in columns 2 and 4 applying the same prediction formula that the predicted ease and willingness to pay are positively correlated with compliance, but in columns 1 and 3, I see that they're not predictive, conditional and observable characteristics of the property with receiving a visit. So it really doesn't appear that the state agents have access to the content of information that the chief has conditional on the household's observable qualities. So then I finally ask if this is the case that chiefs information is important, we should observe that more knowledgeable chiefs are more effective when serving as consultants. So I built a measure of chief knowledge built from quizzes um given to chiefs about the name, job, and education level of citizens in their neighborhood to build an index of chief information and see how they perform, um, as consultants in terms of whether they raise the performance of the CLI agents more post-consultation relative to less knowledgeable chiefs. And I see that this is indeed the case in column 4 that more knowledgeable chiefs raise compliance more when they serve as consultants, um, so the indicator at left in this table is just an indicator for the chief knowledge being above median, uh, for all chiefs in the city. As a placebo test, I can look in the central treatment areas and observe no correlation between chief knowledge and central collector performance when no consultation took place and in column 6 I see also that chiefs that are more knowledgeable appear to be more effective collectors when they themselves lied. Um, so that summarizes the, um, the evidence on the information side, and so if you recall there's still a gap between the CLI and local treatment arms, and this could either be consistent with a still like some form of information gap that the consultation doesn't fully fill that gap or consistent with these other persuasion mechanisms which I'll turn to now. The idea here is that Gabriel, can I ask a question. Um, so what is the, what is the main tool in the hands of the central tax collector who consulted with the chief in terms of getting Higher, you know, higher revenues. I don't want to say higher compliance because it's conditional on the visit. So is it just the increasing the number of visits and nagging? Or is there actually something else where they just kind of threatening more with, you know, penalties or priming somehow, whatever, and related to that, I guess, do the citizens know that these people consulted with the chief? Um, yeah, so in answer to your last question, they don't know that the consultation took place. Um, we asked the chiefs and the estate agents not to mention it. It's still possible that they knew the consultation. But in the survey we don't see evidence of that. Um, I think the, the evidence that we have, uh, that suggests how these, uh, CLI agents raise their effectiveness relative to when they collect without a consultation is not that they're doing more visits. The visit rates are not different. If anything, they're lower in the CLI treatment arm relative to the state agent central arm. It rather appears that they're shifting the composition of taxpayers, so this is something I'll return to in the distribution implication section, but they come to resemble the types of households that chiefs target when they collect rather than state agent collectors. Um, does that fully answer your question? Yeah, it's, I mean, I had missed because I didn't read the paper. I missed that they don't get to visit everyone or even maybe a potentially a substantial portion, and they have to kind of strategize on where to go. Yes, that's right. So in the second stage, only 40% of households receive a visit on average, um, solicitation, right. Thanks. Um, I'm seeing two more hands. If you don't mind, let's take those quickly and then we'll let you run through your rest of yours until 2:15 uninterrupted. Is that OK? Sure. Chubby, you were first. Yeah, so what's the ownership rate here? So you know if there's a lot of renters, what happens to a visit? I mean, the guy should not pay that. So, you know, is it part of the better information that these chiefs know who actually that they're, you know, this is a house with the owner there versus a house that is rented? Um, and then, you know, uh so were these, sorry, it's a separate question, but were these chiefs rewarded somehow by, by, you know, in the elicitation only, uh, arm where they, you know, they had to go, you know, picture by picture saying, you know, whether or not These guys would be willing to, uh, would be willing to pay the tax and, and could uh, you know, could a sort of an incentive where you kinda, you know, you make it, you know, you make a payment conditional on actually eliciting a tax payment, uh, would, would that improve, you know, their, their, at least their effort and, and, you know, in, in providing, you know, good information and that, that could also help you, um, you know, I guess in the, in the pursuit, you know, whether that's You know, it's part of the, part of the impact of the, of the chief is, is persuasion or is actually just better information. Um, yeah, that's a great question. So to your first question about um whether they have content about who should be bearing the burden of the tax and thinking about like renters versus property owners, in the initial registration step, uh, collectors were instructed to like rule out the households that were, had renters residing there and to identify the property owner if they were within the city, then they could list that property owner's name and the renter would be in charge of hassling the property owner. Um, but it doesn't appear like the rental rates are not very high in this context. They're about, um, like official rental rates and how the government construes it. Um, I think less than 10%. Most people are residing within the property, but formal property ownership is like around 10% as well. So people have like a sale deed for their land, but in from the government's perspective, this doesn't officially recognize that they own the property though according to the tax they're still liable to pay the tax because they're residing there. Um, so we can look at that uh we look at that on some of the exemption and classification margins at the beginning and the only differences we see across the treatment and control groups are that chiefs are more likely to accurately exempt. Households, uh, to your, uh, second question about the incentives for the chiefs during the consultation, um, they were just given a lump sum payment at the, at the end of the consultations. They're giving something equivalent to, I think about $5 US dollars, um, to compensate them for traveling because they travel to an office to do the consultation, um. Uh, I think you were suggesting potentially that you could get more effective information if you like align the incentives for for for providing that information during the consultation more um and we didn't do that since it was just a lump sum payment. Um, and something that I haven't looked at explicitly is how like baseline chief characteristics of the, that service as consultants other than their knowledge, um, would influence outcomes during this process, but I think that's something that could get us some of the points that you raised, um, to look at like how powerful the chief is, how like extractive they are in their other duties, and look at those that heterogeneity within the consultation data. He's shiny. Thanks. Um, so, um, I'm just wondering if tribal or ethnic, uh, ethnic, um, identities are a salient dimension here, um, and if you have any variation, for example, um, In the ethnicity or or uh tribe of the collectors versus the chiefs, and so is it, you know, for example, that the chiefs just tend to be of the same ethnicity or tribe as the people they're collecting taxes from and so that would sort of suggest an alternative mechanism and an alternative way, um, potential alternative ways of collecting taxes that would get around some of the concerns that for example Bijo raised about legitimacy. Yeah, that's a great question. So in within this, uh, province and within Kananga, there's a dominant ethnicity, uh, that, uh, accounts for about like 68% of citizens within the city, and the rates of like membership of this identity which is Lulua, um, among chiefs and state collectors is the same at baseline. And so the match between the ethnicity of the property owner and the ethnicity ethnicity of the tax collector, um, across the treatment groups is the same. Um, there is a question then of how like they go about soliciting taxes by the ethnicity of the property owner. And we see um no differences in the targeting by like whether you're, you have a co-ethnicity match with the property owner and the tax collector on the collector side. There is some suggestive evidence that state agent collectors are more likely to try and pursue co-ethnics more for tax collection, so we see some positive increase in visits for co-ethnics, um, relative to non-co-ethnics in the state collector side, though. No differences in the ultimate set of tax compliers and this difference is only marginally significant and a little bit noisy, um, so I think it surprised us a little bit given there's a substantial set of like minority tribes within the city that at least in tax collection it doesn't appear that the agents are targeting co-ethnics differentially or appear to be targeting co-ethnics, uh, more strategically in the first place. Uh, thanks, Gabriel. So for time management, you have a little less than 10 minutes and we'll try not to interrupt you unless there's something urgent comes up. OK, great. Um, so I'll talk less about these persuasion mechanisms before getting to the distribution implications. Um, and so the idea here is that the chief might have two tools at their disposal. The first is, um, uh, the ability to activate tax morale because they're more trusted by citizens or have a closer link to services as we discussed in more detail earlier, um, given the government doesn't really provide much in, in terms of public goods in this setting, and this could engender greater voluntary motivation, setting aside concerns about enforcement power to comply with the tax. Then chiefs may also simply have more sanctioning tools at their disposal. Well, we might think that state collectors have a more credible claim on enforcing the official legal fines for non-tax for non-compliance because they're more closely linked with the tax ministry, Chiefs may be able to, uh, threaten to withhold services, to enforce more informal labor tax or ostracize people in the community who don't pay, and that can make them more effective. Um, and so I'll skip to the summary of evidence on this, um, mechanism, and I think what, um, uh, a piece of evidence that I find among the most convincing on this side is to look at collection during property registration. So this is the stage of the campaign in which every household receives a visit in a linear property by property fashion where they move from east to west across the neighborhood. Our enumerator is present and is recording information, uh, that captures GPS GPS points so we can validate the path of collectors to the neighborhood. And this should really neutralize the chief's ability to target households by payment propensity because every household is visited in a specific pattern. And here I don't observe any differences across the central and local treatment arms in tax compliance or revenues when this targeting ability of the chief is neutralized. So this seems to suggest that, uh, granted it's in the presence of enumerators but chiefs are not more effective at convincing property owners to pay the tax. A second strategy is to look at cross-randomized messages on tax letter treatments which included local public goods messages, information about the government and why you should trust the government and the provision of local public goods to activate these more tax morale-like mechanisms. And we don't see any significant differences. I also in response to the enforcement messages that are different across the treatment groups. So you might think if these were more effective at priming citizens in a particular reason to comply with the tax, it might be more effective in local areas relative to central. That doesn't appear to be the case. I also don't see heterogeneity by baseline chief characteristics that we think might be. Correlated with persuasive ability, chiefs that are more trusted or more powerful or operate in more remote areas of the city at baseline aren't more effective at collecting taxes. It is the case that more active chiefs are more effective, active as measured at baseline in terms of the number of duties they're undertaking, how often and regular they, they administer the informal tax, for example. These more active chiefs at baseline are more effective at raising compliance, um, though this is also consistent with an information story, more active chiefs will be better informed and knowledgeable about citizens because they're interacting with them more frequently. And finally I look at inline measures that are more direct measures of these um uh potential sources of inputs to the um persuasion side of compliance like citizens perceived probability of punishment for non-compliance atline, the, their beliefs about the duty to pay the tax and how much of that money they think will be spent on public goods, and I don't see any significant differences across the treatment and control room. So all told, the information on the persuasion, uh, mechanism doesn't appear to suggest that cheats are really more persuasive, um, conditional on visiting a household. To now turn to the distributional impacts before concluding. And the question here is what is the de facto incidence of taxes when collected by chiefs relative to state agent collectors? And there's reasons to think that taxation by actors like chiefs might be regressive because in many settings we observed the administration of informal taxes, including in the DRC to be pretty regressive, that lower, um, the poorer properties are bearing a higher burden of such taxes. However, chiefs might be more progressive in this context if they possess superior local information that could allow for greater progressivity in enforcement. And so I'll study two dimensions here. First, how collectors distribute tax visits and solicitation to households, and then what the government may ultimately care about most in the administration of taxation, who ultimately pays the tax, and how do they differ across the treatment groups. So in studying the visit margin, I compare characteristics of households that are revisited in the 2nd stage of the campaign at the discretion of the collection teams after registration across the treatment arms, and I'll focus first on house quality and I construct an index of house quality built for measures like the quality of the walls of structures on the property. And this table shows estimates from separate regressions, regressing um local in blue and CLI in red, um, indicators for those treatments, um, on a measure of house quality, this index where the comparison is the central treatment arm and the sample is restricted to those who reported receiving a visit. And so here we see to see that chiefs and CI CLI collectors are visiting lower quality uh properties compared to central collectors or in other words relying less on observable characteristics. But it is still the case that the chief NCLI collectors are targeting above median house quality, uh, properties. So this figure, uh, above shows differences relative to central, but I see positive differences, um, relative to lower quality households in terms of the average house quality that collectors are targeting in the local and CLI arms. It's simply a less pronounced positive correlation. So this suggests that chiefs and CI collectors might be targeting other dimensions. And these can capture unobservable characteristics like the liquidity of the household, past tax compliance, and views of the government. I also bring in the predicted ease of payment measure I spoke about in the CLI treatment arm and construct a measure of all these unobservable margins that I call the payment propensity index. And I repeat these comparisons to the central treatment arm conditioning again to the set of households that report receiving a visit and I see positive differences relative to central in the local and CLI treatment arms which suggests that these characteristics which we expect are positively correlated with compliance, um, are more likely to be used by chiefs and CLI collectors when they go about soliciting um taxation by targeting visits. And I can drill into this a little bit further by looking at the probability of receiving a visit by different categories in the combination of house quality and predicted ease of payment. So the top two measures here, um, look at only households that we can rate as having above median house quality and split it up within that category by having high or low predicted ease of payment. And I'm looking at the probability of receiving a visit relative to the central treatment arm, and we see that households that have high house quality but low predicted ease of payment receive a visit less by chiefs as well as CI collectors. And on the flip side, in the bottom two measures, properties with low house quality but high predicted ease of payment are more likely to receive a visit. So it appears that chiefs are targeting by ability to pay as well as house quality. And I'll just mention that it doesn't appear that um chiefs are targeting more their family and friends or targeting them less relative to other people um or targeting differentially people they have a closer connection to in the neighborhood, um, like members of the same church or those that they have a stronger social connection to. So now finally the distribution of the tax burden. I'll look first at how compliance varies by the government's official property value gains, but then look at these more direct measures of economic need like income and liquidity. So the first two columns rerun the original regression estimate I showed you but separately by whether, by which property value band of property is classified as belonging to, and I see that the treatment effect is coming through the lower-value property band, that chiefs are bringing lower-value properties into the tax net. This is reflected in column 3 by a lower average level of house quality when I restrict the sample to the site of people who ultimately paid the tax. However, when I look at what are perhaps the most direct measures of need, average monthly income and liquidity, both from an index of measures related to this, I don't see any differences across the compliers in terms of these measures. Nor do I see your treatment effects on maybe the most direct measures of need which are going without a meal um in the last week. Um, or not being able to pay school or health fees, I don't see any differences across the treatment and control groups even among the set of ultimate compliers of the tax. So to take uh a stock, we can place in the advantages column some increases in revenues, uh, as well as cost effectiveness. The local treatment arm is in fact the only cost-effective treatment as it doesn't incur substantial transportation costs on the government side. I also see some evidence of trusting government increasing when she collects taxes. However, on the disadvantaged side, we have a small increase in bribes and some increase in at least on-face regressivity by house quality, though no ultimate differences in these most direct measures of economic need. So to think about how the government can put together these positives and negatives and make a decision over the collector type, I assume first the government will trade off the cost-effectiveness or net return on tax collection but also potentially pay some social cost on bribes or even the regressivity or tax burden beyond what they lose in terms of revenue. So most of the bribes here are Replacing revenues, as I said, but the government may think that increasing corruption by having chiefs involved in the process may harm its ability to collect revenues in the future, um, and may place some value on that amount. So in the paper, I built a framework to evaluate what, how much the government would need to value the cost of those additional bribes collected in local treatment arm. To, um, prefer enlisting state agents over chiefs, and I find that that amount would need to be 15 times higher than the value of an additional $1 in net revenue in order to prefer uh employing state agents. And a final consideration here is thinking about citizen preferences for chief tax collection. Uh, and at online I see that citizens have more positive views of the chief in areas where they collected taxes relative to where state agents collected, and they seem to appear to prefer having chiefs as tax service tax collectors in the future. Um, so this is, uh, a question that I think we hope to collect data on the future and see how this evolves over time as chiefs continue to be involved as is expected in this process. And so I'll just, uh, leave this, uh, slide up that, that, um, the results here suggest that there's, there's short-run benefits to collaborating like local, with local elites like chiefs, um, in very low capacity settings like this, but in the longer run, state tax collection will likely produce higher revenues as the state accumulates enforcement power and information about citizens that can be used, uh, in tax compliance. But in the short run for state seeking to build rudimentary fiscal capacity, engaging these actors can be a powerful tool. Thank you. Uh Excellent. Thank you, Gabriel, and thanks everyone. Let me remind you that this is Gabriel.
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Gabriel Tourek (Post-Doctoral Associate, MIT) presented his research on the topic "Local Elites as State Capacity: How City Chiefs Use Local Information to Increase Tax Compliance in The D.R. Congo" on January 11, 2021 as part of the Development Research Group Winter 2020-21 Seminar Series.
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