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A video recording of the second session on Day 1 of The Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics 2025 "Development in the Age of Populism." This session discusses "Artificial Intelligence".
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00:00 Welcome,

00:00 welcome back everyone.

00:02 Please

00:03 take your seats

00:04 and uh we're about to start the session,

00:06 the 2nd session today,

00:07 which is all about the future,

00:09 specifically

00:10 how artificial intelligence is revolutionizing technology,

00:13 reshaping competition policy,

00:15 and

00:15 redefining education.

00:17 We'll hear from experts about the opportunities

00:20 and risks of AI for developing countries

00:22 and how policymakers can use this technology for inclusive growth.

00:26 Moderating the session is Mr.

00:28 Gurav Nayar,

00:29 director of the World Development Report 2026,

00:32 and he'll introduce our three panelists and one discussion.

00:35 So over

00:36 to you,

00:36 please.

00:44 Hi,

00:44 good afternoon,

00:45 everyone,

00:45 to the post-lunch siesta session.

00:48 Uh,

00:49 but I,

00:50 I'm hoping that just the mention of the

00:52 word artificial intelligence will wake everyone up.

00:54 So,

00:55 thank you for being here.

00:56 Uh,

00:57 the esteemed guest panelists had a

01:00 preference to not be introduced as rock stars and entered

01:02 the stage one by one with the spotlight on them.

01:05 So,

01:05 they've all taken their seats.

01:07 Um,

01:08 I just want to quickly give a very,

01:10 very quick introduction to the session.

01:12 In the morning we heard about populism and

01:16 populism is a reaction to

01:19 distributional concerns both

01:21 between countries and within countries,

01:23 and I think the discussion around AI

01:26 dovetails almost perfectly into this discussion on how

01:30 Uh,

01:30 the diffusion of the technology might affect

01:33 the distribution of incomes both between

01:36 and within countries.

01:37 Um,

01:38 here at the bank,

01:39 I think there's a lot of optimism around the development potential of AI.

01:45 Uh,

01:46 just in the sense of being the technology being able to solve

01:50 market failures and addressing long-standing development challenges.

01:54 Think about access to credit markets

01:56 where AI can devise new ways of assessing credit histories.

02:00 Think about filling in skill gaps,

02:01 say,

02:02 in education and health services where quality teachers

02:05 and health service providers are often lacking,

02:08 or just making

02:09 the large numbers of small businesses

02:11 more profitable through AI advisory services.

02:15 However,

02:15 such optimism is not unbridled.

02:18 Uh,

02:18 I think everyone recognizes and is aware

02:21 of the risks that come through growing digital divides,

02:25 uh,

02:25 competition concerns,

02:27 and also risks of automations and,

02:29 and worker displacement.

02:31 Uh,

02:31 so the aim of today's session is really to

02:34 cut through some of the hype around AI.

02:37 Provide some conceptual clarities around

02:40 specific sets of issues

02:42 and then also present some new evidence,

02:44 uh,

02:44 which will hopefully give us a better sense

02:47 of the potential uh development impacts of AI,

02:50 uh,

02:50 going forward.

02:51 To do that,

02:52 we have a stellar,

02:53 um,

02:54 set of panelists,

02:56 um,

02:57 to begin with,

02:57 we will have Arvind Narayinan,

02:59 who is

03:00 professor of computer science at Princeton University,

03:03 talk about AI as a normal technology.

03:06 Uh,

03:06 after that,

03:07 we will have Katherine Tucker,

03:09 the Sloan Distinguished Professor of Management at MIT,

03:13 talk about how does competition policy need to

03:16 change in a world of artificial intelligence.

03:20 Last but not least,

03:21 we would have Dan

03:23 Bjorkeren from Columbia University.

03:26 Who will talk about could AI leapfrog the web

03:29 and provide evidence from teachers in Sierra Leone.

03:33 And also immediately after the presentation of the three papers,

03:36 we will move into a panel discussion

03:38 where we will also be joined by

03:40 Han Cheng Xia,

03:41 who's a policy fellow

03:42 at the Center for Global Development.

03:45 So with that,

03:46 I'd like to invite Arvind

03:48 to give us the first presentation.

03:49 Thank you.

03:54 Thank you Gurav and hello everybody.

03:56 Good afternoon.

03:57 My goal for the next 20 minutes

04:00 is to say things that will sound obvious to you hopefully.

04:04 Uh,

04:05 that's an unusual goal for a talk,

04:06 so let me explain why that's my goal.

04:08 Perhaps if we could,

04:09 uh,

04:09 have the slides up in the meantime.

04:12 Now there are many technologists,

04:14 AI researchers,

04:15 developers,

04:16 and industry CEOs who have predicted imminent

04:20 and rapid transformation because of AI,

04:22 that we will have

04:23 super intelligence in the next couple of years,

04:26 before the end of the decade,

04:27 certainly,

04:28 and that this might obviate the need for human

04:30 labor and perhaps even the concept of money,

04:32 and that we should be

04:33 worried about AI taking over the world.

04:36 The more modest of these predictions are talking about 10% growth annually.

04:41 But as economists,

04:42 a lot of this might seem

04:44 strange.

04:45 It seems to be from the realm of sci-fi,

04:47 so it might be natural to wonder,

04:49 do these folks know something that we don't know.

04:52 And I'm here as a computer scientist to say I think

04:55 the answer is no.

04:56 I have,

04:56 I have looked at these predictions and the research behind them,

05:00 and my view

05:01 is that

05:02 together with my co-author Sayash Kapoor,

05:05 that AI is not going to be that different from

05:07 many past waves of technological disruption that we've seen.

05:10 Of course,

05:11 no two technologies are exactly like each other,

05:13 but there is a lot that we can learn from history.

05:16 And so that's what our Paper AI as normal technology is all about,

05:19 we're

05:19 expanding it now into a book.

05:21 So

05:22 the paper has 4 parts.

05:23 The first part is about timeline

05:25 on what time scale will AI's transformative effects unfold,

05:29 and the second part is about,

05:30 OK,

05:30 whatever time scale that is,

05:31 what will that world look like?

05:33 Now

05:34 we accept

05:35 the possibility of cognitive automation that most of the cognitive

05:38 tasks that we do today might one day be automatable,

05:41 and yet we do not envision something radical such as

05:44 human labor being superfluous.

05:46 So why is that?

05:47 What is the resolution to that seeming contradiction?

05:50 The third part I'm going to mostly skip for

05:52 today what do we do about potential superintelligence,

05:54 etc.

05:55 and then I'll briefly spend a couple of minutes on policy implications,

05:59 and I look forward to the discussion.

06:01 OK,

06:01 so our starting point

06:03 is well established patterns of the diffusion

06:06 of general purpose technologies that we've seen over and over.

06:09 The first stage is invention.

06:11 So if we think about electricity,

06:12 for instance,

06:13 the invention of electromagnetic principles,

06:15 AC and DC,

06:16 those are all part of invention.

06:18 But people don't directly use electricity.

06:20 We use electrical appliances,

06:22 so that requires innovation.

06:23 It requires the grid.

06:24 It requires a whole lot of other complementary things.

06:27 And then finally that technology gradually diffuses

06:30 throughout society and throughout the economy.

06:32 So we took this

06:33 and we

06:34 expanded it and adapted it for AI.

06:36 So we introduced one extra stage and we talked about

06:39 what each These stages look like in the context of AI.

06:42 So the first invention stage is about the increasing capabilities of models.

06:46 So today,

06:47 the models,

06:47 the kind of model that's at the frontier,

06:50 are large language models.

06:51 It wasn't always the case.

06:53 It might not necessarily always be the case,

06:55 but for now you can think of

06:56 the invention stage as improvements in LLM capabilities.

07:00 We don't necessarily directly use LLMs for most tasks.

07:03 We use it through the integration of those LLMs into various applications.

07:08 So throughout this slide,

07:09 I'm using software engineering itself as an example,

07:12 because it is one

07:14 occupation that's really at the forefront of

07:17 integration of AI into uh into workflows.

07:20 So,

07:22 Even even though software engineering is pretty advanced

07:27 along this

07:28 causal chain,

07:29 if you will,

07:30 we're still pretty early in figuring out

07:32 how to architect AI code editors.

07:34 We're having really fundamental debates in

07:36 the computer science community about whether

07:38 command line interfaces are better or graphical interfaces are

07:41 better when it comes to software engineering using large.

07:43 Language models,

07:44 right?

07:44 So it seems like very early days.

07:47 And then you have the early adoption phase where people are

07:49 learning how to use these tools.

07:51 That phase is very much underway.

07:52 You have things like vibe coding where people are able to

07:55 create small apps using AI,

07:57 but when they start to edit,

07:58 you know,

07:58 billion line enterprise code bases using AI,

08:01 it's not going well so far.

08:02 We're not yet in the adaptation phase.

08:04 We're not yet in the phase where people are.

08:06 Figuring out

08:07 how to rearchitect

08:09 software both technically as well as software companies to

08:11 best take advantage of the capabilities of AI tools.

08:15 So there was a study that showed that right now most software engineers are not yet

08:19 achieving productivity benefits even though they think they are.

08:22 Their self-reported

08:23 time savings are actually

08:25 very positive,

08:25 but actual reported time savings are negative.

08:28 So.

08:29 Our view here is that adaptation is going to require a lot of changes.

08:33 One example is what I'm calling extreme personalization.

08:36 This is all well into the future,

08:37 so it's necessarily speculative,

08:39 but let me explain what I mean.

08:40 So if it's going to be the case

08:42 that AI's ability to write code

08:44 will dramatically decrease the cost of producing software,

08:47 then the manner in which we're going to

08:48 use software is going to change dramatically.

08:51 It will no longer make sense for one software company to produce

08:54 one piece of software and then millions of other individuals and other companies

08:57 to all be shoehorned into that same workflow,

09:00 the same set of abstractions that's defined into that software.

09:03 The way we produce software

09:05 might be in a very in-house way.

09:07 Each company is producing its own software for its own teams and for its own users.

09:11 So in other words,

09:12 if the cost of software drops,

09:14 the

09:15 elasticity of demand for software might be very high.

09:18 We might see extremely personalized software where

09:20 everybody is using software tailored to themselves.

09:23 So if you think about that magnitude of transformation.

09:25 Hopefully it's intuitively clear why that feels like a few decades away as opposed

09:29 to something that's going to happen next

09:30 year because of increasing AI capabilities.

09:33 So that's really the central idea of the paper,

09:34 why we think these timelines are going to be pretty slow.

09:38 OK,

09:38 so let me focus though on the first era,

09:41 the gap between the model capabilities and the products.

09:44 Now in the first year after Chat GPT was released,

09:47 many companies tried to create these simple wrappers

09:50 around these large language models and build these personal agents,

09:53 but they failed terribly in the market.

09:55 There's a whole graveyard of products like this.

09:57 So here's one where

09:59 this product,

10:00 you know,

10:00 does a pretty good job of automatically ordering food,

10:03 so it's an impressive capability,

10:04 but it ordered it to the wrong address.

10:07 Right,

10:07 so we've had unreliable AI like this before.

10:10 If traditional Siri or Alexa played the wrong song 10% of the time,

10:14 that's just annoying.

10:15 But if a product orders

10:17 something,

10:17 you know,

10:17 where you spent money to the wrong address 10% of the time,

10:20 that's dead on arrival,

10:22 right?

10:22 So this is something we call the capability reliability gap,

10:25 and we think there's years of research to go before

10:27 we smooth out these kinks and build reliable products using large language models.

10:32 OK,

10:33 so

10:34 the capability reliability gap is one reason why the

10:37 way we're evaluating AI today doesn't make sense.

10:39 We're evaluating models and assuming that that means useful products,

10:42 but that's not the case.

10:44 Another reason is construct validity.

10:47 So for instance,

10:48 there are studies that

10:50 AI can pass the bar exam,

10:52 but it's not as if lawyers' job is to answer bar exam questions all day,

10:55 right?

10:55 So

10:56 The evaluations are looking at the wrong construct,

10:59 so we don't have a lot of information about how useful these are

11:02 to actual workers unless you do RCTs of those workers using those tools,

11:06 and we have lots of anecdotal evidence now that the hype doesn't match the reality.

11:10 The RCTs in many domains are still just getting started,

11:13 so this is a company DoNotPay that got

11:15 a lot of attention by saying they'd built a robot lawyer,

11:18 and any attorney who used it to argue

11:20 in front of the Supreme Court would get

11:22 $1 million.

11:24 First of all,

11:24 this was just a publicity stunt.

11:26 Electronic devices are not even allowed in the Supreme Court,

11:28 and

11:29 of course this company knew this,

11:31 but the reason so many people believed this was even possible was because they

11:34 had believed the headlines and they thought that a robot lawyer was imminent.

11:37 But when you look at lawyers actually using AI to do the hard parts of being a lawyer,

11:41 we're,

11:42 you know,

11:42 it's still very,

11:43 very far to go,

11:45 and we teamed up with our colleague

11:47 Peter Henderson,

11:48 who's a JD PhD,

11:49 and we wrote a paper breaking down the different types

11:52 of tasks that are involved in being a lawyer.

11:55 And it turns out,

11:55 and this is the central reason why so many technologists are overconfident,

11:59 the tasks that are easier to measure,

12:00 which is the top bucket,

12:02 are also the ones that are much easier for AI.

12:04 So we just measure the things that are easy to measure

12:06 and conclude that AI is doing really well at it.

12:11 OK,

12:11 so,

12:12 so far I've talked about the first error,

12:14 but the much harder thing is diffusion,

12:16 the second error.

12:17 So let me talk about that a little bit.

12:19 So one important point I want to emphasize is

12:22 that it doesn't matter how fast capabilities are increasing.

12:26 Adoption of these technologies requires behavioral changes,

12:28 and behavioral changes are going to happen

12:30 at a certain

12:31 time scale based on how fast humans can adapt,

12:33 and that's not really changing very much.

12:35 There was this paper that made the headlines.

12:37 It's a good paper.

12:37 I have no concerns about the paper,

12:39 but

12:40 the thing that the media Picked up is that 40%

12:42 of US adults are using generative AI as of,

12:45 you know,

12:45 about a year ago,

12:45 so two years after chat GPT.

12:47 That seemed very striking

12:49 and it's framed as rapid adoption of generative AI.

12:52 I don't think this tells the whole story

12:54 because what the paper also measured.

12:56 Excuse me,

12:57 is the intensity of adoption and productivity effects,

12:59 and those are still very low.

13:01 So there is still a very long way to go

13:03 because

13:04 that 40% number

13:05 includes even someone who used chat GPT once a week to write a limerick or something.

13:10 It's not necessarily looking at how much productivity

13:12 improvements people are getting in the workplace.

13:16 OK,

13:17 and think about this.

13:18 I mean,

13:19 so often,

13:20 and I'm part of this,

13:21 I often forget that Google Search exists and things that,

13:23 you know,

13:24 I'm debating with other people can be quickly resolved through a Google search,

13:27 and this person is telling a story of

13:29 how much

13:29 of a competitive edge you get just from remembering

13:32 to Google the things that can be Googled,

13:33 and that's a quarter century after Google Search was released,

13:36 right?

13:36 So that's kind of the timescale

13:38 on which these behavioral adaptations happen.

13:41 OK,

13:42 so that's on the speed of diffusion.

13:43 However,

13:44 one of the things we point out in the paper

13:47 is that

13:47 in the last few years,

13:48 we've been in an unusual period of AI innovation,

13:52 and that has already ended.

13:53 And what I mean is this,

13:55 the reason why we had such rapid AI capability advances.

13:59 Was building bigger and bigger models using

14:01 bigger and bigger slices of the internet

14:03 that has mostly ended,

14:05 you know,

14:06 not completely,

14:07 but for the most part,

14:08 and what it means going forward is that these models will have to be improved

14:12 using experiential data from their use in the field by actual workers,

14:16 and that's going to be a feedback loop that's going to happen much

14:19 slower and we're already seeing those much slower cycles of progress kick in.

14:24 And

14:25 we can reasonably predict what that will look like

14:27 by looking at sectors in which those

14:29 cycles of feedback loops have already happened,

14:33 notably

14:33 self-driving cars.

14:35 So what happened in self-driving cars is that 2-3 decades

14:37 ago we had convincing prototype demonstrations of self-driving cars.

14:41 However,

14:42 they weren't yet reliable enough to autonomously put on the roads.

14:45 So what car companies had to do.

14:47 Or you know AI companies had to do

14:49 was to get it reliable enough to drive 100 miles,

14:52 drive it 100 miles,

14:53 get enough data,

14:54 improve their reliability so that you're comfortable driving at 1000 miles,

14:57 and so on and so on.

14:58 So each order of magnitude of scaling takes a couple of years.

15:01 So we've seen those slow feedback loops,

15:03 feedback loops play out,

15:04 and we predict

15:05 that the same thing is going to happen in AI for law,

15:07 AI for medicine,

15:08 and every other sector.

15:12 And finally,

15:13 what we say about the speed of change is that

15:14 a lot of this might require changes to organizations,

15:17 structural transformations,

15:18 changes to

15:20 even laws and norms,

15:21 and so forth.

15:22 We use the analogy of how slow the electrification

15:24 of factories was because they had to figure out

15:27 how to reorient the whole assembly line and so on.

15:30 And you know,

15:32 looking at that example of software again,

15:34 so if it's going to be the case that it makes no sense to have these

15:37 large software companies and every individual company is

15:39 going to have its own software engineers,

15:41 that is a kind of

15:43 slow

15:44 transformation of the whole sector

15:45 that is again going to play out

15:47 on a time scale of decades.

15:49 OK,

15:50 so there's lots of other examples of this,

15:52 but really the The summary of the first part is that we identify speed limits

15:56 in every stage of this invention to

15:58 innovation to early adoption to diffusion pipeline.

16:01 I haven't gotten into the details of most of the speed limits,

16:04 but they're in the paper,

16:05 and that is what leads us to conclude

16:07 that we're not going to see some kind of sci-fi transformation in 2027,

16:11 but rather we're going to see gradual diffusion throughout the next few decades.

16:16 So

16:16 let me spend 5 minutes on part 2 and then maybe 2 minutes on part 4

16:21 because I know I'm running out of time.

16:23 So

16:24 again,

16:24 like I said earlier,

16:25 so we accept the possibility that it might be the

16:27 case that one day most cognitive tasks that we do,

16:30 most things we do sitting in front of the computer

16:32 are going to be automatable.

16:34 But let's think about what that will mean.

16:36 So there have been concerns about mass job

16:38 displacement because of automation for many years.

16:41 This was a headline from

16:42 15 years ago.

16:43 However,

16:45 from what I understand of the literature and economics,

16:47 those are naive ways of thinking about things.

16:49 There is the task model that goes back to Ator,

16:52 Levy,

16:53 and Murnane more than two decades ago and has been.

16:55 Refined over the decades

16:57 we can kind of see jobs as bundles of tasks,

16:59 and each job might have,

17:00 you know,

17:01 several

17:02 dozen tasks as part of the bundle.

17:04 Not every task gets automated at the same moment in time,

17:07 and as one task gets automated,

17:09 new tasks get created.

17:10 The job composition changes.

17:12 Automation is counterbalanced by a reinstatement effect.

17:15 And it could even be the case that if it becomes

17:18 cheaper for lawyers to provide their services because of automation,

17:21 there's more demand for legal work and therefore

17:23 the total employment of lawyers actually increases.

17:25 OK,

17:26 so that much hopefully is straightforward,

17:28 but now

17:29 I want to make a couple of points that are even more skeptical

17:33 of mass automation compared to what you might take away from the literature.

17:38 in labor economics

17:39 and for that I want to give you an example.

17:42 So radiology

17:43 was famously predicted

17:44 by computer science pioneer Geoff Hinton and Nobel Prize winner

17:48 to be going obsolete because AI can automate the reading of scans,

17:52 and he said almost a decade ago

17:54 that if you work as a radiologist,

17:56 you're like the coyote that's already over the edge

17:58 of the cliff but hasn't yet looked down.

18:01 So in my world,

18:01 this is a famous prediction because of how wrong it was.

18:04 The demand for radiologists has only gone up

18:06 even though

18:08 radiologists are not

18:10 shy of the tech.

18:11 They have enthusiastically adopted it,

18:13 and it has had an effective augmentation rather than automation.

18:17 And interestingly,

18:19 this does not appear to be because there is some particular task that we can identify

18:23 at which

18:24 human radiologists still outperform AI.

18:27 And this is the central claim that I want to make.

18:30 I think the task model of jobs is incomplete.

18:32 Yes,

18:33 to a first approximation,

18:34 you can break down jobs into tasks,

18:36 but think about your own job.

18:38 Can you identify a series of tasks such that if each of those tasks was automated,

18:43 then your job as a whole would be automated?

18:46 I would,

18:47 I would say no,

18:47 and I would imagine that most of you would say no,

18:49 and you might even find the question to be a little bit silly,

18:52 and yet

18:53 that's exactly how I think a lot of this

18:55 literature approaches the question of AI and job displacement.

19:00 So in my understanding of radiology and many other professions,

19:03 a lot of the hardest to automate things are at the boundaries between tasks.

19:07 So by the time you've broken down

19:09 jobs into a set of tasks that you can put

19:11 into the OED database that everybody seems to use,

19:14 you've already lost the most nuanced and interesting aspects of

19:17 jobs that are going to be hardest to automate.

19:19 And then you have to consider

19:21 human preferences for dealing with other humans

19:23 instead of AI and various other things.

19:25 So considering all this,

19:26 we're very,

19:27 very skeptical about some of these claims of,

19:30 you know,

19:31 broad-based labor displacement due to AI.

19:35 So and that leads to the point,

19:37 I think there are a lot of these predictions made by,

19:39 you know,

19:40 computer scientists like us,

19:42 made by economists who are not necessarily experts in

19:45 the specific domains that they're making predictions about.

19:47 I think there is some value in those.

19:49 I mean,

19:49 it is a lot of what I do

19:50 and I'm very much turning this criticism back onto myself as well.

19:53 But I think it would be much more useful

19:56 if we teamed up

19:57 with experts in different domains who have a

19:59 much more nuanced understanding of what tasks entail,

20:02 what are the boundaries between tasks,

20:03 and so forth

20:04 to make predictions and recommendations

20:06 about those specific occupations and sectors

20:08 as opposed to these overarching,

20:10 sweeping pronouncements.

20:12 OK,

20:13 so having said that,

20:13 I'm going to return to the mode of making sweeping pronouncements.

20:17 Um,

20:17 so one thing I want to point out is that

20:19 there is actually a way to reconcile some of the radical

20:22 optimists and the radical skeptics,

20:24 skeptics,

20:25 and we can do that by looking back at the effect that the internet has had.

20:29 Now.

20:31 Let's accept for a second that generative AI will

20:34 not necessarily automate but at least mediate most knowledge work

20:37 just like the internet did.

20:38 If you went back in time 30 years and told people that most of the

20:41 cognitive work that they do will one day

20:43 be mediated by this new communication technology,

20:46 they would have said that's ridiculous.

20:48 A lot of people did say that's ridiculous,

20:50 and yet that happened

20:51 even though it sounded crazy at the beginning.

20:53 What were its effects?

20:54 The effects on productivity,

20:56 I would say,

20:57 have been relatively small and only while it's

21:00 true that some professions have been decimated,

21:02 for the most part we see an augmentation effect,

21:05 and this all unfolded gradually over a period of a few decades.

21:09 And therefore our thesis is

21:11 that you can have workplaces that look in some ways radically different

21:15 and yet

21:16 without necessarily having,

21:17 you know,

21:18 transformative effects on total factor productivity

21:20 growth or something like that.

21:22 So I'll skip this slide

21:25 to be a little bit flippant about it,

21:27 our view on the role of labor in a world with advanced AI is that

21:32 even though everything might change in a qualitative sense

21:35 in terms of our experience of what work looks like

21:38 in an economic sense,

21:39 things might mostly stay the same.

21:41 So one thing I want to add to

21:43 this is whether superintelligence will change the equation.

21:46 A lot of people who have very different predictions from us will say,

21:49 no,

21:49 no,

21:49 this is what past technologies have done,

21:51 and so far AI is on the same path,

21:54 but something is going to change in a couple

21:55 of years where recursive self-improvement of AI becomes possible,

21:59 and then it will be an exception to all of these well established patterns.

22:02 We have a whole section in the paper on this,

22:04 but I'll just spend one minute on it.

22:06 We say no.

22:06 And the reason we say no is that we have a very different view of what

22:10 human intelligence entails and to what extent AI

22:13 will be able to exceed human intelligence.

22:16 You can identify three types of limits to our capabilities.

22:19 We kind of suck at chess,

22:21 and AI is much better than even the

22:23 human world champion because of our computational limits.

22:27 But

22:28 for most tasks,

22:29 the limits are not computational.

22:30 There are things like writing where there are intrinsic limits to how persuasive,

22:34 let's say,

22:34 a piece of writing can get,

22:35 or

22:36 there are knowledge limits.

22:37 Some people say AI is going to be a superhuman medical researcher,

22:41 and we're like,

22:42 what?

22:43 Let's take a second to imagine what that means

22:45 for AI to be a superhuman medical researcher.

22:48 It can only happen if we allow AI to perform

22:50 autonomous experiments on thousands of people without any supervision.

22:54 Right,

22:55 we will never allow it to do that.

22:56 So there are intrinsic knowledge limits to how good AI can get.

22:59 So we reject this notion that superintelligence is going to introduce

23:03 a new causal pathway that's gonna

23:05 blow past all of these limits that are identified from,

23:08 uh,

23:08 from previous research.

23:10 Uh,

23:10 OK,

23:10 so I will stop here in the interest of time.

23:12 We have lots of thoughts on what policymakers should do,

23:15 but maybe we can get into that during the discussion period.

23:17 Thank you so much.

23:32 Can I just say how brilliant that was?

23:34 And we've got a computer scientist summarizing all labor

23:39 economics and AI for the last 10 years.

23:41 It was really well done.

23:42 Um,

23:43 is there a chance of my slides?

23:45 Brilliant.

23:45 OK.

23:46 So,

23:47 um,

23:47 now for something completely different because I'm an IO economist,

23:52 which means I've been tasked not to talk so much about labor,

23:56 but to talk a little bit more about how,

23:58 AI will change

24:00 how firms relate to consumers and

24:03 how that will change in the world of AI.

24:05 Now,

24:06 um,

24:09 I have,

24:10 was asked

24:11 to talk about a paper

24:14 I wrote on this topic,

24:16 um,

24:16 for this panel.

24:18 And

24:19 I must admit,

24:20 when I was asked this,

24:22 I was like,

24:22 oh,

24:24 that's my paper which has got least to do

24:28 with any low-income countries.

24:30 It's completely obsessed with America,

24:33 completely inappropriate for this audience.

24:34 So,

24:35 What am I going to do with the fact that this paper,

24:38 um,

24:39 is,

24:39 you know,

24:39 very US obsessed?

24:41 What I'm gonna do is I'm going to set out the sort of broader lessons,

24:46 because in some ways,

24:47 the reason I wrote this paper

24:49 was because much like Arvind,

24:52 I often sit on panels

24:54 with lots of

24:57 Policy people

24:59 who have

25:01 very dramatic perspectives about AI.

25:04 And you sit there,

25:05 and the general view about competition policy and how firms relate to consumers and

25:10 how everything's going to change is that everything is going to change very,

25:13 very swiftly.

25:14 And then there's always one person a little bit more like Arvin,

25:16 who says,

25:17 No,

25:17 no,

25:17 I'm going to be different.

25:19 Um,

25:20 and then I'm gonna be more economists and be slightly in the middle and say,

25:24 look,

25:24 in the end,

25:25 uh,

25:26 economics doesn't change.

25:27 That's the good news if you're an econo economist.

25:30 Um,

25:30 on the other hand,

25:31 process change is gonna be important.

25:33 Now,

25:35 the great thing about writing this paper for me

25:38 was that I wrote it in response to being on a lot of policy panels

25:44 and really taking it as a chance to try and educate lawyers largely

25:50 about how economists think about artificial intelligence.

25:55 And I have run the,

25:57 um,

25:57 NBR meetings on digital economics and AI

26:02 for nearly a decade now.

26:04 And so I want to just take this opportunity,

26:06 not just,

26:07 uh,

26:07 given the article,

26:09 to just

26:10 tell this group a little bit about the history

26:12 of the economics of AI.

26:16 So I think it's fair to say we started off

26:19 back in 2018

26:22 with our first sort of NBR official meeting

26:26 about the economics of AI.

26:29 And what was the revelation back in 2018?

26:34 I think the revelation for economists back in 2018

26:38 is that AI was not about robots.

26:42 I think we never really written many papers about

26:44 it because we thought it was about robots,

26:46 and therefore about Terminator and Judgment Day.

26:49 And instead,

26:50 what we worked out was instead that really if you think about AI,

26:55 um,

26:55 it is a cost saving technology.

27:00 And the moment you start to describe AI as a cost-saving technology,

27:05 it is something which economists start to think,

27:07 uh,

27:08 they can analyze,

27:08 unlike Terminator.

27:10 So,

27:11 um,

27:12 The sort of forward to back in 2018 is the way to think about it

27:18 is that AI lowers the cost of prediction.

27:23 And as you may have guessed from Arvin's,

27:26 uh,

27:26 talk,

27:27 who,

27:27 who,

27:28 um,

27:28 he talked about Hinton,

27:29 what he said about radiologists back in 2016,

27:32 we were obsessed

27:35 about

27:36 radiologists.

27:38 And

27:39 what,

27:39 where we came into the radiologist debate is we said,

27:42 and we thought we're being very smart,

27:44 is that,

27:45 look,

27:46 uh,

27:46 you know,

27:46 the prediction is that radiology is going away.

27:50 But in the end,

27:51 as economists we believe in complementarity and the complementarity of tasks.

27:57 And therefore really what's going to happen is when you reduce

28:01 the costs of doing certain types of tasks such as prediction.

28:05 Other forms of humanity are going to be

28:08 more important than the one we emphasized there

28:11 was judgment,

28:12 or the idea that there's going to be

28:15 large returns to judgment in our AI,

28:18 uh,

28:18 economy.

28:19 Now,

28:20 you know,

28:20 at the time,

28:22 we were all joking around.

28:23 I remember quite a few laughs were had at our 2018 conference

28:28 by someone suggesting that,

28:31 you know,

28:31 what we should all be doing is encouraging our children to become

28:35 journalists and poets because those occupations were not going to be disrupted.

28:41 What I learned from that is that economists who study AI are usually wrong.

28:45 Because,

28:46 you know,

28:46 back in now in 2025,

28:48 that sort of viewpoint,

28:50 that AI is not coming for creativity seems completely wrong,

28:53 uh,

28:54 especially if you're a poet.

28:56 So,

28:57 um,

28:58 what I've learned to sort of,

29:00 when I talk about the economics of AI more broadly,

29:02 especially to PhD students,

29:04 what I've always tried to do now is to encourage them to be a little bit more humbled,

29:08 express humility,

29:09 don't have our hubris that we had back in 2018.

29:13 And I was returned to this Oxford English dictionary definition.

29:19 Which is that in the idea,

29:21 in the end,

29:21 what is AI?

29:23 It's

29:24 The

29:27 set of systems and technologies

29:29 which is capable

29:31 of performing tasks which require human intelligence.

29:35 And what I want you to notice is that is a moving target.

29:40 That definition can never be true or stable in the long run.

29:45 Because

29:45 the nature of AI is such that,

29:49 of course,

29:49 we're always going to be finding new ways

29:52 of replacing human intelligence.

29:55 So,

29:56 I've learned to be sort of very humble about how I talk about AI.

30:00 And that was one of the things I was trying to get across

30:03 in,

30:04 uh,

30:04 in my article,

30:06 which was

30:07 really a debate,

30:07 as I say,

30:08 with antitrust lawyers.

30:10 Now,

30:10 the one thing that,

30:11 uh,

30:12 all AI economists do agree about

30:15 is very much,

30:16 and this is so similar,

30:18 and that's why I was congratulating Arvind on,

30:19 on his talk,

30:20 in that it was a,

30:22 uh,

30:23 the one thing we all agree about

30:25 is that AI is probably a general-purpose technology.

30:28 And that makes technology economists happy.

30:31 Why?

30:31 Because we sort of have so many examples littered around.

30:35 And now as you'll have gathered,

30:37 you know,

30:37 one of our favorite examples is electrification and making that analogy.

30:42 And all I want to really add to the sort of

30:45 very good evidence that we just heard in the previous talk

30:49 is to remind everyone in the room that when

30:52 electricity was first introduced,

30:56 Everyone thought it was going to be about illumination.

31:00 We all thought that the jobs that were going to be

31:03 gone are the people who go around the streets lighting gas,

31:06 gas lamps.

31:08 We had no idea of where the real impacts would come from,

31:12 which was the electrification of factories.

31:17 And again,

31:18 in 2025,

31:19 I think we're probably at that stage.

31:22 In that we're still really thinking about use cases,

31:26 which are the analogy

31:28 of illumination rather than really reflecting

31:32 fundamental process change,

31:34 which is what underpins general purpose technologies.

31:39 OK,

31:40 so I've got to set all this out in the article about the history

31:44 of the economics of AI and how economists have tended to think about it.

31:48 And then I realized that what I'm really doing is we're

31:53 I've set myself the task of writing an article about a technology which is fluid,

31:57 unpredictable,

31:58 has no established business model,

32:01 and bring it to competition policy.

32:03 And that's,

32:04 if you know anything about competition policy,

32:06 there's a big mismatch here.

32:08 And why is that?

32:09 Well,

32:09 in the end,

32:10 competition policy is the belief that governments

32:13 do good

32:14 by encouraging competition.

32:17 And that competition is a way of benefiting the citizenry and the average consumer,

32:23 and that's the aim of competition policy.

32:27 Now,

32:27 the reason I say that the unpredictability of AI

32:32 poses trouble for competition policy.

32:36 Is that in the end,

32:37 the way that competition policy tends to work.

32:42 Is that it tends to be very retrospective.

32:46 Um,

32:46 if you think

32:48 about US competition policy,

32:50 uh,

32:50 often it is implemented through,

32:52 uh,

32:53 the courts,

32:54 and you are therefore always going to be looking backwards.

32:59 And again,

32:59 we've got this technology which is changing its nature every 2 years.

33:03 Uh,

33:04 the other thing I'd say about competition policy is

33:07 across the world,

33:07 there's generally a set of norms about how you conduct it.

33:11 And

33:13 how we think and analyze substitution by people,

33:16 uh,

33:17 across products and firms.

33:19 And there's also a lot of norms of which are sort of established

33:23 in the competition policy tends to be very obsessed with looking at price.

33:28 If you look at all the tools that our economists tend to bring to competition policy,

33:34 they require you to look at a price.

33:36 And now I've got to say something about,

33:39 uh,

33:40 technology where we literally don't know what the business model is.

33:43 Uh,

33:44 we have lots of tech companies spending billions and

33:47 billions of dollars on it with no return,

33:49 giving a lot away for free.

33:50 And so again,

33:51 that is going to make it difficult to predict.

33:54 Now,

33:55 when I said I was going to give this talk,

33:57 I inwardly panicked

33:59 and reached out to Daniel.

34:00 Why,

34:01 Daniel?

34:01 Well,

34:01 you'll hear in the next talk,

34:03 Daniel's a brilliant development economist.

34:05 Good news.

34:06 And he's gonna talk about AI in developing countries.

34:09 Again,

34:10 good news.

34:11 And I was like,

34:12 you know,

34:12 sort of how do I say,

34:14 you know,

34:14 how do I bridge this more to a group of development economists?

34:18 And he was like,

34:18 no,

34:18 no,

34:19 Catherine,

34:19 you're really underestimating the extent to which antitrust is important.

34:22 You know,

34:23 for example,

34:23 look at these evolutions in Africa.

34:26 You know,

34:26 I'm going to sort of give credit to that and let Daniel talk about that.

34:30 But what I would just say is that I think this

34:32 debate is so important about how we regulate competition around AI,

34:36 um,

34:37 even if at the moment it has a US focus.

34:40 And the reason is this,

34:41 is,

34:42 you know,

34:42 if we were to look backwards,

34:44 as competition economists often do.

34:47 At

34:47 what's happening

34:49 in antitrust and technology more generally.

34:53 Decisions being made about competition policy in the US are still

34:58 going to have implications for the rest of the world.

35:01 So I'll just give you an example of both Google and Meta.

35:06 Both of them,

35:07 I know we're probably moving in completely parallel worlds in DC right now,

35:12 but there've been two really large antitrust cases for both these companies

35:17 in DC in the past year.

35:20 And

35:21 I would argue that those cases are going to have implications

35:26 worldwide.

35:28 And why is that?

35:29 Well,

35:29 if you think about current tech platforms,

35:32 there is this

35:35 I think the less talked about aspect of them

35:38 is that they tend to be worldwide,

35:41 and there's an awful lot of cross-subsidization involved.

35:45 Basically,

35:46 they are built around business models

35:48 that thrive on the fact that

35:50 rich people's eyeballs

35:52 are very valuable,

35:54 and if you put ads in front of those rich people's eyeballs,

35:56 you can make a lot of money.

35:58 And

36:00 The products though,

36:02 are worldwide,

36:02 even if all the revenues are being generated

36:06 in a few rich cities.

36:07 And so therefore,

36:08 when antitrust policy or competition policy comes in

36:11 and tries to alter those business models,

36:13 you know,

36:14 there might be some more worldwide implications.

36:18 OK,

36:19 so I've got 5 minutes,

36:20 and I should say a little bit more about my views about competition policy and how it

36:24 should change in the world of AI given that's what the title of the talk was,

36:28 or the paper was.

36:30 And again,

36:31 my message,

36:32 as I said,

36:33 to summarize,

36:34 is that economics doesn't change.

36:36 We're still going to have exactly the same digital economics concerns

36:40 that we've had for the last 30 years when thinking about

36:43 antitrust and technology.

36:45 And I tend to group these into 3 separate concerns,

36:50 which we might want to think about in the advent of AI.

36:54 The first,

36:55 uh,

36:55 obsession of competition economists

36:59 is a phenomenon called network effects.

37:01 And

37:03 just to remind everyone in the room,

37:04 a network effect occurs when products become

37:07 more valuable as more people use them.

37:10 Now,

37:11 network effects are very,

37:13 very popular term in competition policy.

37:16 People just love saying they're a network effects.

37:18 I don't know why,

37:19 but it's a little bit of obsession.

37:21 Um,

37:22 and so actually,

37:23 one of the reasons I wrote this paper was completely because I got irritated

37:27 by lawyers labeling anything that moved as a network effect.

37:32 Um,

37:33 what I'd argue is if you look right now though,

37:36 it's not clear that network effects are gonna operate in the same way

37:41 as we've seen with previous technologies.

37:43 If you think again back to Alvin's talk,

37:45 do you remember he was saying,

37:47 gosh,

37:47 you know,

37:47 one of the main

37:49 Implications of AI in computer science or in computing

37:53 could be that we end up with lots more little personalized systems.

37:57 In other words,

37:58 the opposite of a network effect.

38:00 And I think that's a far better example than I was gonna use,

38:03 which was if you think about the primary,

38:05 um,

38:06 use case

38:07 of AI right now in America,

38:10 which is helping high school students cheat on English essays.

38:14 There you might sort of say,

38:16 again,

38:16 if you're,

38:16 if you're cheating on an English essay,

38:18 you really like quite a bit of divergence in output,

38:20 right?

38:21 There's the opposite

38:22 of a network effect there.

38:24 So again,

38:24 so this primary move of competition policy network effects,

38:28 uh,

38:28 doesn't seem to be clearly present now.

38:30 We might see it as we get to the final stage,

38:34 uh,

38:34 sort of a layer two being built upon,

38:37 uh,

38:38 our current LLM models,

38:39 but it's not clear how it will evolve at the moment.

38:43 Now,

38:43 the next question will be one more of switching costs.

38:46 Uh,

38:46 Most digital antitrust cases are really about switching costs.

38:50 How easy is it to switch,

38:52 uh,

38:54 between search engines,

38:55 how easy is it to switch between,

38:58 uh,

38:58 entertainment sites.

39:00 This is the real question.

39:02 Um,

39:02 and I think there,

39:03 again,

39:04 we don't really have enough evidence.

39:06 And again,

39:07 because we don't really know what the business model's gonna be,

39:09 we don't really know where the switching costs are going to come from.

39:12 You know,

39:12 I think probably the right for experiment right now is to think,

39:17 well,

39:17 in the end,

39:19 The most common application of our model right now is you take it into a company,

39:25 uh,

39:25 you do some fine tuning.

39:27 Then there's a question about how easy it is to

39:29 switch the model once you've done that fine tuning.

39:32 But again,

39:32 I suspect that may be the wrong way of thinking about switching costs.

39:36 But do always be thinking about switching costs

39:38 when you're thinking about how AI

39:41 should be regulated in terms of competition.

39:44 Uh,

39:44 the last thing I'll just say about that

39:45 is what's wonderful about being a digital economist,

39:48 is that the moment you have a switching cost is

39:51 the moment that everyone is innovating around getting around it.

39:55 Um,

39:55 I always used to talk about iTunes when I

39:58 taught and say there's a brilliant switching cost.

40:00 No one's ever going to want to,

40:02 uh,

40:02 leave their iPod when they've got all their tunes on it.

40:05 And then,

40:06 of course,

40:06 came Spotify to just make me wrong.

40:09 And so,

40:10 again,

40:10 just remember the switching costs are always going to be transient.

40:14 Now in terms of data as an essential facility,

40:16 there's often this idea there may be barriers to entry to do data.

40:19 Um,

40:20 but

40:20 when you actually look

40:22 at the training data set it's already out here,

40:24 this is a screenshot of a website named Hugging Face,

40:27 which provides millions gig terabytes of data for free.

40:31 Uh,

40:31 you have to second guess it.

40:34 All right,

40:34 so just sort of what I say,

40:36 what,

40:36 what did I end up saying in this paper?

40:39 Or what's the big conclusion?

40:41 In the end,

40:41 it's really hard.

40:44 To be too definitive about

40:47 competition policy when we don't have a clear monetization strategy.

40:51 Um,

40:52 my concern right now is,

40:53 is our eagerness to regulate antitrust.

40:56 We may end up

40:58 regulating the,

41:00 um,

41:00 the analogy of the dial-up ISPs because we don't really

41:04 understand what's going to be built upon the essential innovation.

41:08 Anyway,

41:08 what we do know though,

41:10 is that in some sense,

41:11 the way we think about competition policy will have to change as a process.

41:16 Because as we just heard from Arvind,

41:17 a lot of how we might think about law being conducted

41:20 may change in the long run.

41:22 All right,

41:22 with that,

41:23 I will say thank you very much

41:25 and give you over to a development economist.

41:39 Thanks so much for,

41:41 for having me here.

41:42 So today I wanted to talk a bit about a couple of concrete examples of

41:47 projects

41:48 um that

41:49 are in on AI in low income settings to give us

41:52 a sense of what this technology is capable of and,

41:55 and put a little bit more concreteness around some of these,

41:58 these projections going into the future.

42:00 The main project I'll I'll present today is joined with three of my students,

42:04 Juno,

42:04 Divia,

42:05 and Dominic,

42:05 all at Columbia,

42:06 um,

42:07 and then Paul Atherton and,

42:08 and Oliver Gerard are at Fab Inc.

42:10 that created the chatbot that we'll be talking about.

42:13 But before we talk about that,

42:14 I wanted to,

42:15 to zoom back and,

42:16 and think about an earlier example,

42:19 uh,

42:19 and I,

42:20 I want to make the point that

42:21 we may think of artificial intelligence as some altogether new animal,

42:25 and I think Arvin has made this point that no,

42:27 it's actually kind of an extension of a normal

42:29 of technologies that we were familiar with.

42:32 And there are cases that where machine

42:34 learning has already impacted low income countries,

42:36 and I think it's useful to start from

42:38 that premise and really understand what happened there.

42:41 So,

42:41 so one project that I've worked on is

42:44 the need for financial services.

42:46 There are about 1.77 billion people around the

42:49 world who lack access to formal finance,

42:51 which means that not only do they not have bank accounts,

42:54 they also don't have credit histories.

42:56 And so as mobile phones came along,

42:59 people began to be able to use mobile money to transfer funds and to store funds.

43:04 And then it became an issue where you,

43:06 you could potentially imagine giving out loans via this platform,

43:10 but it's very hard to know whether someone is worth the

43:13 credit risk unless you have a credit score of some sort.

43:17 So I suggested that we might be able to come up with

43:19 credit scores just based on how a person uses their mobile phone

43:23 and predict their credit worthiness

43:25 and in,

43:26 and for example,

43:27 when you use a mobile phone.

43:29 It records patterns of how you place calls,

43:32 how you manage your balance over time,

43:34 etc.

43:36 and you can use machine learning,

43:37 even though if,

43:38 if you and I as humans look through this set of indicators,

43:41 there might be 5000,

43:42 6000 indicators,

43:43 we would have no idea how to

43:46 figure out and who

43:48 is a good credit risk just based on those indicators.

43:51 Machine learning can kind of connect the dots and

43:53 find patterns that are not obvious to us.

43:55 In the study that we did in a South American country,

43:58 we had a sample where some of the people also had credit

44:02 bureau histories and and all of them had mobile phone histories.

44:06 And we find that when you rely on the credit bureau score,

44:10 you're able to predict whether someone will repay a credit,

44:13 not perfectly,

44:15 but you have some ability to do that.

44:17 But as you go to people who have less

44:19 and less information in their credit bureau file,

44:22 the ability of a credit bureau score to predict repayment goes down.

44:27 And if you go to people who have no information in their credit bureau file,

44:31 you can't predict whether they'll repeal a loan at all.

44:34 In contrast,

44:35 we found with this digital method using the behavior in just how you use your phone,

44:40 we could come up with a credit score.

44:43 It wasn't perfect,

44:45 but it was something,

44:46 and it performed about as well as the standard credit bureau scores.

44:50 But the crucial thing is that we can also create those

44:52 scores for people who are completely missing from the financial system.

44:57 And so machine learning really allows you to extend loans

45:00 to people who were omitted from the financial system.

45:04 This has become a foundation for

45:07 a new industry providing

45:08 quick loans via mobile phone called digital credit.

45:11 It's available around the world.

45:13 And so you could imagine that we might have thought that the story would end there

45:17 and that this product is out now.

45:19 Now maybe credit is solved,

45:20 and I think kind of the answer,

45:21 and this comes to some of the points that Arvind had brought up,

45:23 is that there's a lot of difficulties after that point.

45:27 And so,

45:29 uh,

45:30 our team and,

45:30 and several other teams then try to

45:33 understand,

45:33 you know,

45:34 was this actually improving people's lives or could it

45:36 be that these were getting people into debt traps.

45:39 These loans are often short,

45:41 uh,

45:41 short in duration

45:42 and have high interest rates.

45:45 We found that

45:46 the welfare impacts seemed to be small.

45:48 On that,

45:48 they seem to be a little bit in the positive direction.

45:52 But there's also a lot of evidence that

45:54 firms who are extending loans were also taking advantage of consumers,

45:58 so this new kind of industry required

46:01 also some adaptations

46:02 to our infrastructure for monitoring harms and regulating credit.

46:07 So I wanted to put this up as an example just to suggest that,

46:10 you know,

46:10 the game doesn't end once AI enters

46:14 and tries to solve a problem that it raises,

46:16 raises a whole bunch of other questions that we need to address as societies.

46:21 Now,

46:22 that is one example of what we would

46:23 call predictive AI or predictive machine learning,

46:27 where you typically make decisions from digital data.

46:31 Credit scoring is one example.

46:33 A couple other examples that have seen some promise

46:35 in low income settings are one targeting digital aid,

46:39 where you can use the same type of data,

46:41 um,

46:41 that Josh Blumeno has been doing a lot of work on,

46:44 um,

46:44 and then also,

46:45 um,

46:46 weather and flood forecasting.

46:48 Now,

46:49 And you can hear you can use satellite images.

46:52 11 particular useful use of machine learning in this case is that

46:56 often we are working in settings that have

46:58 little access to data.

47:00 But we may increasingly have these digital data sources,

47:03 and machine learning allows us to extract signal from them

47:06 to make better decisions.

47:09 But the reason we're here is not just to talk about predictive AI.

47:12 What people are excited about is this new kind of era of AI where

47:16 these systems are able to do more,

47:18 and

47:19 you've probably heard this called generative AI,

47:22 and this is a technology underlying chatbots

47:25 and that can create images and video and all of these kind of

47:28 more recent things that you've seen in the last couple of years.

47:31 So I'm going to now think about

47:33 one example of what generative AI can do in this

47:37 project that we're working on with teachers in Sierra Leone.

47:40 But I want to first think about

47:42 connectivity and information in sub-Saharan Africa.

47:46 So,

47:47 right now,

47:47 85% of people in sub-Saharan Africa actually are within coverage

47:51 of signal that they could use to access the internet.

47:55 So,

47:55 Africa is to some extent,

47:57 quite connected,

47:58 or has the capability of being quite connected.

48:01 Despite that,

48:02 only 37% of people

48:05 are using the internet.

48:07 And if you look at how people use the internet,

48:11 even among this group of users,

48:12 what you'll find is a fairly striking pattern.

48:15 People use social networking,

48:17 people use instant messaging like WhatsApp,

48:20 but people are much less likely to use what maybe you and I would think of as,

48:24 as the bulk of the internet,

48:26 which is using the web and web search.

48:29 Now we're going to be thinking about this problem

48:32 or this gap

48:33 more specifically in the population of teachers in Sierra Leone.

48:38 Teachers are knowledge workers who you might think would be using the web a lot,

48:41 but a lot,

48:42 many of the teachers in our sample live in

48:44 remote areas where internet connectivity is quite poor.

48:48 And so in our sample of teachers,

48:50 95%

48:52 of them use WhatsApp every day.

48:54 We find that only 3% use web search each day to look for classroom materials.

49:01 And so I'm going to,

49:03 our partner organization introduced a chatbot over

49:06 WhatsApp that allows teachers to access AI

49:09 and what they find is that

49:11 teachers end up using this on balance a bit more

49:14 often than they use search.

49:17 So our paper is really trying to understand

49:19 what is going on here,

49:20 what is AI doing that could be useful here.

49:24 Now,

49:25 one,

49:26 there's a couple of reasons why you might think

49:28 the internet is not doing a good job here.

49:30 One is content.

49:32 If you're in the US and you search for something,

49:36 what you find

49:37 is content from the US.

49:40 If you're anywhere else in the world,

49:43 when you search

49:44 for something on the internet,

49:45 a lot of what you find is not local,

49:47 a lot of it is foreign.

49:49 So content is lacking in most countries around the world.

49:52 And the second issue is bandwidth.

49:55 If you ask

49:56 Africans in a survey,

49:59 Are there,

49:59 are there limits to your use of the internet,

50:01 most will respond yes,

50:03 and most will report that the cost of data is the major reason

50:06 why they don't use the internet as much as they otherwise would.

50:09 11% also report that the network is a struggle.

50:13 Now we're gonna think about this in Sierra Leone,

50:15 which has a GDP per capita of $509

50:18 so a fairly low income country,

50:20 and we're gonna be working with teachers

50:23 who are working in schools that are,

50:24 are fairly overloaded,

50:26 um,

50:26 and only about 6% of uh primary schools have electricity

50:30 and 1% have the internet.

50:33 So when we're thinking about the impacts of AI here,

50:35 this isn't a setting where you're going to drop some magic tablet,

50:38 and it's going to magically

50:39 teach all of the kids that may come in coming years,

50:42 uh,

50:43 but,

50:43 but that's not immediately,

50:44 uh,

50:45 it seems,

50:45 it seems to be on the table.

50:47 So,

50:48 in this context,

50:49 the,

50:49 the partner organization created this chatbot called the Teacher AI

50:52 and it basically links WhatsApp

50:55 to

50:56 GPT

50:57 with a prompt that says,

50:58 please be,

50:59 be helpful and,

51:00 and make useful suggestions for teachers.

51:03 We find that teachers ask questions like write

51:04 a lesson plan to teach two-digit addition.

51:07 How can I support students who fall behind,

51:10 describe immunization and give examples for 1/5 grade class in Sierra Leone.

51:15 Uh,

51:15 let me just give you one example here of how the chatbot responds.

51:18 So for the query activities to teach shapes,

51:22 the,

51:22 the chatbot came back and it,

51:23 it knows the teacher is teaching grade 6,

51:26 and it gave some examples of,

51:27 of creating an art collage,

51:29 creating bingo,

51:30 just activities that engage the students,

51:32 um,

51:32 which,

51:33 which seem pretty kind of straightforward things that

51:35 you might have read in a textbook,

51:36 but it's kind of tailored to this particular query.

51:40 Now,

51:41 the first question is,

51:42 is how do teachers use this chatbot?

51:44 So we analyzed the queries they submitted.

51:47 So this is a sample of 469 teachers

51:50 who asked

51:50 about 40,000 queries over the span of a year and a half,

51:54 and we used AI itself to classify these queries into categories

51:58 to understand what is it that teachers are using this for.

52:02 The biggest category is concepts and facts,

52:05 so this is often things that you might find on Wikipedia.

52:10 Though teachers also use this system for lesson planning assessment,

52:14 by creating new,

52:15 new exams

52:16 and supporting their writing and also for,

52:18 for professional guidance.

52:21 Uh,

52:22 we also asked them,

52:23 when you use AI rather than search,

52:25 what are the reasons,

52:27 and the top reason was that they said that AI gave them a,

52:30 gave them a useful answer right away and that it was concise.

52:34 When we asked the reverse,

52:36 not as many responded,

52:38 uh,

52:38 but the modal response was that the web has unique content

52:42 that AI does not have.

52:44 Now

52:45 teachers seem to rate AI as quite trustworthy,

52:49 but we all know

52:51 that AI can make mistakes or hallucinations,

52:53 and so we're going to come back to this

52:55 later to understand why are teachers trusting this system.

52:59 And then to flag,

53:00 a few of these teachers also mentioned in the survey that they

53:03 stopped using the web once they got access to this AI tool.

53:08 So to understand why they seem to be using this tool,

53:11 we took the queries that they submitted

53:14 and we classified these into threads

53:16 and then took the top,

53:18 the first query from each thread,

53:19 which is the one that would have had the most context.

53:23 Um,

53:24 we'd know how the teacher AI would have responded,

53:27 but we want to know,

53:28 had that teacher taken that same question to,

53:31 to the local search engine,

53:33 what would they have seen?

53:34 The most common local search engine in this case is google.com.sl

53:39 and so we submit that same query to Google and scrape the top five search results.

53:45 And then we're going to compare what is the information that the teacher would

53:48 have seen had they submitted this to a search engine on the web like

53:52 or versus what they got from the AI response.

53:56 Now,

53:57 the first comparison to to think about is that we came up with a ranking

54:02 of how similar the AI response is to existing search engine content.

54:08 And we came up with a score,

54:10 which we call the contained score,

54:11 which ranges from 1,

54:13 which means that the content that the AI generated is

54:16 very new and it's different from the search responses,

54:19 or 10,

54:20 which would suggest that the content in the AI response is completely contained

54:25 in

54:26 one of the search results.

54:28 We find that the majority of the queries that teachers submit

54:31 come up with responses that overlap with existing content.

54:34 It's already available on the web,

54:36 they just use the chatbot.

54:37 There is this small tale where the teachers are using this tool to

54:41 generate new content like a custom lesson plan or a new story,

54:45 but it's a minority in this population,

54:47 so

54:48 they're using AI mostly to retrieve existing content.

54:52 The second thing is that only 2%

54:55 of the results that come back from Google are actually from Sierra Leone.

55:02 And

55:03 most of the results come from the United States

55:06 and very few come from

55:08 similar countries to Sierra Leone at all.

55:10 So much comes from the from the United Kingdom or Australia,

55:13 for example.

55:15 And this means that not only is it foreign content,

55:17 but also

55:18 it is tailored for foreign users.

55:21 And if we're,

55:22 if we're accessing the internet on our

55:24 desktops or laptops with fast internet connections,

55:27 that content is tailored to us.

55:30 And so when you look at the data required to transfer a search result,

55:34 the average search result

55:36 that a teacher would have seen in our sample is about 2.5 megabytes.

55:41 The that includes both the text,

55:43 syntax,

55:44 fonts,

55:44 data,

55:45 a whole bunch of content

55:47 that's easy for us to download.

55:49 Um,

55:50 the AI response was under 1 kilobyte.

55:53 And so we find that the AI system is over 3000 times more data efficient

56:00 than using the web.

56:02 And

56:04 while

56:04 that data is easy and cheap for us sitting in offices,

56:08 these teachers are paying per gigabyte of data,

56:11 so this entails a cost.

56:13 And so,

56:13 if you look back in time,

56:16 at the beginning,

56:17 kind of prior to this study,

56:18 if you were to have submit 1000

56:21 or download 1000 search results from this sample,

56:25 uh,

56:25 you would have paid about $2.50.

56:28 In bandwidth fees

56:30 and we've,

56:30 we know that there's a discussion that AI is kind of expensive to use.

56:34 It's true that AI requires not only the bandwidth here,

56:37 but it also requires a server to compute the response.

56:41 And so,

56:41 if you went back in time prior to the release of chat GPT,

56:45 so earlier in 2022,

56:48 um,

56:49 an AI chatbot in this setting would have cost about $30.

56:52 It would have been about 13 times more expensive for these 1000 queries.

56:58 Over time,

56:59 the compute cost for AI has declined declined.

57:02 So,

57:02 during most of the study,

57:03 they cost about the same,

57:05 but then with recent drops,

57:06 the AI chatbot has become an order of magnitude cheaper.

57:09 So,

57:10 we find that it is actually 87% cheaper

57:13 to use the AI system

57:14 in the setting to get a response

57:17 than to access a search result.

57:19 And so,

57:19 this seems to suggest that there's a lot of potential

57:22 to,

57:22 to do better by,

57:24 by

57:24 communities that have low bandwidth connections.

57:27 We also

57:29 that that would be

57:30 Fine if it were cheaper,

57:31 but we also want to make sure that it is not providing low quality information.

57:36 So we also ask teachers to rate the system.

57:38 We find that

57:39 in this,

57:40 these ratings,

57:40 teachers rate this the AI responses as more relevant and helpful.

57:45 And then the next that wasn't surprising to us,

57:48 but we were surprised that teachers also seemed

57:50 to rate the AI responses as more correct

57:53 and less likely to include inaccuracies.

57:56 Now we all know that these systems make mistakes.

57:58 In this sample that we tested,

58:00 we found hallucinations in about 3%

58:03 of the responses.

58:05 So there definitely are mistakes

58:07 in how this AI system interacts.

58:10 But it seems like the teachers are using it for fairly

58:13 basic questions for which it does a pretty good job.

58:16 And also

58:17 what illuminate this exercise illuminates is that when I sit

58:20 at my desk and I use a Google search,

58:22 I don't expect one particular search result to be true.

58:26 I expect to have to vet multiple and triangulate between them to come to truth.

58:31 And when we asked the survey respondents here to do an

58:35 exercise just looking at whether a search engine result was true,

58:38 they seemed to rate it less,

58:39 less strongly.

58:40 So

58:41 this,

58:42 this paper we really think of as showing that AI here can do something.

58:47 Somewhat simple,

58:48 it can reformat content to work better on small screens and snow collections,

58:53 and it kind of reveals that the information services that we're

58:56 providing to much of the lower income parts of the world

58:59 are not meeting their needs,

59:02 and there may be ways to design better systems.

59:05 Uh,

59:06 this is a pretty early system.

59:08 It's pretty simple,

59:09 but we think it,

59:10 it suggests that there may be a lot of different directions we could go.

59:13 A few caveats,

59:15 one is that

59:16 the less educated teachers seem to use the system less,

59:19 so we do think you need some education to be able to be productive here.

59:23 This is English speaking,

59:24 these models perform a lot better in English,

59:26 um,

59:26 and it seemed like these teachers needed some training.

59:29 I also wanted to plug that the partner has an

59:31 AI for education website that has more resources that they're doing useful things,

59:35 but

59:35 um,

59:37 Anyway,

59:37 I'm very excited to think about this question about whether AI,

59:41 what,

59:42 what opportunities there are to actually embed AI in low income settings.

59:45 I think there's a lot of great things we could do,

59:46 but looking forward to your questions.

59:54 Thank you Irvin,

59:55 Katherine,

59:55 and Dan for your excellent presentations.

59:58 Uh,

59:59 Hancheng,

59:59 maybe I could request you to

1:00:02 Kick off the discussion and maybe

1:00:04 tell us your key takeaways from what we've just heard.

1:00:07 Thank you.

1:00:07 Sure.

1:00:08 Thank you so much to the three presenters,

1:00:10 uh,

1:00:10 for,

1:00:11 for really,

1:00:12 uh,

1:00:12 such in-depth

1:00:13 exploration and in some instances pushback to a lot of

1:00:16 the narrative that we've been hearing coming out of Silicon Valley

1:00:19 that says,

1:00:19 you know,

1:00:20 this,

1:00:20 this technology is gonna

1:00:22 transform how

1:00:23 the economy and society behaves,

1:00:26 you know,

1:00:26 tonight,

1:00:27 tomorrow,

1:00:28 um,

1:00:28 so,

1:00:29 so I think.

1:00:30 Um,

1:00:31 you know,

1:00:32 firstly,

1:00:32 pushing back on this spirit of inevitability,

1:00:34 I think is,

1:00:35 is incredibly important.

1:00:36 I think it,

1:00:37 I think this,

1:00:38 this,

1:00:38 you know,

1:00:38 there's a lot of marketing hype that hides

1:00:41 kind of very sloppy thinking.

1:00:42 I think that

1:00:43 the authors today challenge us to think about what are the specific pathways,

1:00:47 uh,

1:00:47 that determine whether these grand outcomes could or could not happen.

1:00:51 Um,

1:00:52 will we see high adoption because the technology is inexpensive

1:00:56 and valuable to teachers,

1:00:57 as Dan has pointed out,

1:00:59 or will we see lower and slower adoption

1:01:01 because as Arvin has pointed out,

1:01:03 um,

1:01:03 you know,

1:01:04 these capable technologies get intermediated through

1:01:08 business logic,

1:01:09 workflows in,

1:01:10 in a firm that's trying to adopt this technology.

1:01:13 Um,

1:01:14 and so

1:01:15 it's very helpful to hear these very specific examples from both Arvin and,

1:01:18 and Daniel.

1:01:20 Um,

1:01:21 I think

1:01:22 the,

1:01:23 you know,

1:01:24 for,

1:01:24 for many economists here,

1:01:25 that the concept of pathways and mechanisms for impact is not new,

1:01:30 right?

1:01:31 For,

1:01:31 for the last 20 years,

1:01:33 many of you in this room have probably run experiments and studies to try and

1:01:36 tease out what exactly it is that drives the development outcomes we care about.

1:01:40 So

1:01:42 we've learned that,

1:01:43 um,

1:01:44 you know,

1:01:44 necessarily,

1:01:45 you know,

1:01:45 sending kids textbooks is not necessarily what

1:01:48 will drive learning outcomes,

1:01:49 but that teaching at the right level,

1:01:51 targeting instruction to a child's learning level is particularly effective.

1:01:55 I think the question for us now as,

1:01:57 as,

1:01:58 as we Think about whether we're going to hit our

1:02:00 development outcomes and whether AI can help us with that

1:02:03 is can AI be applied specifically

1:02:07 to those pathways that we already know,

1:02:09 to those mechanisms that we have

1:02:11 already demonstrated to be particularly effective

1:02:14 in low and middle income settings.

1:02:17 Um,

1:02:17 and so,

1:02:18 so,

1:02:19 you know,

1:02:19 at the end of the day,

1:02:21 If I think,

1:02:22 and,

1:02:22 and,

1:02:22 and I think I,

1:02:23 Irvin has talked about this,

1:02:24 you know,

1:02:24 I,

1:02:24 I think it's a bit of a mirage to look at

1:02:27 capabilities

1:02:29 uh to predict outcomes,

1:02:31 uh,

1:02:31 but rather we should look at specific pathways and mechanisms.

1:02:34 It doesn't matter if

1:02:36 our AI is,

1:02:38 um,

1:02:38 is outperforming,

1:02:40 uh,

1:02:40 every math benchmark out there,

1:02:42 it doesn't necessarily translate into the user becoming more numerate.

1:02:46 So,

1:02:47 so I think that that's a fantastic contribution.

1:02:49 I think,

1:02:49 I think from this group.

1:02:51 Um I do want to

1:02:53 quickly

1:02:55 point out

1:02:56 um that,

1:02:58 that,

1:02:58 um,

1:02:59 you know,

1:03:02 Dan has presented some,

1:03:03 some,

1:03:03 some empirical evidence,

1:03:06 uh,

1:03:06 but really,

1:03:07 um,

1:03:08 uh,

1:03:08 Catherine and Arvin have made very bold forward-looking predictions,

1:03:12 uh,

1:03:12 into,

1:03:13 into the future.

1:03:14 Um,

1:03:15 and,

1:03:16 and I,

1:03:17 I read all of their papers in detail.

1:03:19 And Catherine has a fantastic,

1:03:22 uh,

1:03:22 uh,

1:03:23 uh,

1:03:23 last line

1:03:25 in her,

1:03:26 in her paper,

1:03:28 where she says,

1:03:28 you know,

1:03:29 and,

1:03:29 and sorry if I'm butchering the takeaway of your paper a little bit,

1:03:32 but,

1:03:32 but you say,

1:03:32 you know,

1:03:32 I think competition policy doesn't need to change

1:03:35 that much that that currently maybe our,

1:03:37 our regulatory frameworks might already be quite suitable for the age of AI

1:03:40 and you say,

1:03:41 but if you're having a real knee jerk reaction to this prediction,

1:03:45 Uh,

1:03:45 right now,

1:03:47 um,

1:03:47 uh,

1:03:47 I challenge you to think about all the ways,

1:03:50 uh,

1:03:50 I could be wrong,

1:03:51 and,

1:03:52 and the interesting question is,

1:03:54 is not so much,

1:03:55 am I right or am I wrong,

1:03:56 but,

1:03:57 but,

1:03:57 but,

1:03:58 but

1:03:59 why am I wrong?

1:04:00 And so,

1:04:01 uh,

1:04:02 perhaps it's a,

1:04:02 it's a spicy question that I can,

1:04:04 I can tee up for,

1:04:05 for,

1:04:05 for this panel.

1:04:06 I,

1:04:06 I love,

1:04:06 you know,

1:04:06 maybe in the comments,

1:04:08 uh,

1:04:09 uh,

1:04:09 uh,

1:04:09 through the Q&A

1:04:11 to,

1:04:11 to try and play the counterargument a little bit and,

1:04:13 and come,

1:04:14 you know,

1:04:14 I,

1:04:14 I'd love to hear,

1:04:15 uh,

1:04:16 uh,

1:04:17 what are some credible

1:04:19 Uh,

1:04:19 arguments for,

1:04:20 for,

1:04:21 for,

1:04:21 for why your positions,

1:04:22 uh,

1:04:23 today could be wrong?

1:04:24 Could,

1:04:24 could superintelligence actually transform us overnight?

1:04:27 What,

1:04:28 what would a credible counterpart

1:04:30 say to that?

1:04:32 Um,

1:04:32 but,

1:04:32 but let,

1:04:33 let,

1:04:33 let me turn it over,

1:04:34 uh,

1:04:34 to Q&A.

1:04:36 Uh,

1:04:36 thanks,

1:04:37 Hansheng.

1:04:37 So maybe uh I'll add a question from my side as well,

1:04:40 and then maybe we can get some responses.

1:04:42 So,

1:04:43 I just want to pull a word out of Dan's presentation of the title leapfrogging,

1:04:48 right?

1:04:48 So,

1:04:49 I think,

1:04:50 uh,

1:04:51 we've heard,

1:04:51 I think time and again that it's difficult to leapfrog

1:04:55 general purpose technologies,

1:04:57 uh,

1:04:57 although we have seen instances of leapfrogging

1:05:00 sector-specific technologies,

1:05:02 I think the landline and mobile phones was the

1:05:04 Most commonly cited examples.

1:05:06 So,

1:05:06 I think that what you presented tells us something a little bit different in that,

1:05:10 you know,

1:05:11 people are actually not using web searches,

1:05:13 but are going straight to AI searches.

1:05:15 So that's,

1:05:16 so,

1:05:16 so that's,

1:05:16 I think an interesting

1:05:18 result that we see.

1:05:20 But I think in general,

1:05:20 just linking it to

1:05:22 all the other presentations,

1:05:24 so it's the promise of leapfrogging.

1:05:27 Or is it

1:05:29 That you can get more from spending

1:05:31 or making similar investments,

1:05:33 right?

1:05:33 So if you are making investments around

1:05:36 digital infrastructure or around smartphone access,

1:05:40 it's just you can get a lot more

1:05:42 from that than what you were getting before.

1:05:44 So,

1:05:44 is that an aspect of leapfrogging um that's important,

1:05:48 um,

1:05:49 or is the claim that you're making a little bit bolder,

1:05:51 because it sort of a little bit sits

1:05:54 I think opposite to what Irvin said,

1:05:56 like,

1:05:56 this is just a normal technology,

1:05:58 so

1:05:58 are we gonna see something that's

1:06:01 You know,

1:06:02 speeds up the diffusion,

1:06:03 even if it's a normal technology.

1:06:05 So maybe if you could just take some of

1:06:07 the questions from Han and,

1:06:08 and this one and

1:06:10 we can keep the discussion going.

1:06:13 Great.

1:06:13 Uh,

1:06:14 yeah,

1:06:14 so

1:06:16 I

1:06:17 I,

1:06:17 I'll say something

1:06:19 maybe a little bit spicy,

1:06:20 but

1:06:21 every technology seems normal in retrospect,

1:06:24 uh,

1:06:25 and I think there's been a lot of technologies that,

1:06:27 that have had major impacts that

1:06:31 were quite destabilizing at the time.

1:06:33 And so I think

1:06:35 I think

1:06:37 that will be right.

1:06:38 Uh,

1:06:39 I don't think that diminishes what it

1:06:42 What impact it could,

1:06:43 could have,

1:06:44 uh,

1:06:44 on,

1:06:45 on the question of leapfrogging,

1:06:46 I mean,

1:06:46 I think I

1:06:48 Maybe it's helpful to split this into two buckets,

1:06:50 so

1:06:52 These are

1:06:53 our technologies that are seeing a lot of investment from Silicon Valley

1:06:56 and

1:06:57 from

1:06:59 Wealthy countries

1:07:00 and

1:07:01 that will improve its usefulness for many

1:07:04 of the tasks that happen in wealthy countries

1:07:07 and many of those will spill over to the equivalent

1:07:09 tasks in low income settings and so you think about office

1:07:14 jobs and and so on,

1:07:15 knowledge work

1:07:17 is going to be kind of exposed around the world.

1:07:20 And I think

1:07:22 where a lot of my work is thinking about is are there particular wins

1:07:26 in low income settings that might otherwise be overlooked.

1:07:30 And are those going to happen automatically?

1:07:33 So that

1:07:35 like mobile phones for example are we're just

1:07:37 such a great technology and the private market

1:07:39 really

1:07:41 allowed that to spread

1:07:42 around the world and reach

1:07:44 almost everyone with signal and and communication technology

1:07:48 or is this going to be a type of technology

1:07:50 that is going to require some active policy to,

1:07:52 to really push

1:07:54 and so

1:07:54 I think

1:07:55 maybe when I focus on leapfrogging,

1:07:57 I,

1:07:57 I'm not saying that overall this is going to always cause leapfrogging,

1:08:01 but.

1:08:01 That

1:08:02 I'm kind of drawn to these places where,

1:08:05 where there's something interesting happening in low income communities and,

1:08:08 and debating about whether they need some policy support.

1:08:13 Thanks,

1:08:14 um,

1:08:14 Arvind,

1:08:15 uh.

1:08:17 I'm not sure if you had a,

1:08:19 yeah,

1:08:19 sure,

1:08:20 so this is all,

1:08:22 you know,

1:08:22 as a computer scientist,

1:08:23 so I was listening to

1:08:25 Dan's presentation and I had two

1:08:27 simultaneous reactions one admiration for the research

1:08:31 and the other is horror at what the web has become.

1:08:34 So if you had gone back 30 years and told people that

1:08:37 this is what the web's going to look like in 2025,

1:08:40 the pioneers of the web,

1:08:41 right,

1:08:42 that

1:08:42 an average query for

1:08:45 an educational query,

1:08:46 right,

1:08:46 not even entertainment or video or anything.

1:08:49 It's going to be 2 megabytes

1:08:52 they would not know how to deal with that information.

1:08:54 That was beyond the worst case scenario of what they would have considered,

1:08:57 right?

1:08:58 Like all of the advantages you were talking about with AI today,

1:09:00 those were

1:09:02 a lot of the reasons that people were excited about the web originally

1:09:05 because you can,

1:09:06 you know,

1:09:06 it's this tremendous educational tool.

1:09:08 You can compress

1:09:09 a lot of information into just a few bytes of text,

1:09:11 and that it's going to have these tremendous effects,

1:09:13 especially in a in a development context.

1:09:16 And I think the wounds are entirely self-inflicted technologically,

1:09:20 of course,

1:09:20 things have not gotten worse.

1:09:21 You can still have,

1:09:22 you know,

1:09:23 very,

1:09:23 very efficient web pages.

1:09:25 We have chosen not to because,

1:09:28 uh,

1:09:28 search engines need to monetize and the people

1:09:31 creating those web pages want to monetize,

1:09:34 which goes back to Katherine's talk,

1:09:35 which is that we're in the pre-business model stage,

1:09:38 I think,

1:09:38 of AI.

1:09:39 So I think it's worth thinking about 10 years from

1:09:41 now what are those business models going to look like.

1:09:44 And could they make

1:09:46 AI look a lot like what the web looks like today?

1:09:49 Um,

1:09:50 I don't necessarily want to,

1:09:51 you know,

1:09:52 um,

1:09:52 constantly be the pessimist,

1:09:54 but it is

1:09:55 something I think about a lot when I look at,

1:09:57 um,

1:09:58 the claims around and shitification,

1:10:00 for instance,

1:10:00 if folks have heard that term,

1:10:02 the way that,

1:10:02 uh,

1:10:03 social media platforms and other

1:10:05 two-sided marketplaces have the,

1:10:07 uh,

1:10:07 rent-seeking effects of degrading product quality in the interest

1:10:10 of making things more addictive and making more revenue.

1:10:15 Again,

1:10:15 while completely agreeing with Katherine that it's very early days,

1:10:17 I think it's worth thinking

1:10:20 ahead about what are some of those potential

1:10:22 negative effects that are coming to these new platforms

1:10:25 and what perhaps can be done from

1:10:27 a policy perspective without being too prescriptive,

1:10:29 without

1:10:30 jumping the gun on competition policy

1:10:32 to

1:10:33 try to,

1:10:34 you know,

1:10:35 decrease the probability of some of those future negative consequences.

1:10:40 All right.

1:10:42 So I,

1:10:42 I love the question which was,

1:10:44 tell us why you're wrong.

1:10:46 Uh,

1:10:46 such a wonderful question.

1:10:48 So I,

1:10:48 I've been thinking about ways I'm wrong.

1:10:51 Um,

1:10:53 The first thing I would like to highlight about why economists are often wrong.

1:10:59 Is this analogy.

1:11:01 Our problem is that often when we think about labor displacement,

1:11:06 we have in mind something analogous to thinking

1:11:11 that what

1:11:12 Uber is doing is or ride sharing is doing is replacing taxi dispatches.

1:11:21 And that in some sense is completely

1:11:25 underestimating the real change.

1:11:29 And if you think what ride-sharing has done is it's completely transformed

1:11:33 the process surrounding

1:11:36 how you get into something akin to a taxi.

1:11:39 And that's what makes us wrong and potentially

1:11:43 maybe that what could be what makes Arvind and I wrong that we just

1:11:47 don't anticipate enough how much process change there will be.

1:11:52 Um,

1:11:53 the second reason I think we could be wrong,

1:11:56 or I don't,

1:11:56 I don't know,

1:11:56 I'm meant to be only talking about myself and now I'm making everyone else wrong.

1:12:00 But

1:12:01 I think,

1:12:02 you know,

1:12:02 in a talk like this,

1:12:04 it is very easy to fall into the trap of calling

1:12:09 everything artificial intelligence.

1:12:11 Um,

1:12:11 when often what we're really talking about is something more akin to

1:12:15 machine learning,

1:12:16 predictive analytics.

1:12:18 And you know,

1:12:19 this reminds me of a,

1:12:22 and again,

1:12:22 that could lead us to

1:12:24 make mistakes.

1:12:25 I'm always reminded of one of my more famous papers in the realms of AI.

1:12:29 I was looking at how machine learning did,

1:12:32 um,

1:12:33 uh,

1:12:34 this,

1:12:34 these sort of machine learning algorithms run

1:12:36 by large credit bureaus and similar data,

1:12:38 data brokers.

1:12:40 And what I showed there was that machine learning can generally,

1:12:44 if given web search or web browsing data,

1:12:48 classify gender right about 50% of the time.

1:12:52 And if you think about it,

1:12:53 that's quite funny.

1:12:55 So given that machine learning

1:12:57 can often get things wrong,

1:13:00 predictive analytics as of now can often get things wrong.

1:13:03 We're maybe being very bold by sort of overselling it in terms of this AI

1:13:09 label,

1:13:10 which I think we will,

1:13:11 we've all been using.

1:13:12 So I think those are the ways I'm wrong,

1:13:14 right?

1:13:15 Misusing language.

1:13:17 Under predicting process change.

1:13:19 Thanks,

1:13:19 thanks,

1:13:19 Catherine.

1:13:20 Maybe I,

1:13:21 I have one

1:13:23 more question before we open up uh the,

1:13:25 the,

1:13:26 you know,

1:13:26 the floor to questions.

1:13:27 Um,

1:13:28 just,

1:13:28 I wanted to pick up one,

1:13:30 I think one of the pictures that Arvind you had early on in your presentation just

1:13:34 on on sort of invention,

1:13:36 innovation,

1:13:37 and,

1:13:37 uh,

1:13:38 you know,

1:13:38 wider adoption or diffusion.

1:13:40 So,

1:13:42 I think just because this conference is about development,

1:13:44 I just wanted to see if how we

1:13:46 can place or contextualize developing countries along this,

1:13:50 this process,

1:13:52 um,

1:13:52 and perhaps,

1:13:53 you know,

1:13:53 there is room for them to be in all parts of the process,

1:13:57 but more so,

1:13:58 um,

1:13:59 in,

1:13:59 in,

1:14:00 you know,

1:14:00 one particular part of the process.

1:14:02 And,

1:14:03 you know,

1:14:03 maybe,

1:14:04 uh Catherine,

1:14:04 like,

1:14:05 also extending sort of your

1:14:07 talk about competition and value,

1:14:09 I think the,

1:14:10 the sense that people have is that all the value is in the invention

1:14:15 stage that Irvin put up or perhaps a little bit in the innovation,

1:14:18 but not so much at,

1:14:19 at the bottom end.

1:14:20 So,

1:14:20 how should we think about that?

1:14:22 Yeah,

1:14:23 I'll maybe say a couple words and then would love to hear from,

1:14:25 uh,

1:14:26 folks who have more expertise in developmental economics.

1:14:29 I mean,

1:14:29 I'll,

1:14:30 I'll start by saying that developing countries focusing industrial policy on

1:14:34 data centers,

1:14:34 for instance,

1:14:35 seems bonkers to me.

1:14:37 Uh,

1:14:38 like I'm,

1:14:39 I'm very convinced by Jeff Ding's book Technology and the

1:14:41 Rise of Great Powers looking historically at general purpose technologies.

1:14:45 It

1:14:46 ended up not mattering that much

1:14:49 in which country the innovation happened.

1:14:51 What was much more

1:14:53 useful to explain the variance and outcomes between countries was how good

1:14:57 those countries were at diffusing those technologies

1:15:00 throughout various sectors of the economy,

1:15:01 and policy can play a big role there,

1:15:05 you know,

1:15:05 just looking at regulation as one form of policy can both inhibit

1:15:09 diffusion and spur diffusion.

1:15:11 So my favorite example of this really trivial but I think really powerful,

1:15:16 is

1:15:17 in the early days of the web e-commerce was just such a strange notion to people

1:15:22 and what actually helped that along in the US,

1:15:25 but I think you know it applies anywhere,

1:15:27 is the e-Sign Act that said that companies are forced to accept.

1:15:32 An online signature in any contract in which

1:15:35 they would have accepted a physical signature,

1:15:38 and this one thing really changed the game because it allowed people

1:15:41 to digitize their processes without worrying that

1:15:44 suddenly they're going to run into a roadblock

1:15:47 where a party they're trying to contract with

1:15:49 will not accept online ways of doing things,

1:15:52 right?

1:15:52 So this was a huge it's a simple example of how,

1:15:56 you know,

1:15:56 policy can play a big role in diffusion,

1:15:58 right?

1:15:58 And

1:15:59 And that's where I think the impacts are really going

1:16:02 to be felt in terms of where countries can,

1:16:04 you know,

1:16:05 leapfrog,

1:16:05 etc.

1:16:06 as opposed to

1:16:07 putting up a data center.

1:16:09 It's not clear what they're achieving by having the

1:16:11 model training done in their country when it's owned by

1:16:15 an American company anyway and then can be used by anyone in the world,

1:16:18 so something does not compute as far as I'm concerned.

1:16:23 Catherine,

1:16:24 Dan.

1:16:25 Oh,

1:16:25 well,

1:16:25 I'll just say,

1:16:26 you know,

1:16:26 you may,

1:16:27 again,

1:16:27 with,

1:16:28 you may be thinking,

1:16:29 so sitting here looking at me

1:16:31 going,

1:16:31 of course,

1:16:32 it's a business school professor

1:16:34 going on and on and on about monetization models,

1:16:37 so predictable,

1:16:38 completely irrelevant for my world.

1:16:40 Now,

1:16:41 I would like you to have this Ford experiment about why monetization models

1:16:46 are important.

1:16:48 And if we were to go back in time.

1:16:51 Uh,

1:16:52 to 1995,

1:16:54 and I was to tell you that monetization models would develop,

1:16:59 which meant that mapping would be free for the rest of the world.

1:17:03 You would have fought me completely insane.

1:17:06 And especially if I told you that that was going to be

1:17:09 advertising.

1:17:10 Again,

1:17:11 sounds nuts.

1:17:12 And so I would argue that in some sense,

1:17:15 where we land with monetization models is going to be important

1:17:20 really just in terms of access because

1:17:22 it's going to very much shape access internationally.

1:17:28 Yeah,

1:17:29 so I,

1:17:29 I'd agree that a lot of the work here is figuring out what these,

1:17:34 what these systems are capable of and how that integrates

1:17:38 into local economies.

1:17:39 What does that mean for business processes like your specific business process?

1:17:43 There,

1:17:44 there is a challenge here in that.

1:17:47 Some of these models will already slot in well into some tasks.

1:17:52 Some of them will currently fail

1:17:55 for reasons that are locally specific.

1:17:57 It may be bad in the local language.

1:17:59 It may not know the local conditions.

1:18:01 And so I think there's,

1:18:03 there's some

1:18:05 danger here.

1:18:06 I think we need a combination of kind of exploration by entrepreneurs and etc.

1:18:10 and really pushing it to understand.

1:18:12 How this technology can be useful in local conditions,

1:18:15 but then

1:18:15 we will at some point need more coordinated investment to make sure that if,

1:18:20 if there's latent capabilities where these models could be useful

1:18:24 for many people around the world,

1:18:26 but they would require some some public intervention,

1:18:28 how do we design systems for that and I think

1:18:31 are the are the business models going to support that

1:18:34 in wealthy countries where this will happen automatically or do we need

1:18:38 other institutions to step in is a huge question.

1:18:42 Yeah,

1:18:42 if I,

1:18:43 if I may just build on,

1:18:44 on,

1:18:44 on that,

1:18:45 and,

1:18:45 and to Arvin's question about,

1:18:46 you know,

1:18:47 why are lower income countries just,

1:18:50 you know,

1:18:50 so obsessed about building data centers and having their own,

1:18:53 their own

1:18:54 model development capabilities,

1:18:55 I think,

1:18:56 you know,

1:18:56 the,

1:18:57 the,

1:18:58 the pushback to,

1:18:58 to that,

1:18:59 to that point I've been hearing is that.

1:19:01 Uh,

1:19:02 competition among the major AI labs in high-income countries are not going to

1:19:06 deliver on the services that ultimately we need in our local context.

1:19:09 I think some of the,

1:19:10 some of,

1:19:11 some of the obvious

1:19:12 cases here would be minority language development,

1:19:15 um,

1:19:16 you know,

1:19:17 there's absolutely very,

1:19:18 you know,

1:19:19 no business incentive,

1:19:20 very difficult business models that,

1:19:22 that will incentivize,

1:19:24 uh,

1:19:24 uh,

1:19:24 uh,

1:19:25 the major tech labs to come in to do that.

1:19:27 Um,

1:19:27 competition policy,

1:19:28 you know,

1:19:29 to Catherine's point,

1:19:30 uh,

1:19:31 uh,

1:19:31 focusing on lower prices for consumers,

1:19:33 allowing switching costs.

1:19:34 Again,

1:19:34 that doesn't quite,

1:19:35 uh,

1:19:36 uh,

1:19:36 you know,

1:19:37 account for that.

1:19:38 And so,

1:19:39 so I think just,

1:19:40 just,

1:19:40 you know,

1:19:41 what I'm hearing from policymakers in developing countries is,

1:19:43 is that,

1:19:44 is

1:19:44 that,

1:19:45 that's the push for,

1:19:46 for the need for local capacity.

1:19:49 Thank you.

1:19:50 Uh,

1:19:50 the floor is open,

1:19:51 please,

1:19:51 uh,

1:19:52 come up to the mic,

1:19:53 uh,

1:19:54 short introduction and a short question would be ideal.

1:19:58 Hello,

1:19:59 I'm short.

1:20:01 Daria Taoni,

1:20:02 uh,

1:20:02 we're back,

1:20:03 um,

1:20:04 so thanks.

1:20:05 I mean,

1:20:05 I want to,

1:20:06 um,

1:20:07 I don't know,

1:20:08 uh,

1:20:08 I guess reflect on two takeaways that I took from,

1:20:11 uh,

1:20:12 this chat.

1:20:13 The one is that,

1:20:14 uh,

1:20:14 AI automates routine tasks,

1:20:16 and there is nothing new.

1:20:18 And the second one

1:20:20 is that we are in the pre-business model.

1:20:23 So it might be true that we are in the pre-business model,

1:20:27 but I think it's important to think that this pre-business model

1:20:31 is already reshaping labor and it is having systemic implications,

1:20:35 and it has to do with the fact that AI is based on the gig economy,

1:20:39 right?

1:20:40 And so the supply chain of AI is

1:20:42 structured around squeezing the maximum value from vulnerable

1:20:47 populations.

1:20:48 The annotators,

1:20:49 which are the people checking the code that are paid 90 cents.

1:20:53 Per hour

1:20:54 they are taken from countries that normally

1:20:56 are imploding Venezuela,

1:20:59 Kenya,

1:20:59 and then in turn all the countries that were uh imploding uh after the COVID

1:21:06 crisis

1:21:07 and so all these people on top there are algorithms that check peaks of productivity

1:21:13 and they take away tasks from people that are or or communities that

1:21:17 are becoming solely reliant on that gig

1:21:20 economy because everything else has imploded.

1:21:22 And so all these people are part of a growing global informal

1:21:27 and regulated workforce where there is some basic laws around labor that

1:21:33 we established some 100 years ago that are not reflected

1:21:37 in the economy because there is no stable employment,

1:21:40 no benefits,

1:21:41 no protection,

1:21:42 and not even an employer you can go to and and complain.

1:21:46 So and hence

1:21:50 my plea is and comes to some of the points that were made

1:21:54 is that we need to recognize in this pre-business model

1:21:58 and quantify and price in the human and social costs.

1:22:02 Otherwise the

1:22:04 conversation about AI will be dangerously incomplete.

1:22:08 So labor protections,

1:22:09 transparency,

1:22:10 fair compensation,

1:22:11 community control

1:22:12 is necessary

1:22:13 unless we are,

1:22:15 uh,

1:22:15 we want to replicate some colonial year extraction

1:22:19 and call it progress.

1:22:21 Thanks.

1:22:22 Thanks.

1:22:22 We'll just in the interest of time,

1:22:24 just collect all the questions and then we can have one round of replies.

1:22:27 Thank you.

1:22:27 Please,

1:22:27 please,

1:22:28 no,

1:22:28 no commentary,

1:22:29 just a short question.

1:22:30 OK,

1:22:31 so,

1:22:31 uh,

1:22:31 hi,

1:22:32 this is Elia from Syracuse University.

1:22:33 Thank you all for your,

1:22:35 uh,

1:22:35 thought-profiling,

1:22:36 uh,

1:22:36 talks.

1:22:37 I specifically appreciated Arvin's,

1:22:40 uh,

1:22:40 contextualization of AI within the,

1:22:42 uh,

1:22:43 history of technology innovations,

1:22:44 and,

1:22:45 um,

1:22:46 uh,

1:22:46 power and progress from Ajamola and Johnson received a lot of praise from,

1:22:51 uh,

1:22:51 like scholars from

1:22:52 a lot of

1:22:54 A variety of disciplines,

1:22:55 as they pointed out to the,

1:22:57 uh,

1:22:57 fact that diffusion of tech innovations is not uh like a natural evolution.

1:23:01 Rather,

1:23:03 what will be automated and how is uh like political decisions

1:23:07 and that the institutions are central to that decision making.

1:23:11 So my question is,

1:23:11 what do you think about the role of

1:23:13 development organizations in giving uh like policy direction and

1:23:17 AI policymaking?

1:23:19 Thank you.

1:23:22 Thank you very much for your articles.

1:23:25 My name is Chagoba.

1:23:25 I'm a founder of an AI startup.

1:23:28 My question for the three presenters,

1:23:30 um,

1:23:30 I,

1:23:31 um,

1:23:31 assume that the work that you have done

1:23:34 was based on the generative AI,

1:23:35 um,

1:23:36 that exists today.

1:23:37 Um,

1:23:38 there's a lot of indication that Agentic AI would be actually the

1:23:41 most important when it comes to the impact on economies and,

1:23:44 uh.

1:23:44 Society,

1:23:45 so do you think that

1:23:46 if you look at your work again

1:23:49 with the prospective agent AI,

1:23:51 do you predict the same results or not?

1:23:54 Thanks.

1:23:56 Thank you.

1:23:57 Um,

1:23:58 this is not really a fair question,

1:24:00 but I still want to hear your insights.

1:24:03 Uh,

1:24:04 Daniel,

1:24:05 uh,

1:24:05 Mexico has a huge education system crisis right now.

1:24:09 How do you see the use of AI

1:24:12 for education development in under the serving areas of the developing world,

1:24:17 especially when infrastructure challenges are acute.

1:24:21 And government has stepped back from education as a policy priority.

1:24:26 Thank you.

1:24:28 Hello,

1:24:29 I'm Abdullah.

1:24:30 Um,

1:24:30 my question is kind of broad,

1:24:32 but also specifically for Catherine as well.

1:24:34 So our role as economists is kind of to

1:24:37 learn from the mistakes of the past that we've made

1:24:39 in terms of global economy and like not make them in the future.

1:24:42 Um,

1:24:43 and Catherine mentioned that economics doesn't change,

1:24:45 but

1:24:46 If all of this predictive inference is wrong,

1:24:48 and we've seen that they've been proven wrong,

1:24:50 but radiology and all of those examples,

1:24:52 perhaps then economic economics needs to change in

1:24:55 order for our predictions to be right,

1:24:56 because the consequences

1:24:58 of being wrong are

1:25:00 that we might just end up in a bubble,

1:25:01 like the dot com bubble.

1:25:03 And

1:25:03 the consequences are multi-tiered in that case.

1:25:05 So how do you guys think

1:25:07 in your knowledgeable opinions that we need to

1:25:10 change the respective inference to be more right,

1:25:12 and make sure that we don't end up in another

1:25:14 global crisis where people are impacted,

1:25:16 technology is impacted,

1:25:18 and this just ends up being a repetition of the same bubble again.

1:25:21 Thank you.

1:25:21 Thank you.

1:25:22 Last question,

1:25:22 and then we'll get responses.

1:25:24 Um,

1:25:25 first of all,

1:25:25 thank you very much for the insightful discussion and the presentation.

1:25:28 I really appreciated it.

1:25:29 Um,

1:25:30 going right to the question.

1:25:31 Um,

1:25:32 so it's a question regarding the use of AI in the development field as one of,

1:25:35 if not the most versatile and volatile element of the digital public goods.

1:25:40 So for digital ODA,

1:25:42 um,

1:25:42 in the terms of the soft infrastructure,

1:25:44 what will be the main incentives for donor

1:25:46 countries to actually provide aid to the recipients?

1:25:49 And on that note,

1:25:50 what kind of the policy implications can we infer from that?

1:25:53 Thank you.

1:25:55 OK,

1:25:55 there's one more,

1:25:56 please go ahead,

1:25:56 but we'll have to cut it there because

1:25:59 Thank you so much.

1:26:00 My name is Maya.

1:26:01 Um,

1:26:01 I really appreciated the fact that you were challenging this view

1:26:04 that AI will replace jobs and instead will change them.

1:26:08 So my question is,

1:26:09 if you envision this idea that maybe AI will create

1:26:13 new industries on jobs that will support um developing countries,

1:26:17 and if so,

1:26:18 what would you picture that those new jobs or industries to be like?

1:26:23 So maybe you could take a minute each to

1:26:26 pick and choose whichever question you want to respond to.

1:26:28 Thank you.

1:26:32 Uh,

1:26:33 great,

1:26:33 yeah,

1:26:33 lots of great questions.

1:26:34 So,

1:26:35 um,

1:26:35 I'd,

1:26:36 I'd say in terms of there are a few questions that we're thinking about

1:26:39 the future,

1:26:39 new jobs,

1:26:40 etc.

1:26:41 um.

1:26:42 I think

1:26:43 in in the near term there's

1:26:45 there's some

1:26:47 wins

1:26:47 where AI seems quite amenable to improving education

1:26:51 and health service delivery in in many countries

1:26:54 that can't afford

1:26:55 great human providers for all all people

1:26:58 um and so

1:26:59 I think there is,

1:27:00 there is a lot of opportunity it's,

1:27:02 it's difficult to to know exactly how to integrate

1:27:06 uh AI assistance into classrooms and I think that's a challenging problem.

1:27:10 I don't think there's any.

1:27:11 Um,

1:27:12 we don't quite know what the optimal structure

1:27:14 of teaching is that integrate this,

1:27:16 um,

1:27:17 so there's a lot of questions there.

1:27:19 And then

1:27:20 there there also is a lot of uncertainty about the long run trajectory about

1:27:24 what capabilities future AI will have and

1:27:26 also as it's increasingly integrated in the economy

1:27:30 if these kind of

1:27:31 bold predictions about

1:27:33 economic effects will will pan out and I think

1:27:35 there's some chance that it that it will.

1:27:37 I think

1:27:38 the job implications for low income countries,

1:27:40 I just have a lot of uncertainty about what that could look like.

1:27:43 I,

1:27:43 I do think we will be surprised by by the new jobs that emerge though.

1:27:48 Catherine.

1:27:49 Um,

1:27:51 I just wanted to highlight two things I

1:27:53 took from the questions about what we're probably

1:27:55 getting wrong right now in the economics of

1:27:57 AI with our focus on high-income countries.

1:28:02 I think the first thing is

1:28:04 that as you can hear,

1:28:06 we basically

1:28:07 hate that,

1:28:07 you know,

1:28:08 sort of going off the task-based model saying

1:28:10 thinking about AI as task replacement is,

1:28:13 you know,

1:28:13 not helpful.

1:28:14 But I thought what was useful is just a reminder

1:28:17 that the West or developing country or,

1:28:19 or high income countries have outsourced

1:28:21 and a lot of tasks

1:28:24 to low-income countries.

1:28:26 And therefore,

1:28:26 we should think a little bit about that before we just say,

1:28:29 you know,

1:28:29 tasks will change and shift and so on.

1:28:32 Um,

1:28:32 the other thing I want to say is,

1:28:33 you know,

1:28:34 again,

1:28:34 the economics of technology tends to draw a lot of reassurance from the fact that,

1:28:39 you know,

1:28:39 when we study what happened to telephone operators with automatic switchboards,

1:28:43 when we look at what happened to accountants,

1:28:45 when the calculator was invented,

1:28:47 it looks really good,

1:28:49 uh,

1:28:49 in 10 years.

1:28:51 But we tend to forget about the pain,

1:28:53 the upheaval,

1:28:54 the horribleness of the 10 years in the intervening period,

1:28:58 and I think that's again something that we don't do enough of.

1:29:03 Thank you.

1:29:04 Um,

1:29:04 I'm gonna address briefly two of the questions.

1:29:06 One was about generative versus agentic AI,

1:29:09 and,

1:29:09 uh,

1:29:09 our framework is not specific to generative AI.

1:29:12 In fact,

1:29:12 I lead a team of technical researchers.

1:29:14 The main area we've been working on over the last couple of years is agentic AI.

1:29:18 So that's been deeply on our mind when we wrote.

1:29:20 AI as normal technology

1:29:21 and it is agnostic to what form of AI will be at the frontier in 10 years,

1:29:25 20 years,

1:29:27 and I want to give one note of caution around the hype around generative

1:29:30 AI and I say this as someone you know who finds it very useful.

1:29:33 I spend several hours a day using coding agents and they're fantastic.

1:29:37 But when you look at

1:29:39 the kind of agentic AI that you would need to have transformative rapid

1:29:43 transformation of the economy,

1:29:44 I think you need three things.

1:29:45 One,

1:29:46 you need them to operate with little human intervention relatively autonomously.

1:29:50 If you're,

1:29:51 if you have a human in the loop,

1:29:52 you're not really achieving that much in terms of productivity gain.

1:29:55 You need them to operate

1:29:58 in tasks which have high costs of errors.

1:30:02 So

1:30:03 if you,

1:30:04 you know,

1:30:04 if you're just getting responses from a chatbot,

1:30:06 that's very different from doing medical diagnoses or something like that.

1:30:11 So we identified these

1:30:13 three aspects of autonomy and agency and generality.

1:30:17 It has to be one general purpose system as opposed to something that

1:30:20 you had to spend 10 years developing for a particular kind of worker.

1:30:23 When you look at these three factors,

1:30:25 there are 0 deployed systems right now

1:30:28 as far as I could tell,

1:30:29 and we predict that it's going to be 0 for a few years to come.

1:30:33 So unless that changes,

1:30:34 while agentic AI is very exciting from a technological perspective,

1:30:37 I would not count on it being a counterexample of the kinds of things I talked about.

1:30:42 OK,

1:30:42 so very quickly on new jobs,

1:30:44 um,

1:30:45 we're big on the potential for AI to create lots of new jobs.

1:30:49 Obviously can't predict with any certainty,

1:30:51 but I think.

1:30:51 The needs to be very attuned to this possibility.

1:30:55 I really like David Autor's paper called Rebuilding

1:30:58 Middle Class Jobs Using AI.

1:31:00 So he talks about historical transformations that went from

1:31:03 the artisanal expertise of,

1:31:04 so let's say,

1:31:05 potters to the mass expertise of people who could use machines

1:31:09 to perform those in a much more efficient manner.

1:31:11 That was a lot more people

1:31:13 and depending on demand effects,

1:31:14 you might actually have an increase in labor if the demand for,

1:31:17 you know,

1:31:17 pottery goes way up because it's cheaper,

1:31:19 right?

1:31:20 So a similar thing might happen with AI.

1:31:22 You might have a result of pervasive cognitive automation.

1:31:26 Could be that you have mass expertise of things that

1:31:29 today require 10 years of training like law and medicine.

1:31:32 A lot of the aspects of those professions could be performed

1:31:36 by people.

1:31:36 With let's say 6 months to a year of training

1:31:39 who are using it in a way it's it's a human AI team

1:31:43 and to take advantage of that,

1:31:45 what we will need

1:31:46 is new rapid credentialing so that you can have some licensing of these people,

1:31:49 but it doesn't involve the same 10 year pipelines that we have today.

1:31:53 Thanks.

1:31:53 So we're passed our time.

1:31:54 I will not try to summarize this session,

1:31:56 but the three big takeaways for me were one,

1:31:59 and I made a note of these

1:32:01 one,

1:32:01 be humble and acknowledge the uncertainty.

1:32:04 2,

1:32:05 the more things change,

1:32:06 the more they stay the same.

1:32:07 And 3,

1:32:08 be serious about your research,

1:32:10 collect the evidence to help guide the decision-making,

1:32:13 which,

1:32:13 as it turns out,

1:32:14 I guess are just life lessons.

1:32:15 So,

1:32:16 uh,

1:32:16 so,

1:32:17 I would like to thank the panelists uh for their wisdom,

1:32:19 and I thank you all for joining.

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transcript
Welcome, welcome back everyone. Please take your seats and uh we're about to start the session, the 2nd session today, which is all about the future, specifically how artificial intelligence is revolutionizing technology, reshaping competition policy, and redefining education. We'll hear from experts about the opportunities and risks of AI for developing countries and how policymakers can use this technology for inclusive growth. Moderating the session is Mr. Gurav Nayar, director of the World Development Report 2026, and he'll introduce our three panelists and one discussion. So over to you, please. Hi, good afternoon, everyone, to the post-lunch siesta session. Uh, but I, I'm hoping that just the mention of the word artificial intelligence will wake everyone up. So, thank you for being here. Uh, the esteemed guest panelists had a preference to not be introduced as rock stars and entered the stage one by one with the spotlight on them. So, they've all taken their seats. Um, I just want to quickly give a very, very quick introduction to the session. In the morning we heard about populism and populism is a reaction to distributional concerns both between countries and within countries, and I think the discussion around AI dovetails almost perfectly into this discussion on how Uh, the diffusion of the technology might affect the distribution of incomes both between and within countries. Um, here at the bank, I think there's a lot of optimism around the development potential of AI. Uh, just in the sense of being the technology being able to solve market failures and addressing long-standing development challenges. Think about access to credit markets where AI can devise new ways of assessing credit histories. Think about filling in skill gaps, say, in education and health services where quality teachers and health service providers are often lacking, or just making the large numbers of small businesses more profitable through AI advisory services. However, such optimism is not unbridled. Uh, I think everyone recognizes and is aware of the risks that come through growing digital divides, uh, competition concerns, and also risks of automations and, and worker displacement. Uh, so the aim of today's session is really to cut through some of the hype around AI. Provide some conceptual clarities around specific sets of issues and then also present some new evidence, uh, which will hopefully give us a better sense of the potential uh development impacts of AI, uh, going forward. To do that, we have a stellar, um, set of panelists, um, to begin with, we will have Arvind Narayinan, who is professor of computer science at Princeton University, talk about AI as a normal technology. Uh, after that, we will have Katherine Tucker, the Sloan Distinguished Professor of Management at MIT, talk about how does competition policy need to change in a world of artificial intelligence. Last but not least, we would have Dan Bjorkeren from Columbia University. Who will talk about could AI leapfrog the web and provide evidence from teachers in Sierra Leone. And also immediately after the presentation of the three papers, we will move into a panel discussion where we will also be joined by Han Cheng Xia, who's a policy fellow at the Center for Global Development. So with that, I'd like to invite Arvind to give us the first presentation. Thank you. Thank you Gurav and hello everybody. Good afternoon. My goal for the next 20 minutes is to say things that will sound obvious to you hopefully. Uh, that's an unusual goal for a talk, so let me explain why that's my goal. Perhaps if we could, uh, have the slides up in the meantime. Now there are many technologists, AI researchers, developers, and industry CEOs who have predicted imminent and rapid transformation because of AI, that we will have super intelligence in the next couple of years, before the end of the decade, certainly, and that this might obviate the need for human labor and perhaps even the concept of money, and that we should be worried about AI taking over the world. The more modest of these predictions are talking about 10% growth annually. But as economists, a lot of this might seem strange. It seems to be from the realm of sci-fi, so it might be natural to wonder, do these folks know something that we don't know. And I'm here as a computer scientist to say I think the answer is no. I have, I have looked at these predictions and the research behind them, and my view is that together with my co-author Sayash Kapoor, that AI is not going to be that different from many past waves of technological disruption that we've seen. Of course, no two technologies are exactly like each other, but there is a lot that we can learn from history. And so that's what our Paper AI as normal technology is all about, we're expanding it now into a book. So the paper has 4 parts. The first part is about timeline on what time scale will AI's transformative effects unfold, and the second part is about, OK, whatever time scale that is, what will that world look like? Now we accept the possibility of cognitive automation that most of the cognitive tasks that we do today might one day be automatable, and yet we do not envision something radical such as human labor being superfluous. So why is that? What is the resolution to that seeming contradiction? The third part I'm going to mostly skip for today what do we do about potential superintelligence, etc. and then I'll briefly spend a couple of minutes on policy implications, and I look forward to the discussion. OK, so our starting point is well established patterns of the diffusion of general purpose technologies that we've seen over and over. The first stage is invention. So if we think about electricity, for instance, the invention of electromagnetic principles, AC and DC, those are all part of invention. But people don't directly use electricity. We use electrical appliances, so that requires innovation. It requires the grid. It requires a whole lot of other complementary things. And then finally that technology gradually diffuses throughout society and throughout the economy. So we took this and we expanded it and adapted it for AI. So we introduced one extra stage and we talked about what each These stages look like in the context of AI. So the first invention stage is about the increasing capabilities of models. So today, the models, the kind of model that's at the frontier, are large language models. It wasn't always the case. It might not necessarily always be the case, but for now you can think of the invention stage as improvements in LLM capabilities. We don't necessarily directly use LLMs for most tasks. We use it through the integration of those LLMs into various applications. So throughout this slide, I'm using software engineering itself as an example, because it is one occupation that's really at the forefront of integration of AI into uh into workflows. So, Even even though software engineering is pretty advanced along this causal chain, if you will, we're still pretty early in figuring out how to architect AI code editors. We're having really fundamental debates in the computer science community about whether command line interfaces are better or graphical interfaces are better when it comes to software engineering using large. Language models, right? So it seems like very early days. And then you have the early adoption phase where people are learning how to use these tools. That phase is very much underway. You have things like vibe coding where people are able to create small apps using AI, but when they start to edit, you know, billion line enterprise code bases using AI, it's not going well so far. We're not yet in the adaptation phase. We're not yet in the phase where people are. Figuring out how to rearchitect software both technically as well as software companies to best take advantage of the capabilities of AI tools. So there was a study that showed that right now most software engineers are not yet achieving productivity benefits even though they think they are. Their self-reported time savings are actually very positive, but actual reported time savings are negative. So. Our view here is that adaptation is going to require a lot of changes. One example is what I'm calling extreme personalization. This is all well into the future, so it's necessarily speculative, but let me explain what I mean. So if it's going to be the case that AI's ability to write code will dramatically decrease the cost of producing software, then the manner in which we're going to use software is going to change dramatically. It will no longer make sense for one software company to produce one piece of software and then millions of other individuals and other companies to all be shoehorned into that same workflow, the same set of abstractions that's defined into that software. The way we produce software might be in a very in-house way. Each company is producing its own software for its own teams and for its own users. So in other words, if the cost of software drops, the elasticity of demand for software might be very high. We might see extremely personalized software where everybody is using software tailored to themselves. So if you think about that magnitude of transformation. Hopefully it's intuitively clear why that feels like a few decades away as opposed to something that's going to happen next year because of increasing AI capabilities. So that's really the central idea of the paper, why we think these timelines are going to be pretty slow. OK, so let me focus though on the first era, the gap between the model capabilities and the products. Now in the first year after Chat GPT was released, many companies tried to create these simple wrappers around these large language models and build these personal agents, but they failed terribly in the market. There's a whole graveyard of products like this. So here's one where this product, you know, does a pretty good job of automatically ordering food, so it's an impressive capability, but it ordered it to the wrong address. Right, so we've had unreliable AI like this before. If traditional Siri or Alexa played the wrong song 10% of the time, that's just annoying. But if a product orders something, you know, where you spent money to the wrong address 10% of the time, that's dead on arrival, right? So this is something we call the capability reliability gap, and we think there's years of research to go before we smooth out these kinks and build reliable products using large language models. OK, so the capability reliability gap is one reason why the way we're evaluating AI today doesn't make sense. We're evaluating models and assuming that that means useful products, but that's not the case. Another reason is construct validity. So for instance, there are studies that AI can pass the bar exam, but it's not as if lawyers' job is to answer bar exam questions all day, right? So The evaluations are looking at the wrong construct, so we don't have a lot of information about how useful these are to actual workers unless you do RCTs of those workers using those tools, and we have lots of anecdotal evidence now that the hype doesn't match the reality. The RCTs in many domains are still just getting started, so this is a company DoNotPay that got a lot of attention by saying they'd built a robot lawyer, and any attorney who used it to argue in front of the Supreme Court would get $1 million. First of all, this was just a publicity stunt. Electronic devices are not even allowed in the Supreme Court, and of course this company knew this, but the reason so many people believed this was even possible was because they had believed the headlines and they thought that a robot lawyer was imminent. But when you look at lawyers actually using AI to do the hard parts of being a lawyer, we're, you know, it's still very, very far to go, and we teamed up with our colleague Peter Henderson, who's a JD PhD, and we wrote a paper breaking down the different types of tasks that are involved in being a lawyer. And it turns out, and this is the central reason why so many technologists are overconfident, the tasks that are easier to measure, which is the top bucket, are also the ones that are much easier for AI. So we just measure the things that are easy to measure and conclude that AI is doing really well at it. OK, so, so far I've talked about the first error, but the much harder thing is diffusion, the second error. So let me talk about that a little bit. So one important point I want to emphasize is that it doesn't matter how fast capabilities are increasing. Adoption of these technologies requires behavioral changes, and behavioral changes are going to happen at a certain time scale based on how fast humans can adapt, and that's not really changing very much. There was this paper that made the headlines. It's a good paper. I have no concerns about the paper, but the thing that the media Picked up is that 40% of US adults are using generative AI as of, you know, about a year ago, so two years after chat GPT. That seemed very striking and it's framed as rapid adoption of generative AI. I don't think this tells the whole story because what the paper also measured. Excuse me, is the intensity of adoption and productivity effects, and those are still very low. So there is still a very long way to go because that 40% number includes even someone who used chat GPT once a week to write a limerick or something. It's not necessarily looking at how much productivity improvements people are getting in the workplace. OK, and think about this. I mean, so often, and I'm part of this, I often forget that Google Search exists and things that, you know, I'm debating with other people can be quickly resolved through a Google search, and this person is telling a story of how much of a competitive edge you get just from remembering to Google the things that can be Googled, and that's a quarter century after Google Search was released, right? So that's kind of the timescale on which these behavioral adaptations happen. OK, so that's on the speed of diffusion. However, one of the things we point out in the paper is that in the last few years, we've been in an unusual period of AI innovation, and that has already ended. And what I mean is this, the reason why we had such rapid AI capability advances. Was building bigger and bigger models using bigger and bigger slices of the internet that has mostly ended, you know, not completely, but for the most part, and what it means going forward is that these models will have to be improved using experiential data from their use in the field by actual workers, and that's going to be a feedback loop that's going to happen much slower and we're already seeing those much slower cycles of progress kick in. And we can reasonably predict what that will look like by looking at sectors in which those cycles of feedback loops have already happened, notably self-driving cars. So what happened in self-driving cars is that 2-3 decades ago we had convincing prototype demonstrations of self-driving cars. However, they weren't yet reliable enough to autonomously put on the roads. So what car companies had to do. Or you know AI companies had to do was to get it reliable enough to drive 100 miles, drive it 100 miles, get enough data, improve their reliability so that you're comfortable driving at 1000 miles, and so on and so on. So each order of magnitude of scaling takes a couple of years. So we've seen those slow feedback loops, feedback loops play out, and we predict that the same thing is going to happen in AI for law, AI for medicine, and every other sector. And finally, what we say about the speed of change is that a lot of this might require changes to organizations, structural transformations, changes to even laws and norms, and so forth. We use the analogy of how slow the electrification of factories was because they had to figure out how to reorient the whole assembly line and so on. And you know, looking at that example of software again, so if it's going to be the case that it makes no sense to have these large software companies and every individual company is going to have its own software engineers, that is a kind of slow transformation of the whole sector that is again going to play out on a time scale of decades. OK, so there's lots of other examples of this, but really the The summary of the first part is that we identify speed limits in every stage of this invention to innovation to early adoption to diffusion pipeline. I haven't gotten into the details of most of the speed limits, but they're in the paper, and that is what leads us to conclude that we're not going to see some kind of sci-fi transformation in 2027, but rather we're going to see gradual diffusion throughout the next few decades. So let me spend 5 minutes on part 2 and then maybe 2 minutes on part 4 because I know I'm running out of time. So again, like I said earlier, so we accept the possibility that it might be the case that one day most cognitive tasks that we do, most things we do sitting in front of the computer are going to be automatable. But let's think about what that will mean. So there have been concerns about mass job displacement because of automation for many years. This was a headline from 15 years ago. However, from what I understand of the literature and economics, those are naive ways of thinking about things. There is the task model that goes back to Ator, Levy, and Murnane more than two decades ago and has been. Refined over the decades we can kind of see jobs as bundles of tasks, and each job might have, you know, several dozen tasks as part of the bundle. Not every task gets automated at the same moment in time, and as one task gets automated, new tasks get created. The job composition changes. Automation is counterbalanced by a reinstatement effect. And it could even be the case that if it becomes cheaper for lawyers to provide their services because of automation, there's more demand for legal work and therefore the total employment of lawyers actually increases. OK, so that much hopefully is straightforward, but now I want to make a couple of points that are even more skeptical of mass automation compared to what you might take away from the literature. in labor economics and for that I want to give you an example. So radiology was famously predicted by computer science pioneer Geoff Hinton and Nobel Prize winner to be going obsolete because AI can automate the reading of scans, and he said almost a decade ago that if you work as a radiologist, you're like the coyote that's already over the edge of the cliff but hasn't yet looked down. So in my world, this is a famous prediction because of how wrong it was. The demand for radiologists has only gone up even though radiologists are not shy of the tech. They have enthusiastically adopted it, and it has had an effective augmentation rather than automation. And interestingly, this does not appear to be because there is some particular task that we can identify at which human radiologists still outperform AI. And this is the central claim that I want to make. I think the task model of jobs is incomplete. Yes, to a first approximation, you can break down jobs into tasks, but think about your own job. Can you identify a series of tasks such that if each of those tasks was automated, then your job as a whole would be automated? I would, I would say no, and I would imagine that most of you would say no, and you might even find the question to be a little bit silly, and yet that's exactly how I think a lot of this literature approaches the question of AI and job displacement. So in my understanding of radiology and many other professions, a lot of the hardest to automate things are at the boundaries between tasks. So by the time you've broken down jobs into a set of tasks that you can put into the OED database that everybody seems to use, you've already lost the most nuanced and interesting aspects of jobs that are going to be hardest to automate. And then you have to consider human preferences for dealing with other humans instead of AI and various other things. So considering all this, we're very, very skeptical about some of these claims of, you know, broad-based labor displacement due to AI. So and that leads to the point, I think there are a lot of these predictions made by, you know, computer scientists like us, made by economists who are not necessarily experts in the specific domains that they're making predictions about. I think there is some value in those. I mean, it is a lot of what I do and I'm very much turning this criticism back onto myself as well. But I think it would be much more useful if we teamed up with experts in different domains who have a much more nuanced understanding of what tasks entail, what are the boundaries between tasks, and so forth to make predictions and recommendations about those specific occupations and sectors as opposed to these overarching, sweeping pronouncements. OK, so having said that, I'm going to return to the mode of making sweeping pronouncements. Um, so one thing I want to point out is that there is actually a way to reconcile some of the radical optimists and the radical skeptics, skeptics, and we can do that by looking back at the effect that the internet has had. Now. Let's accept for a second that generative AI will not necessarily automate but at least mediate most knowledge work just like the internet did. If you went back in time 30 years and told people that most of the cognitive work that they do will one day be mediated by this new communication technology, they would have said that's ridiculous. A lot of people did say that's ridiculous, and yet that happened even though it sounded crazy at the beginning. What were its effects? The effects on productivity, I would say, have been relatively small and only while it's true that some professions have been decimated, for the most part we see an augmentation effect, and this all unfolded gradually over a period of a few decades. And therefore our thesis is that you can have workplaces that look in some ways radically different and yet without necessarily having, you know, transformative effects on total factor productivity growth or something like that. So I'll skip this slide to be a little bit flippant about it, our view on the role of labor in a world with advanced AI is that even though everything might change in a qualitative sense in terms of our experience of what work looks like in an economic sense, things might mostly stay the same. So one thing I want to add to this is whether superintelligence will change the equation. A lot of people who have very different predictions from us will say, no, no, this is what past technologies have done, and so far AI is on the same path, but something is going to change in a couple of years where recursive self-improvement of AI becomes possible, and then it will be an exception to all of these well established patterns. We have a whole section in the paper on this, but I'll just spend one minute on it. We say no. And the reason we say no is that we have a very different view of what human intelligence entails and to what extent AI will be able to exceed human intelligence. You can identify three types of limits to our capabilities. We kind of suck at chess, and AI is much better than even the human world champion because of our computational limits. But for most tasks, the limits are not computational. There are things like writing where there are intrinsic limits to how persuasive, let's say, a piece of writing can get, or there are knowledge limits. Some people say AI is going to be a superhuman medical researcher, and we're like, what? Let's take a second to imagine what that means for AI to be a superhuman medical researcher. It can only happen if we allow AI to perform autonomous experiments on thousands of people without any supervision. Right, we will never allow it to do that. So there are intrinsic knowledge limits to how good AI can get. So we reject this notion that superintelligence is going to introduce a new causal pathway that's gonna blow past all of these limits that are identified from, uh, from previous research. Uh, OK, so I will stop here in the interest of time. We have lots of thoughts on what policymakers should do, but maybe we can get into that during the discussion period. Thank you so much. Can I just say how brilliant that was? And we've got a computer scientist summarizing all labor economics and AI for the last 10 years. It was really well done. Um, is there a chance of my slides? Brilliant. OK. So, um, now for something completely different because I'm an IO economist, which means I've been tasked not to talk so much about labor, but to talk a little bit more about how, AI will change how firms relate to consumers and how that will change in the world of AI. Now, um, I have, was asked to talk about a paper I wrote on this topic, um, for this panel. And I must admit, when I was asked this, I was like, oh, that's my paper which has got least to do with any low-income countries. It's completely obsessed with America, completely inappropriate for this audience. So, What am I going to do with the fact that this paper, um, is, you know, very US obsessed? What I'm gonna do is I'm going to set out the sort of broader lessons, because in some ways, the reason I wrote this paper was because much like Arvind, I often sit on panels with lots of Policy people who have very dramatic perspectives about AI. And you sit there, and the general view about competition policy and how firms relate to consumers and how everything's going to change is that everything is going to change very, very swiftly. And then there's always one person a little bit more like Arvin, who says, No, no, I'm going to be different. Um, and then I'm gonna be more economists and be slightly in the middle and say, look, in the end, uh, economics doesn't change. That's the good news if you're an econo economist. Um, on the other hand, process change is gonna be important. Now, the great thing about writing this paper for me was that I wrote it in response to being on a lot of policy panels and really taking it as a chance to try and educate lawyers largely about how economists think about artificial intelligence. And I have run the, um, NBR meetings on digital economics and AI for nearly a decade now. And so I want to just take this opportunity, not just, uh, given the article, to just tell this group a little bit about the history of the economics of AI. So I think it's fair to say we started off back in 2018 with our first sort of NBR official meeting about the economics of AI. And what was the revelation back in 2018? I think the revelation for economists back in 2018 is that AI was not about robots. I think we never really written many papers about it because we thought it was about robots, and therefore about Terminator and Judgment Day. And instead, what we worked out was instead that really if you think about AI, um, it is a cost saving technology. And the moment you start to describe AI as a cost-saving technology, it is something which economists start to think, uh, they can analyze, unlike Terminator. So, um, The sort of forward to back in 2018 is the way to think about it is that AI lowers the cost of prediction. And as you may have guessed from Arvin's, uh, talk, who, who, um, he talked about Hinton, what he said about radiologists back in 2016, we were obsessed about radiologists. And what, where we came into the radiologist debate is we said, and we thought we're being very smart, is that, look, uh, you know, the prediction is that radiology is going away. But in the end, as economists we believe in complementarity and the complementarity of tasks. And therefore really what's going to happen is when you reduce the costs of doing certain types of tasks such as prediction. Other forms of humanity are going to be more important than the one we emphasized there was judgment, or the idea that there's going to be large returns to judgment in our AI, uh, economy. Now, you know, at the time, we were all joking around. I remember quite a few laughs were had at our 2018 conference by someone suggesting that, you know, what we should all be doing is encouraging our children to become journalists and poets because those occupations were not going to be disrupted. What I learned from that is that economists who study AI are usually wrong. Because, you know, back in now in 2025, that sort of viewpoint, that AI is not coming for creativity seems completely wrong, uh, especially if you're a poet. So, um, what I've learned to sort of, when I talk about the economics of AI more broadly, especially to PhD students, what I've always tried to do now is to encourage them to be a little bit more humbled, express humility, don't have our hubris that we had back in 2018. And I was returned to this Oxford English dictionary definition. Which is that in the idea, in the end, what is AI? It's The set of systems and technologies which is capable of performing tasks which require human intelligence. And what I want you to notice is that is a moving target. That definition can never be true or stable in the long run. Because the nature of AI is such that, of course, we're always going to be finding new ways of replacing human intelligence. So, I've learned to be sort of very humble about how I talk about AI. And that was one of the things I was trying to get across in, uh, in my article, which was really a debate, as I say, with antitrust lawyers. Now, the one thing that, uh, all AI economists do agree about is very much, and this is so similar, and that's why I was congratulating Arvind on, on his talk, in that it was a, uh, the one thing we all agree about is that AI is probably a general-purpose technology. And that makes technology economists happy. Why? Because we sort of have so many examples littered around. And now as you'll have gathered, you know, one of our favorite examples is electrification and making that analogy. And all I want to really add to the sort of very good evidence that we just heard in the previous talk is to remind everyone in the room that when electricity was first introduced, Everyone thought it was going to be about illumination. We all thought that the jobs that were going to be gone are the people who go around the streets lighting gas, gas lamps. We had no idea of where the real impacts would come from, which was the electrification of factories. And again, in 2025, I think we're probably at that stage. In that we're still really thinking about use cases, which are the analogy of illumination rather than really reflecting fundamental process change, which is what underpins general purpose technologies. OK, so I've got to set all this out in the article about the history of the economics of AI and how economists have tended to think about it. And then I realized that what I'm really doing is we're I've set myself the task of writing an article about a technology which is fluid, unpredictable, has no established business model, and bring it to competition policy. And that's, if you know anything about competition policy, there's a big mismatch here. And why is that? Well, in the end, competition policy is the belief that governments do good by encouraging competition. And that competition is a way of benefiting the citizenry and the average consumer, and that's the aim of competition policy. Now, the reason I say that the unpredictability of AI poses trouble for competition policy. Is that in the end, the way that competition policy tends to work. Is that it tends to be very retrospective. Um, if you think about US competition policy, uh, often it is implemented through, uh, the courts, and you are therefore always going to be looking backwards. And again, we've got this technology which is changing its nature every 2 years. Uh, the other thing I'd say about competition policy is across the world, there's generally a set of norms about how you conduct it. And how we think and analyze substitution by people, uh, across products and firms. And there's also a lot of norms of which are sort of established in the competition policy tends to be very obsessed with looking at price. If you look at all the tools that our economists tend to bring to competition policy, they require you to look at a price. And now I've got to say something about, uh, technology where we literally don't know what the business model is. Uh, we have lots of tech companies spending billions and billions of dollars on it with no return, giving a lot away for free. And so again, that is going to make it difficult to predict. Now, when I said I was going to give this talk, I inwardly panicked and reached out to Daniel. Why, Daniel? Well, you'll hear in the next talk, Daniel's a brilliant development economist. Good news. And he's gonna talk about AI in developing countries. Again, good news. And I was like, you know, sort of how do I say, you know, how do I bridge this more to a group of development economists? And he was like, no, no, Catherine, you're really underestimating the extent to which antitrust is important. You know, for example, look at these evolutions in Africa. You know, I'm going to sort of give credit to that and let Daniel talk about that. But what I would just say is that I think this debate is so important about how we regulate competition around AI, um, even if at the moment it has a US focus. And the reason is this, is, you know, if we were to look backwards, as competition economists often do. At what's happening in antitrust and technology more generally. Decisions being made about competition policy in the US are still going to have implications for the rest of the world. So I'll just give you an example of both Google and Meta. Both of them, I know we're probably moving in completely parallel worlds in DC right now, but there've been two really large antitrust cases for both these companies in DC in the past year. And I would argue that those cases are going to have implications worldwide. And why is that? Well, if you think about current tech platforms, there is this I think the less talked about aspect of them is that they tend to be worldwide, and there's an awful lot of cross-subsidization involved. Basically, they are built around business models that thrive on the fact that rich people's eyeballs are very valuable, and if you put ads in front of those rich people's eyeballs, you can make a lot of money. And The products though, are worldwide, even if all the revenues are being generated in a few rich cities. And so therefore, when antitrust policy or competition policy comes in and tries to alter those business models, you know, there might be some more worldwide implications. OK, so I've got 5 minutes, and I should say a little bit more about my views about competition policy and how it should change in the world of AI given that's what the title of the talk was, or the paper was. And again, my message, as I said, to summarize, is that economics doesn't change. We're still going to have exactly the same digital economics concerns that we've had for the last 30 years when thinking about antitrust and technology. And I tend to group these into 3 separate concerns, which we might want to think about in the advent of AI. The first, uh, obsession of competition economists is a phenomenon called network effects. And just to remind everyone in the room, a network effect occurs when products become more valuable as more people use them. Now, network effects are very, very popular term in competition policy. People just love saying they're a network effects. I don't know why, but it's a little bit of obsession. Um, and so actually, one of the reasons I wrote this paper was completely because I got irritated by lawyers labeling anything that moved as a network effect. Um, what I'd argue is if you look right now though, it's not clear that network effects are gonna operate in the same way as we've seen with previous technologies. If you think again back to Alvin's talk, do you remember he was saying, gosh, you know, one of the main Implications of AI in computer science or in computing could be that we end up with lots more little personalized systems. In other words, the opposite of a network effect. And I think that's a far better example than I was gonna use, which was if you think about the primary, um, use case of AI right now in America, which is helping high school students cheat on English essays. There you might sort of say, again, if you're, if you're cheating on an English essay, you really like quite a bit of divergence in output, right? There's the opposite of a network effect there. So again, so this primary move of competition policy network effects, uh, doesn't seem to be clearly present now. We might see it as we get to the final stage, uh, sort of a layer two being built upon, uh, our current LLM models, but it's not clear how it will evolve at the moment. Now, the next question will be one more of switching costs. Uh, Most digital antitrust cases are really about switching costs. How easy is it to switch, uh, between search engines, how easy is it to switch between, uh, entertainment sites. This is the real question. Um, and I think there, again, we don't really have enough evidence. And again, because we don't really know what the business model's gonna be, we don't really know where the switching costs are going to come from. You know, I think probably the right for experiment right now is to think, well, in the end, The most common application of our model right now is you take it into a company, uh, you do some fine tuning. Then there's a question about how easy it is to switch the model once you've done that fine tuning. But again, I suspect that may be the wrong way of thinking about switching costs. But do always be thinking about switching costs when you're thinking about how AI should be regulated in terms of competition. Uh, the last thing I'll just say about that is what's wonderful about being a digital economist, is that the moment you have a switching cost is the moment that everyone is innovating around getting around it. Um, I always used to talk about iTunes when I taught and say there's a brilliant switching cost. No one's ever going to want to, uh, leave their iPod when they've got all their tunes on it. And then, of course, came Spotify to just make me wrong. And so, again, just remember the switching costs are always going to be transient. Now in terms of data as an essential facility, there's often this idea there may be barriers to entry to do data. Um, but when you actually look at the training data set it's already out here, this is a screenshot of a website named Hugging Face, which provides millions gig terabytes of data for free. Uh, you have to second guess it. All right, so just sort of what I say, what, what did I end up saying in this paper? Or what's the big conclusion? In the end, it's really hard. To be too definitive about competition policy when we don't have a clear monetization strategy. Um, my concern right now is, is our eagerness to regulate antitrust. We may end up regulating the, um, the analogy of the dial-up ISPs because we don't really understand what's going to be built upon the essential innovation. Anyway, what we do know though, is that in some sense, the way we think about competition policy will have to change as a process. Because as we just heard from Arvind, a lot of how we might think about law being conducted may change in the long run. All right, with that, I will say thank you very much and give you over to a development economist. Thanks so much for, for having me here. So today I wanted to talk a bit about a couple of concrete examples of projects um that are in on AI in low income settings to give us a sense of what this technology is capable of and, and put a little bit more concreteness around some of these, these projections going into the future. The main project I'll I'll present today is joined with three of my students, Juno, Divia, and Dominic, all at Columbia, um, and then Paul Atherton and, and Oliver Gerard are at Fab Inc. that created the chatbot that we'll be talking about. But before we talk about that, I wanted to, to zoom back and, and think about an earlier example, uh, and I, I want to make the point that we may think of artificial intelligence as some altogether new animal, and I think Arvin has made this point that no, it's actually kind of an extension of a normal of technologies that we were familiar with. And there are cases that where machine learning has already impacted low income countries, and I think it's useful to start from that premise and really understand what happened there. So, so one project that I've worked on is the need for financial services. There are about 1.77 billion people around the world who lack access to formal finance, which means that not only do they not have bank accounts, they also don't have credit histories. And so as mobile phones came along, people began to be able to use mobile money to transfer funds and to store funds. And then it became an issue where you, you could potentially imagine giving out loans via this platform, but it's very hard to know whether someone is worth the credit risk unless you have a credit score of some sort. So I suggested that we might be able to come up with credit scores just based on how a person uses their mobile phone and predict their credit worthiness and in, and for example, when you use a mobile phone. It records patterns of how you place calls, how you manage your balance over time, etc. and you can use machine learning, even though if, if you and I as humans look through this set of indicators, there might be 5000, 6000 indicators, we would have no idea how to figure out and who is a good credit risk just based on those indicators. Machine learning can kind of connect the dots and find patterns that are not obvious to us. In the study that we did in a South American country, we had a sample where some of the people also had credit bureau histories and and all of them had mobile phone histories. And we find that when you rely on the credit bureau score, you're able to predict whether someone will repay a credit, not perfectly, but you have some ability to do that. But as you go to people who have less and less information in their credit bureau file, the ability of a credit bureau score to predict repayment goes down. And if you go to people who have no information in their credit bureau file, you can't predict whether they'll repeal a loan at all. In contrast, we found with this digital method using the behavior in just how you use your phone, we could come up with a credit score. It wasn't perfect, but it was something, and it performed about as well as the standard credit bureau scores. But the crucial thing is that we can also create those scores for people who are completely missing from the financial system. And so machine learning really allows you to extend loans to people who were omitted from the financial system. This has become a foundation for a new industry providing quick loans via mobile phone called digital credit. It's available around the world. And so you could imagine that we might have thought that the story would end there and that this product is out now. Now maybe credit is solved, and I think kind of the answer, and this comes to some of the points that Arvind had brought up, is that there's a lot of difficulties after that point. And so, uh, our team and, and several other teams then try to understand, you know, was this actually improving people's lives or could it be that these were getting people into debt traps. These loans are often short, uh, short in duration and have high interest rates. We found that the welfare impacts seemed to be small. On that, they seem to be a little bit in the positive direction. But there's also a lot of evidence that firms who are extending loans were also taking advantage of consumers, so this new kind of industry required also some adaptations to our infrastructure for monitoring harms and regulating credit. So I wanted to put this up as an example just to suggest that, you know, the game doesn't end once AI enters and tries to solve a problem that it raises, raises a whole bunch of other questions that we need to address as societies. Now, that is one example of what we would call predictive AI or predictive machine learning, where you typically make decisions from digital data. Credit scoring is one example. A couple other examples that have seen some promise in low income settings are one targeting digital aid, where you can use the same type of data, um, that Josh Blumeno has been doing a lot of work on, um, and then also, um, weather and flood forecasting. Now, And you can hear you can use satellite images. 11 particular useful use of machine learning in this case is that often we are working in settings that have little access to data. But we may increasingly have these digital data sources, and machine learning allows us to extract signal from them to make better decisions. But the reason we're here is not just to talk about predictive AI. What people are excited about is this new kind of era of AI where these systems are able to do more, and you've probably heard this called generative AI, and this is a technology underlying chatbots and that can create images and video and all of these kind of more recent things that you've seen in the last couple of years. So I'm going to now think about one example of what generative AI can do in this project that we're working on with teachers in Sierra Leone. But I want to first think about connectivity and information in sub-Saharan Africa. So, right now, 85% of people in sub-Saharan Africa actually are within coverage of signal that they could use to access the internet. So, Africa is to some extent, quite connected, or has the capability of being quite connected. Despite that, only 37% of people are using the internet. And if you look at how people use the internet, even among this group of users, what you'll find is a fairly striking pattern. People use social networking, people use instant messaging like WhatsApp, but people are much less likely to use what maybe you and I would think of as, as the bulk of the internet, which is using the web and web search. Now we're going to be thinking about this problem or this gap more specifically in the population of teachers in Sierra Leone. Teachers are knowledge workers who you might think would be using the web a lot, but a lot, many of the teachers in our sample live in remote areas where internet connectivity is quite poor. And so in our sample of teachers, 95% of them use WhatsApp every day. We find that only 3% use web search each day to look for classroom materials. And so I'm going to, our partner organization introduced a chatbot over WhatsApp that allows teachers to access AI and what they find is that teachers end up using this on balance a bit more often than they use search. So our paper is really trying to understand what is going on here, what is AI doing that could be useful here. Now, one, there's a couple of reasons why you might think the internet is not doing a good job here. One is content. If you're in the US and you search for something, what you find is content from the US. If you're anywhere else in the world, when you search for something on the internet, a lot of what you find is not local, a lot of it is foreign. So content is lacking in most countries around the world. And the second issue is bandwidth. If you ask Africans in a survey, Are there, are there limits to your use of the internet, most will respond yes, and most will report that the cost of data is the major reason why they don't use the internet as much as they otherwise would. 11% also report that the network is a struggle. Now we're gonna think about this in Sierra Leone, which has a GDP per capita of $509 so a fairly low income country, and we're gonna be working with teachers who are working in schools that are, are fairly overloaded, um, and only about 6% of uh primary schools have electricity and 1% have the internet. So when we're thinking about the impacts of AI here, this isn't a setting where you're going to drop some magic tablet, and it's going to magically teach all of the kids that may come in coming years, uh, but, but that's not immediately, uh, it seems, it seems to be on the table. So, in this context, the, the partner organization created this chatbot called the Teacher AI and it basically links WhatsApp to GPT with a prompt that says, please be, be helpful and, and make useful suggestions for teachers. We find that teachers ask questions like write a lesson plan to teach two-digit addition. How can I support students who fall behind, describe immunization and give examples for 1/5 grade class in Sierra Leone. Uh, let me just give you one example here of how the chatbot responds. So for the query activities to teach shapes, the, the chatbot came back and it, it knows the teacher is teaching grade 6, and it gave some examples of, of creating an art collage, creating bingo, just activities that engage the students, um, which, which seem pretty kind of straightforward things that you might have read in a textbook, but it's kind of tailored to this particular query. Now, the first question is, is how do teachers use this chatbot? So we analyzed the queries they submitted. So this is a sample of 469 teachers who asked about 40,000 queries over the span of a year and a half, and we used AI itself to classify these queries into categories to understand what is it that teachers are using this for. The biggest category is concepts and facts, so this is often things that you might find on Wikipedia. Though teachers also use this system for lesson planning assessment, by creating new, new exams and supporting their writing and also for, for professional guidance. Uh, we also asked them, when you use AI rather than search, what are the reasons, and the top reason was that they said that AI gave them a, gave them a useful answer right away and that it was concise. When we asked the reverse, not as many responded, uh, but the modal response was that the web has unique content that AI does not have. Now teachers seem to rate AI as quite trustworthy, but we all know that AI can make mistakes or hallucinations, and so we're going to come back to this later to understand why are teachers trusting this system. And then to flag, a few of these teachers also mentioned in the survey that they stopped using the web once they got access to this AI tool. So to understand why they seem to be using this tool, we took the queries that they submitted and we classified these into threads and then took the top, the first query from each thread, which is the one that would have had the most context. Um, we'd know how the teacher AI would have responded, but we want to know, had that teacher taken that same question to, to the local search engine, what would they have seen? The most common local search engine in this case is google.com.sl and so we submit that same query to Google and scrape the top five search results. And then we're going to compare what is the information that the teacher would have seen had they submitted this to a search engine on the web like or versus what they got from the AI response. Now, the first comparison to to think about is that we came up with a ranking of how similar the AI response is to existing search engine content. And we came up with a score, which we call the contained score, which ranges from 1, which means that the content that the AI generated is very new and it's different from the search responses, or 10, which would suggest that the content in the AI response is completely contained in one of the search results. We find that the majority of the queries that teachers submit come up with responses that overlap with existing content. It's already available on the web, they just use the chatbot. There is this small tale where the teachers are using this tool to generate new content like a custom lesson plan or a new story, but it's a minority in this population, so they're using AI mostly to retrieve existing content. The second thing is that only 2% of the results that come back from Google are actually from Sierra Leone. And most of the results come from the United States and very few come from similar countries to Sierra Leone at all. So much comes from the from the United Kingdom or Australia, for example. And this means that not only is it foreign content, but also it is tailored for foreign users. And if we're, if we're accessing the internet on our desktops or laptops with fast internet connections, that content is tailored to us. And so when you look at the data required to transfer a search result, the average search result that a teacher would have seen in our sample is about 2.5 megabytes. The that includes both the text, syntax, fonts, data, a whole bunch of content that's easy for us to download. Um, the AI response was under 1 kilobyte. And so we find that the AI system is over 3000 times more data efficient than using the web. And while that data is easy and cheap for us sitting in offices, these teachers are paying per gigabyte of data, so this entails a cost. And so, if you look back in time, at the beginning, kind of prior to this study, if you were to have submit 1000 or download 1000 search results from this sample, uh, you would have paid about $2.50. In bandwidth fees and we've, we know that there's a discussion that AI is kind of expensive to use. It's true that AI requires not only the bandwidth here, but it also requires a server to compute the response. And so, if you went back in time prior to the release of chat GPT, so earlier in 2022, um, an AI chatbot in this setting would have cost about $30. It would have been about 13 times more expensive for these 1000 queries. Over time, the compute cost for AI has declined declined. So, during most of the study, they cost about the same, but then with recent drops, the AI chatbot has become an order of magnitude cheaper. So, we find that it is actually 87% cheaper to use the AI system in the setting to get a response than to access a search result. And so, this seems to suggest that there's a lot of potential to, to do better by, by communities that have low bandwidth connections. We also that that would be Fine if it were cheaper, but we also want to make sure that it is not providing low quality information. So we also ask teachers to rate the system. We find that in this, these ratings, teachers rate this the AI responses as more relevant and helpful. And then the next that wasn't surprising to us, but we were surprised that teachers also seemed to rate the AI responses as more correct and less likely to include inaccuracies. Now we all know that these systems make mistakes. In this sample that we tested, we found hallucinations in about 3% of the responses. So there definitely are mistakes in how this AI system interacts. But it seems like the teachers are using it for fairly basic questions for which it does a pretty good job. And also what illuminate this exercise illuminates is that when I sit at my desk and I use a Google search, I don't expect one particular search result to be true. I expect to have to vet multiple and triangulate between them to come to truth. And when we asked the survey respondents here to do an exercise just looking at whether a search engine result was true, they seemed to rate it less, less strongly. So this, this paper we really think of as showing that AI here can do something. Somewhat simple, it can reformat content to work better on small screens and snow collections, and it kind of reveals that the information services that we're providing to much of the lower income parts of the world are not meeting their needs, and there may be ways to design better systems. Uh, this is a pretty early system. It's pretty simple, but we think it, it suggests that there may be a lot of different directions we could go. A few caveats, one is that the less educated teachers seem to use the system less, so we do think you need some education to be able to be productive here. This is English speaking, these models perform a lot better in English, um, and it seemed like these teachers needed some training. I also wanted to plug that the partner has an AI for education website that has more resources that they're doing useful things, but um, Anyway, I'm very excited to think about this question about whether AI, what, what opportunities there are to actually embed AI in low income settings. I think there's a lot of great things we could do, but looking forward to your questions. Thank you Irvin, Katherine, and Dan for your excellent presentations. Uh, Hancheng, maybe I could request you to Kick off the discussion and maybe tell us your key takeaways from what we've just heard. Thank you. Sure. Thank you so much to the three presenters, uh, for, for really, uh, such in-depth exploration and in some instances pushback to a lot of the narrative that we've been hearing coming out of Silicon Valley that says, you know, this, this technology is gonna transform how the economy and society behaves, you know, tonight, tomorrow, um, so, so I think. Um, you know, firstly, pushing back on this spirit of inevitability, I think is, is incredibly important. I think it, I think this, this, you know, there's a lot of marketing hype that hides kind of very sloppy thinking. I think that the authors today challenge us to think about what are the specific pathways, uh, that determine whether these grand outcomes could or could not happen. Um, will we see high adoption because the technology is inexpensive and valuable to teachers, as Dan has pointed out, or will we see lower and slower adoption because as Arvin has pointed out, um, you know, these capable technologies get intermediated through business logic, workflows in, in a firm that's trying to adopt this technology. Um, and so it's very helpful to hear these very specific examples from both Arvin and, and Daniel. Um, I think the, you know, for, for many economists here, that the concept of pathways and mechanisms for impact is not new, right? For, for the last 20 years, many of you in this room have probably run experiments and studies to try and tease out what exactly it is that drives the development outcomes we care about. So we've learned that, um, you know, necessarily, you know, sending kids textbooks is not necessarily what will drive learning outcomes, but that teaching at the right level, targeting instruction to a child's learning level is particularly effective. I think the question for us now as, as, as we Think about whether we're going to hit our development outcomes and whether AI can help us with that is can AI be applied specifically to those pathways that we already know, to those mechanisms that we have already demonstrated to be particularly effective in low and middle income settings. Um, and so, so, you know, at the end of the day, If I think, and, and, and I think I, Irvin has talked about this, you know, I, I think it's a bit of a mirage to look at capabilities uh to predict outcomes, uh, but rather we should look at specific pathways and mechanisms. It doesn't matter if our AI is, um, is outperforming, uh, every math benchmark out there, it doesn't necessarily translate into the user becoming more numerate. So, so I think that that's a fantastic contribution. I think, I think from this group. Um I do want to quickly point out um that, that, um, you know, Dan has presented some, some, some empirical evidence, uh, but really, um, uh, Catherine and Arvin have made very bold forward-looking predictions, uh, into, into the future. Um, and, and I, I read all of their papers in detail. And Catherine has a fantastic, uh, uh, uh, last line in her, in her paper, where she says, you know, and, and sorry if I'm butchering the takeaway of your paper a little bit, but, but you say, you know, I think competition policy doesn't need to change that much that that currently maybe our, our regulatory frameworks might already be quite suitable for the age of AI and you say, but if you're having a real knee jerk reaction to this prediction, Uh, right now, um, uh, I challenge you to think about all the ways, uh, I could be wrong, and, and the interesting question is, is not so much, am I right or am I wrong, but, but, but, but why am I wrong? And so, uh, perhaps it's a, it's a spicy question that I can, I can tee up for, for, for this panel. I, I love, you know, maybe in the comments, uh, uh, uh, through the Q&A to, to try and play the counterargument a little bit and, and come, you know, I, I'd love to hear, uh, uh, what are some credible Uh, arguments for, for, for, for why your positions, uh, today could be wrong? Could, could superintelligence actually transform us overnight? What, what would a credible counterpart say to that? Um, but, but let, let, let me turn it over, uh, to Q&A. Uh, thanks, Hansheng. So maybe uh I'll add a question from my side as well, and then maybe we can get some responses. So, I just want to pull a word out of Dan's presentation of the title leapfrogging, right? So, I think, uh, we've heard, I think time and again that it's difficult to leapfrog general purpose technologies, uh, although we have seen instances of leapfrogging sector-specific technologies, I think the landline and mobile phones was the Most commonly cited examples. So, I think that what you presented tells us something a little bit different in that, you know, people are actually not using web searches, but are going straight to AI searches. So that's, so, so that's, I think an interesting result that we see. But I think in general, just linking it to all the other presentations, so it's the promise of leapfrogging. Or is it That you can get more from spending or making similar investments, right? So if you are making investments around digital infrastructure or around smartphone access, it's just you can get a lot more from that than what you were getting before. So, is that an aspect of leapfrogging um that's important, um, or is the claim that you're making a little bit bolder, because it sort of a little bit sits I think opposite to what Irvin said, like, this is just a normal technology, so are we gonna see something that's You know, speeds up the diffusion, even if it's a normal technology. So maybe if you could just take some of the questions from Han and, and this one and we can keep the discussion going. Great. Uh, yeah, so I I, I'll say something maybe a little bit spicy, but every technology seems normal in retrospect, uh, and I think there's been a lot of technologies that, that have had major impacts that were quite destabilizing at the time. And so I think I think that will be right. Uh, I don't think that diminishes what it What impact it could, could have, uh, on, on the question of leapfrogging, I mean, I think I Maybe it's helpful to split this into two buckets, so These are our technologies that are seeing a lot of investment from Silicon Valley and from Wealthy countries and that will improve its usefulness for many of the tasks that happen in wealthy countries and many of those will spill over to the equivalent tasks in low income settings and so you think about office jobs and and so on, knowledge work is going to be kind of exposed around the world. And I think where a lot of my work is thinking about is are there particular wins in low income settings that might otherwise be overlooked. And are those going to happen automatically? So that like mobile phones for example are we're just such a great technology and the private market really allowed that to spread around the world and reach almost everyone with signal and and communication technology or is this going to be a type of technology that is going to require some active policy to, to really push and so I think maybe when I focus on leapfrogging, I, I'm not saying that overall this is going to always cause leapfrogging, but. That I'm kind of drawn to these places where, where there's something interesting happening in low income communities and, and debating about whether they need some policy support. Thanks, um, Arvind, uh. I'm not sure if you had a, yeah, sure, so this is all, you know, as a computer scientist, so I was listening to Dan's presentation and I had two simultaneous reactions one admiration for the research and the other is horror at what the web has become. So if you had gone back 30 years and told people that this is what the web's going to look like in 2025, the pioneers of the web, right, that an average query for an educational query, right, not even entertainment or video or anything. It's going to be 2 megabytes they would not know how to deal with that information. That was beyond the worst case scenario of what they would have considered, right? Like all of the advantages you were talking about with AI today, those were a lot of the reasons that people were excited about the web originally because you can, you know, it's this tremendous educational tool. You can compress a lot of information into just a few bytes of text, and that it's going to have these tremendous effects, especially in a in a development context. And I think the wounds are entirely self-inflicted technologically, of course, things have not gotten worse. You can still have, you know, very, very efficient web pages. We have chosen not to because, uh, search engines need to monetize and the people creating those web pages want to monetize, which goes back to Katherine's talk, which is that we're in the pre-business model stage, I think, of AI. So I think it's worth thinking about 10 years from now what are those business models going to look like. And could they make AI look a lot like what the web looks like today? Um, I don't necessarily want to, you know, um, constantly be the pessimist, but it is something I think about a lot when I look at, um, the claims around and shitification, for instance, if folks have heard that term, the way that, uh, social media platforms and other two-sided marketplaces have the, uh, rent-seeking effects of degrading product quality in the interest of making things more addictive and making more revenue. Again, while completely agreeing with Katherine that it's very early days, I think it's worth thinking ahead about what are some of those potential negative effects that are coming to these new platforms and what perhaps can be done from a policy perspective without being too prescriptive, without jumping the gun on competition policy to try to, you know, decrease the probability of some of those future negative consequences. All right. So I, I love the question which was, tell us why you're wrong. Uh, such a wonderful question. So I, I've been thinking about ways I'm wrong. Um, The first thing I would like to highlight about why economists are often wrong. Is this analogy. Our problem is that often when we think about labor displacement, we have in mind something analogous to thinking that what Uber is doing is or ride sharing is doing is replacing taxi dispatches. And that in some sense is completely underestimating the real change. And if you think what ride-sharing has done is it's completely transformed the process surrounding how you get into something akin to a taxi. And that's what makes us wrong and potentially maybe that what could be what makes Arvind and I wrong that we just don't anticipate enough how much process change there will be. Um, the second reason I think we could be wrong, or I don't, I don't know, I'm meant to be only talking about myself and now I'm making everyone else wrong. But I think, you know, in a talk like this, it is very easy to fall into the trap of calling everything artificial intelligence. Um, when often what we're really talking about is something more akin to machine learning, predictive analytics. And you know, this reminds me of a, and again, that could lead us to make mistakes. I'm always reminded of one of my more famous papers in the realms of AI. I was looking at how machine learning did, um, uh, this, these sort of machine learning algorithms run by large credit bureaus and similar data, data brokers. And what I showed there was that machine learning can generally, if given web search or web browsing data, classify gender right about 50% of the time. And if you think about it, that's quite funny. So given that machine learning can often get things wrong, predictive analytics as of now can often get things wrong. We're maybe being very bold by sort of overselling it in terms of this AI label, which I think we will, we've all been using. So I think those are the ways I'm wrong, right? Misusing language. Under predicting process change. Thanks, thanks, Catherine. Maybe I, I have one more question before we open up uh the, the, you know, the floor to questions. Um, just, I wanted to pick up one, I think one of the pictures that Arvind you had early on in your presentation just on on sort of invention, innovation, and, uh, you know, wider adoption or diffusion. So, I think just because this conference is about development, I just wanted to see if how we can place or contextualize developing countries along this, this process, um, and perhaps, you know, there is room for them to be in all parts of the process, but more so, um, in, in, you know, one particular part of the process. And, you know, maybe, uh Catherine, like, also extending sort of your talk about competition and value, I think the, the sense that people have is that all the value is in the invention stage that Irvin put up or perhaps a little bit in the innovation, but not so much at, at the bottom end. So, how should we think about that? Yeah, I'll maybe say a couple words and then would love to hear from, uh, folks who have more expertise in developmental economics. I mean, I'll, I'll start by saying that developing countries focusing industrial policy on data centers, for instance, seems bonkers to me. Uh, like I'm, I'm very convinced by Jeff Ding's book Technology and the Rise of Great Powers looking historically at general purpose technologies. It ended up not mattering that much in which country the innovation happened. What was much more useful to explain the variance and outcomes between countries was how good those countries were at diffusing those technologies throughout various sectors of the economy, and policy can play a big role there, you know, just looking at regulation as one form of policy can both inhibit diffusion and spur diffusion. So my favorite example of this really trivial but I think really powerful, is in the early days of the web e-commerce was just such a strange notion to people and what actually helped that along in the US, but I think you know it applies anywhere, is the e-Sign Act that said that companies are forced to accept. An online signature in any contract in which they would have accepted a physical signature, and this one thing really changed the game because it allowed people to digitize their processes without worrying that suddenly they're going to run into a roadblock where a party they're trying to contract with will not accept online ways of doing things, right? So this was a huge it's a simple example of how, you know, policy can play a big role in diffusion, right? And And that's where I think the impacts are really going to be felt in terms of where countries can, you know, leapfrog, etc. as opposed to putting up a data center. It's not clear what they're achieving by having the model training done in their country when it's owned by an American company anyway and then can be used by anyone in the world, so something does not compute as far as I'm concerned. Catherine, Dan. Oh, well, I'll just say, you know, you may, again, with, you may be thinking, so sitting here looking at me going, of course, it's a business school professor going on and on and on about monetization models, so predictable, completely irrelevant for my world. Now, I would like you to have this Ford experiment about why monetization models are important. And if we were to go back in time. Uh, to 1995, and I was to tell you that monetization models would develop, which meant that mapping would be free for the rest of the world. You would have fought me completely insane. And especially if I told you that that was going to be advertising. Again, sounds nuts. And so I would argue that in some sense, where we land with monetization models is going to be important really just in terms of access because it's going to very much shape access internationally. Yeah, so I, I'd agree that a lot of the work here is figuring out what these, what these systems are capable of and how that integrates into local economies. What does that mean for business processes like your specific business process? There, there is a challenge here in that. Some of these models will already slot in well into some tasks. Some of them will currently fail for reasons that are locally specific. It may be bad in the local language. It may not know the local conditions. And so I think there's, there's some danger here. I think we need a combination of kind of exploration by entrepreneurs and etc. and really pushing it to understand. How this technology can be useful in local conditions, but then we will at some point need more coordinated investment to make sure that if, if there's latent capabilities where these models could be useful for many people around the world, but they would require some some public intervention, how do we design systems for that and I think are the are the business models going to support that in wealthy countries where this will happen automatically or do we need other institutions to step in is a huge question. Yeah, if I, if I may just build on, on, on that, and, and to Arvin's question about, you know, why are lower income countries just, you know, so obsessed about building data centers and having their own, their own model development capabilities, I think, you know, the, the, the pushback to, to that, to that point I've been hearing is that. Uh, competition among the major AI labs in high-income countries are not going to deliver on the services that ultimately we need in our local context. I think some of the, some of, some of the obvious cases here would be minority language development, um, you know, there's absolutely very, you know, no business incentive, very difficult business models that, that will incentivize, uh, uh, uh, the major tech labs to come in to do that. Um, competition policy, you know, to Catherine's point, uh, uh, focusing on lower prices for consumers, allowing switching costs. Again, that doesn't quite, uh, uh, you know, account for that. And so, so I think just, just, you know, what I'm hearing from policymakers in developing countries is, is that, is that, that's the push for, for the need for local capacity. Thank you. Uh, the floor is open, please, uh, come up to the mic, uh, short introduction and a short question would be ideal. Hello, I'm short. Daria Taoni, uh, we're back, um, so thanks. I mean, I want to, um, I don't know, uh, I guess reflect on two takeaways that I took from, uh, this chat. The one is that, uh, AI automates routine tasks, and there is nothing new. And the second one is that we are in the pre-business model. So it might be true that we are in the pre-business model, but I think it's important to think that this pre-business model is already reshaping labor and it is having systemic implications, and it has to do with the fact that AI is based on the gig economy, right? And so the supply chain of AI is structured around squeezing the maximum value from vulnerable populations. The annotators, which are the people checking the code that are paid 90 cents. Per hour they are taken from countries that normally are imploding Venezuela, Kenya, and then in turn all the countries that were uh imploding uh after the COVID crisis and so all these people on top there are algorithms that check peaks of productivity and they take away tasks from people that are or or communities that are becoming solely reliant on that gig economy because everything else has imploded. And so all these people are part of a growing global informal and regulated workforce where there is some basic laws around labor that we established some 100 years ago that are not reflected in the economy because there is no stable employment, no benefits, no protection, and not even an employer you can go to and and complain. So and hence my plea is and comes to some of the points that were made is that we need to recognize in this pre-business model and quantify and price in the human and social costs. Otherwise the conversation about AI will be dangerously incomplete. So labor protections, transparency, fair compensation, community control is necessary unless we are, uh, we want to replicate some colonial year extraction and call it progress. Thanks. Thanks. We'll just in the interest of time, just collect all the questions and then we can have one round of replies. Thank you. Please, please, no, no commentary, just a short question. OK, so, uh, hi, this is Elia from Syracuse University. Thank you all for your, uh, thought-profiling, uh, talks. I specifically appreciated Arvin's, uh, contextualization of AI within the, uh, history of technology innovations, and, um, uh, power and progress from Ajamola and Johnson received a lot of praise from, uh, like scholars from a lot of A variety of disciplines, as they pointed out to the, uh, fact that diffusion of tech innovations is not uh like a natural evolution. Rather, what will be automated and how is uh like political decisions and that the institutions are central to that decision making. So my question is, what do you think about the role of development organizations in giving uh like policy direction and AI policymaking? Thank you. Thank you very much for your articles. My name is Chagoba. I'm a founder of an AI startup. My question for the three presenters, um, I, um, assume that the work that you have done was based on the generative AI, um, that exists today. Um, there's a lot of indication that Agentic AI would be actually the most important when it comes to the impact on economies and, uh. Society, so do you think that if you look at your work again with the prospective agent AI, do you predict the same results or not? Thanks. Thank you. Um, this is not really a fair question, but I still want to hear your insights. Uh, Daniel, uh, Mexico has a huge education system crisis right now. How do you see the use of AI for education development in under the serving areas of the developing world, especially when infrastructure challenges are acute. And government has stepped back from education as a policy priority. Thank you. Hello, I'm Abdullah. Um, my question is kind of broad, but also specifically for Catherine as well. So our role as economists is kind of to learn from the mistakes of the past that we've made in terms of global economy and like not make them in the future. Um, and Catherine mentioned that economics doesn't change, but If all of this predictive inference is wrong, and we've seen that they've been proven wrong, but radiology and all of those examples, perhaps then economic economics needs to change in order for our predictions to be right, because the consequences of being wrong are that we might just end up in a bubble, like the dot com bubble. And the consequences are multi-tiered in that case. So how do you guys think in your knowledgeable opinions that we need to change the respective inference to be more right, and make sure that we don't end up in another global crisis where people are impacted, technology is impacted, and this just ends up being a repetition of the same bubble again. Thank you. Thank you. Last question, and then we'll get responses. Um, first of all, thank you very much for the insightful discussion and the presentation. I really appreciated it. Um, going right to the question. Um, so it's a question regarding the use of AI in the development field as one of, if not the most versatile and volatile element of the digital public goods. So for digital ODA, um, in the terms of the soft infrastructure, what will be the main incentives for donor countries to actually provide aid to the recipients? And on that note, what kind of the policy implications can we infer from that? Thank you. OK, there's one more, please go ahead, but we'll have to cut it there because Thank you so much. My name is Maya. Um, I really appreciated the fact that you were challenging this view that AI will replace jobs and instead will change them. So my question is, if you envision this idea that maybe AI will create new industries on jobs that will support um developing countries, and if so, what would you picture that those new jobs or industries to be like? So maybe you could take a minute each to pick and choose whichever question you want to respond to. Thank you. Uh, great, yeah, lots of great questions. So, um, I'd, I'd say in terms of there are a few questions that we're thinking about the future, new jobs, etc. um. I think in in the near term there's there's some wins where AI seems quite amenable to improving education and health service delivery in in many countries that can't afford great human providers for all all people um and so I think there is, there is a lot of opportunity it's, it's difficult to to know exactly how to integrate uh AI assistance into classrooms and I think that's a challenging problem. I don't think there's any. Um, we don't quite know what the optimal structure of teaching is that integrate this, um, so there's a lot of questions there. And then there there also is a lot of uncertainty about the long run trajectory about what capabilities future AI will have and also as it's increasingly integrated in the economy if these kind of bold predictions about economic effects will will pan out and I think there's some chance that it that it will. I think the job implications for low income countries, I just have a lot of uncertainty about what that could look like. I, I do think we will be surprised by by the new jobs that emerge though. Catherine. Um, I just wanted to highlight two things I took from the questions about what we're probably getting wrong right now in the economics of AI with our focus on high-income countries. I think the first thing is that as you can hear, we basically hate that, you know, sort of going off the task-based model saying thinking about AI as task replacement is, you know, not helpful. But I thought what was useful is just a reminder that the West or developing country or, or high income countries have outsourced and a lot of tasks to low-income countries. And therefore, we should think a little bit about that before we just say, you know, tasks will change and shift and so on. Um, the other thing I want to say is, you know, again, the economics of technology tends to draw a lot of reassurance from the fact that, you know, when we study what happened to telephone operators with automatic switchboards, when we look at what happened to accountants, when the calculator was invented, it looks really good, uh, in 10 years. But we tend to forget about the pain, the upheaval, the horribleness of the 10 years in the intervening period, and I think that's again something that we don't do enough of. Thank you. Um, I'm gonna address briefly two of the questions. One was about generative versus agentic AI, and, uh, our framework is not specific to generative AI. In fact, I lead a team of technical researchers. The main area we've been working on over the last couple of years is agentic AI. So that's been deeply on our mind when we wrote. AI as normal technology and it is agnostic to what form of AI will be at the frontier in 10 years, 20 years, and I want to give one note of caution around the hype around generative AI and I say this as someone you know who finds it very useful. I spend several hours a day using coding agents and they're fantastic. But when you look at the kind of agentic AI that you would need to have transformative rapid transformation of the economy, I think you need three things. One, you need them to operate with little human intervention relatively autonomously. If you're, if you have a human in the loop, you're not really achieving that much in terms of productivity gain. You need them to operate in tasks which have high costs of errors. So if you, you know, if you're just getting responses from a chatbot, that's very different from doing medical diagnoses or something like that. So we identified these three aspects of autonomy and agency and generality. It has to be one general purpose system as opposed to something that you had to spend 10 years developing for a particular kind of worker. When you look at these three factors, there are 0 deployed systems right now as far as I could tell, and we predict that it's going to be 0 for a few years to come. So unless that changes, while agentic AI is very exciting from a technological perspective, I would not count on it being a counterexample of the kinds of things I talked about. OK, so very quickly on new jobs, um, we're big on the potential for AI to create lots of new jobs. Obviously can't predict with any certainty, but I think. The needs to be very attuned to this possibility. I really like David Autor's paper called Rebuilding Middle Class Jobs Using AI. So he talks about historical transformations that went from the artisanal expertise of, so let's say, potters to the mass expertise of people who could use machines to perform those in a much more efficient manner. That was a lot more people and depending on demand effects, you might actually have an increase in labor if the demand for, you know, pottery goes way up because it's cheaper, right? So a similar thing might happen with AI. You might have a result of pervasive cognitive automation. Could be that you have mass expertise of things that today require 10 years of training like law and medicine. A lot of the aspects of those professions could be performed by people. With let's say 6 months to a year of training who are using it in a way it's it's a human AI team and to take advantage of that, what we will need is new rapid credentialing so that you can have some licensing of these people, but it doesn't involve the same 10 year pipelines that we have today. Thanks. So we're passed our time. I will not try to summarize this session, but the three big takeaways for me were one, and I made a note of these one, be humble and acknowledge the uncertainty. 2, the more things change, the more they stay the same. And 3, be serious about your research, collect the evidence to help guide the decision-making, which, as it turns out, I guess are just life lessons. So, uh, so, I would like to thank the panelists uh for their wisdom, and I thank you all for joining.
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DEC Part 2 Session 2 Artificial Intelligence
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A video recording of the Session 2 on Day 1 of The Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics 2025 "Development in the Age of Populism." This session discusses "Artificial Intelligence".

CHAIR: Gaurav Nayyar, Director of the World Development Report 2026, World Bank

PANELISTS:

Paper 1: AI as Normal Technology (Arvind Narayanan, Princeton University)

➜ Presentation | ➜ Paper

Paper 2: How does Competition Policy Need to Change in a World of Artificial Intelligence? (Catherine Tucker, Massachusetts Institute of Technology)

➜ Presentation | ➜ Paper

Paper 3: Could AI Leapfrog the Web? Evidence from Teachers in Sierra Leone (Daniel Björkegren, Columbia University)

➜ Presentation | ➜ Paper

DISCUSSANT: Han Sheng Chia, Policy Fellow, Center for Global Development

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