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A video recording of the first session on Day 1 of The Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics 2025 "Development in the Age of Populism." This session discusses "Reviving Multilateralism"
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00:00 So our first thematic session is titled Reviving Multilateralism,

00:05 and our distinguished panelists will explore

00:07 real world examples of multilateralism in action,

00:10 the challenges of coordination,

00:12 and the lessons learned from both successes and setbacks.

00:14 The session's chair is Mr.

00:15 Matteo Bugamelli,

00:17 executive director and dean of the World Bank Board of Executive Directors,

00:20 and he'll introduce our panelists and chair the session.

00:23 Thank you.

00:30 OK.

00:32 Good morning.

00:32 Good morning

00:34 and welcome to the uh World Bank Group and to this ABCDe Conference.

00:39 So,

00:39 as I said,

00:40 my name is Matteo Buggamelli.

00:41 I'm the executive director

00:43 in the board of the World Bank Group representing,

00:45 uh,

00:45 Albania,

00:46 Greece,

00:46 Italy,

00:47 my own country,

00:48 Malta,

00:48 Portugal,

00:49 San Marino,

00:50 and,

00:50 uh,

00:51 Timor-Leste.

00:52 So today,

00:53 today I'm uh very glad and honored to share an interesting session on reviving,

00:58 uh,

00:58 multilateralism,

00:59 challenges and opportunity.

01:01 In a changing world.

01:02 So let me

01:04 introduce our speakers today.

01:07 We start from Danny Khua.

01:09 Danny Khua is Li Xing Professor in Economics

01:13 at the School of Public Policy

01:15 at the National University of Singapore.

01:18 Danny,

01:18 welcome.

01:24 Then we have uh uh Mazoud Ahmed.

01:27 Uh,

01:27 Masoud

01:29 is the President Emeritus of the Center for Global Development.

01:34 Masoud,

01:34 welcome.

01:39 Uh,

01:40 then Selina

01:41 Ho,

01:42 is the vice dean,

01:43 uh,

01:43 Dean's chair and associate Profession international Affairs at

01:46 the School of Public Policy at the National University

01:50 of Singapore.

01:54 Welcome,

01:55 Selena.

01:56 And uh

01:57 last but not least,

01:58 uh,

01:58 Xing Guan Tu,

02:00 uh Dean and professor at the China Institute for WTO studies at the University

02:07 of International Business and Economics,

02:09 uh,

02:10 uh,

02:10 where he has worked since 1996,

02:12 I understand.

02:12 So welcome,

02:13 uh,

02:13 Xinguang.

02:17 So as I said,

02:18 very glad and honored to chair this very interesting session.

02:23 I would say there is no better place than the World Bank

02:27 to talk about

02:29 multilaterally.

02:30 This is,

02:30 as we all know,

02:31 is the biggest multilateral development bank with 189.

02:36 Shareholders every day,

02:38 every week in my capacity as executive director

02:41 at the board of the World Bank Group,

02:43 25 board members representing those 189

02:48 shareholders are called to discuss strategies,

02:51 policies,

02:52 and projects that have an impact

02:54 on the poorest and the most vulnerable in

02:57 over 100 client countries.

03:00 What we leave

03:02 every day within this building is,

03:04 in my view,

03:05 one of the highest expression of multilateralism,

03:08 one where

03:09 different political views and perspectives must be

03:13 managed,

03:14 must be

03:14 overcome

03:15 to reach a compromise,

03:16 to reach a consensual

03:18 solution.

03:19 But we cannot

03:21 deny that today,

03:22 as we gather in an era marked by profound global interdependence,

03:27 but also raising.

03:29 Geopolitical tension,

03:30 we are all facing

03:31 a difficult situation where one where

03:35 I would say multilateralism is

03:37 more important than ever,

03:39 but at the same time is also more difficult than ever.

03:43 So this session aims at exploring the current state and

03:47 future state of multilaterally with perspective from global regional

03:52 viewpoints as you will see.

03:55 We will do it with our 4 excellent

03:58 guests.

03:59 We will start with

04:00 a keynote address by by

04:04 Danny and then 3 paper presentation

04:07 by the other guests,

04:08 and then after that there will be

04:10 a round table that I will share with some questions for our guests,

04:13 and then we will open.

04:15 for Q&A uh from you.

04:17 Let me just say a few words on our guest,

04:20 Danny.

04:21 Danny,

04:22 research interests lie in income inequality,

04:25 economic growth,

04:26 international economic relations with many

04:28 publications on top economic journals.

04:31 When looking at the complex topic like world order,

04:35 Danny brings an interesting economic approach to it,

04:38 focusing on global power shift and the rise of the East and alternative model of the

04:44 Global power relation,

04:46 as he will explain,

04:48 but he already talked about it this morning.

04:50 He analyzed the supply and demand of international system

04:54 contrasting the goal of the great powers and the needs of the global community.

04:58 So

04:58 we could not have a better

05:00 uh keynote speaker today.

05:04 Then our three panelists,

05:05 uh,

05:06 uh,

05:06 Masoud,

05:07 uh,

05:08 President Emeritus,

05:08 as I said,

05:09 of the Center for Global Development,

05:11 he joined uh CGD after capping a 35-year career

05:16 driving economic development policy initiative relating to debt,

05:20 aid effectiveness,

05:21 trade,

05:21 and global economic prospects at major international

05:25 institutions including the IMF,

05:26 the World Bank,

05:27 and DFIT.

05:28 As a leading expert on international development finance,

05:31 uh,

05:31 Masoud has served on a number of international committees and forums.

05:35 Currently he is policy advisor to the G20 high-level

05:38 Independent Expert Group on Strengthening

05:41 multilateral Development banks and co-chair

05:43 of the World Economic Forum Global Future Council on the Future of Growth.

05:49 Selina works on Chinese politics and foreign policy.

05:53 Specifically,

05:54 she is interested

05:55 in how China wields power and influence

05:58 via infrastructure and water disputes in Southeast Asia and South Asia.

06:03 Her work stands at the intersection of comparative politics and international

06:08 relations.

06:09 Xinuan,

06:10 uh,

06:11 as I said,

06:11 Dean and professor at the China Institute for WTO uh Studies,

06:15 is research and teaches focus on WTO,

06:19 Chinese trade policy,

06:20 US trade policy,

06:21 and Chinese US trade relations and government,

06:25 uh,

06:25 procurement,

06:26 is an expert on Asia Pacific economic integration and international trade.

06:31 So

06:32 with no further ado,

06:33 let me now move to our keynote speaker,

06:37 speaker Danny.

06:39 Thanks again for being with us today.

06:41 Over to you.

06:42 You have 15 minutes I can help you with with the time.

06:45 Thank you.

06:51 Thank you very much Matteo.

06:52 Um,

06:53 it is with great pleasure

06:55 that I get to address you again.

06:57 I can think of no audience better

07:00 to,

07:00 uh,

07:00 for me to,

07:01 to take these points to.

07:04 At the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy,

07:06 we are an interdisciplinary institution,

07:08 so although I am an economist,

07:10 I am deeply embedded in the group of people who study geopolitics.

07:14 And while we sometimes get carried away,

07:16 we are studying geopolitics as a thing in and of itself,

07:19 multilateralism being a thing in and of itself.

07:22 I'm here today

07:23 because I want to convince you

07:25 that

07:26 the mission of the bank and institutions like the bank

07:30 for fostering economic development hinges critically

07:34 on the way in which we now move forward

07:37 constructing a new multilateral system.

07:40 So I want to make that argument to you

07:43 with 3 points.

07:45 The first point

07:47 is to say that

07:49 both demand

07:51 and supply matter.

07:53 And what I mean by this

07:56 Is that

07:57 the multilateral rules-based order.

08:01 Under which we have been lucky enough to live for the last 8 decades.

08:06 Produced not just

08:07 a rules-based system

08:09 for all nations,

08:11 small and large to deal with each other on equal terms.

08:16 It also produced

08:17 globalization,

08:19 open markets

08:21 and free exchange.

08:23 That provided

08:26 Elastic demand.

08:29 Invisibly

08:31 So that

08:32 your work and my work on economic development

08:36 could concentrate

08:38 on just

08:40 strengthening supply.

08:43 In other words,

08:43 what we did in terms of economic development

08:47 was to advance supply.

08:49 In the expectation

08:51 that demand

08:53 would be elastic

08:54 and forthcoming.

08:57 If you believe that model and I want to say

08:59 a few words that suggest to you why that's true,

09:02 then

09:04 The decline

09:05 of the rules-based multilateral order.

09:09 Means

09:10 that

09:11 in our jobs to advance economic development.

09:15 The focus

09:17 on simply raising supply

09:20 is no longer sufficient.

09:22 What do I mean by raising supply?

09:25 I mean all the things that we do in terms of capacity building,

09:28 improving the health of populations,

09:30 raising skills and education,

09:33 building connectivity and transportation infrastructure,

09:36 shifting the workforce

09:38 from low productivity activities

09:40 to high productivity industry,

09:42 all of that

09:44 is about advancing

09:45 supply.

09:47 We did that in the confidence

09:50 that at the end of this process,

09:52 demand

09:53 would be there for us.

09:55 So

09:56 this morning,

09:58 we discussed populism.

10:00 Populism

10:01 and angry population within our societies

10:05 can disrupt our supply,

10:07 it disrupts

10:09 the work that we do.

10:11 It can disrupt Bill Gates' efforts to eradicate measles.

10:16 Movements within emerging nations

10:19 that take up grievance

10:20 against the establishment

10:22 will disrupt supply.

10:25 But populism

10:28 It's about anger not just in populations,

10:32 but in anger across countries.

10:35 And populism

10:37 can disrupt demand

10:39 through protectionism in advanced economies,

10:43 withdrawal of America's benevolent hegemony

10:46 in

10:47 supporting the multilateral system.

10:50 We now are in a situation where our job as development professionals,

10:55 we need to go beyond what we have historically done.

11:00 Let me move to my second point.

11:02 To revive

11:03 multilateralism,

11:05 we need to unpack

11:07 the causes

11:08 for its rise and fall.

11:11 I want to argue here

11:13 that there is a paradox

11:14 in that how successful we have been as development professionals

11:18 has also brought within it

11:20 the seeds of an emergence of a kind of multipolarity

11:25 that threatens.

11:28 Certain parts of the multilateral system

11:31 that angers them,

11:32 that creates a populism across nations.

11:36 I will come back to this point

11:38 because I want to mention to you my 3rd point.

11:42 Which is

11:43 what do we do

11:45 going forward.

11:47 If the supply of multilateralism

11:50 has fallen,

11:52 What

11:53 can the demand side do?

11:56 What tools

11:58 are available now

11:59 to those of us

12:01 who continue to see benefit

12:03 from the rules-based

12:05 multilateral,

12:06 multilateral globalized order

12:09 that we have enjoyed

12:10 these past 80 years.

12:12 What can we do to reconstruct that?

12:15 We got a little bit into that a few minutes ago in the previous session,

12:18 but I want to flag for you,

12:20 that is where I am going to land.

12:26 Sorry,

12:26 I'm just checking the time.

12:29 OK,

12:29 let me now take

12:31 a few minutes.

12:33 Because I know the rest of the panel wants to get up here as well

12:36 to talk about

12:37 those two points

12:39 that I ended up with.

12:42 We need to understand

12:44 The reasons for the rise and fall

12:46 of the multilateral rules-based order

12:49 and we need to think.

12:51 In acknowledgement of those causes,

12:53 what we can do to repair it.

12:58 One of the key points in understanding

13:01 the fall

13:02 of the rules-based multilateral order

13:05 is that this is a situation.

13:07 Where economics

13:09 and geopolitics

13:11 have aligned.

13:13 As economists,

13:14 we are often used to making an argument

13:17 where our models say such and such an outcome

13:20 is optimal,

13:22 such and such an outcome is the right policy.

13:25 But then we say,

13:26 ah.

13:28 But geopolitics

13:30 messes this up.

13:32 It's as if we think geopolitics is irrational.

13:36 It's as if we think,

13:38 as I said a few minutes ago,

13:40 that geopolitics is the dustbin of bad economic ideas.

13:45 It is not.

13:47 In the current situation,

13:49 we need to understand why economics and geopolitics

13:53 have aligned so ruthlessly

13:56 to try and bring down the globalized rules-based multilateral order.

14:02 Multilateralism

14:04 It's a system

14:05 that provides

14:07 a level playing field.

14:09 That includes open trade.

14:12 Multilateralism

14:14 is a commitment.

14:15 To peace

14:17 and to the principle of dispute resolution

14:20 by consultation.

14:22 Not

14:23 by might makes right.

14:26 Multilateralism is the understanding

14:29 that collaboration

14:31 is the default mode

14:33 of how nations

14:34 engage with each other.

14:37 Let me make it plain,

14:38 I live in a

14:39 country

14:41 that is 720 square kilometers

14:43 in land area.

14:45 It is

14:46 a population of under 5 million people.

14:50 Security

14:51 for small states

14:53 like mine.

14:55 The ability

14:56 to engage in economic exchange with the rest of the world.

15:01 Hinges critically

15:03 on the rules-based multilateral order.

15:05 Singapore and states like Singapore

15:08 continue to believe in the principles of free trade.

15:13 Open markets and competitive advantage.

15:17 We understand

15:19 that we need to take care of our population.

15:22 And Singapore takes that seriously.

15:24 But this

15:25 is a resolution

15:27 that needs to take in not just states like Singapore,

15:30 but everybody else.

15:33 Now the world after

15:35 World War 2,

15:36 the international system after World War 2

15:39 was obviously

15:40 architecture by the United States.

15:43 It did that on the basis of good economic thinking.

15:48 That was important for the development of small states like Singapore,

15:52 but the United States did what it did.

15:55 Also

15:56 for geopolitical reasons.

15:59 After the Second World War,

16:01 America was embroiled in the Cold War with the Soviet Union.

16:05 The Soviet Union was against free markets and open trade.

16:09 It was convenient

16:11 for the United States to be for free markets and open trade.

16:16 And the United States was the engine that drove the development of GATT

16:20 and then subsequently

16:21 the WTO.

16:24 Today,

16:24 the economic situation is different.

16:26 The rival,

16:27 as it were,

16:28 is not someone that denies free markets and open trade.

16:32 The rival is someone who believes ruthlessly

16:36 in open markets after a period

16:38 where you initiate new industries

16:41 through industrial policy.

16:43 It is a very different economic world

16:46 and unless we in the rest of the world,

16:49 Singapore,

16:50 Southeast Asia,

16:52 The European Union and America,

16:54 figure out how to deal with this world,

16:56 which is ruthless in open markets and free trade,

16:58 which used to the

17:00 ideals that we have had

17:02 for the belief in the economic principles of globalization,

17:06 we will not be able to navigate this going forward.

17:10 Trade dislocation.

17:12 As a result of the China shock

17:14 is real.

17:16 America legitimately worries about China stealing its jobs.

17:24 Hollowing out this industry,

17:26 turning into ghost towns that were once thriving

17:29 middle-class American communities.

17:31 All nations in the world

17:33 are worried

17:34 about the economic progress of China.

17:38 But we need to engage with this in a way that raises

17:42 ourselves,

17:43 raises our productivity,

17:46 allows us to compete

17:48 with a ruthless

17:50 economic rival.

17:51 We cannot close in.

17:54 Against open markets

17:56 and attempt to undertake actions that do down that rival,

18:00 we need to rise to the competition.

18:04 Let me end,

18:05 let me conclude.

18:08 America

18:09 and all other nations.

18:11 Feel threatened

18:13 by an economic force

18:15 that we had not seen previously.

18:19 We need

18:20 to be able to figure out how to deal with that.

18:23 We need to work out a bargain

18:25 where we don't feel insecure from competition,

18:28 but China

18:29 and other large emerging nations are allowed to continue to grow.

18:35 We have not worked out that bargain,

18:37 but we need to do so.

18:39 If I may,

18:40 chair,

18:41 let me take 15 seconds,

18:42 if I may,

18:43 to say

18:44 3 no's and 2 yeses

18:47 on how we can navigate this.

18:51 Small nations,

18:52 those nations who are now outside of the front lines of this competition,

18:57 need

18:58 to think about how we build back the best of the rules-based multilateral order,

19:04 even if the universal rules-based multilateral order is no longer available to us.

19:09 What that means

19:11 is that we shouldn't be thinking

19:13 about competition

19:14 as standing across from a great power on a nuclear battlefield.

19:19 That does not do us any good.

19:21 Do not go into

19:23 building a rules-based order

19:26 by frustrating

19:27 a great power.

19:29 You've got to figure out a smarter way to do that.

19:32 At the same time,

19:34 don't fall

19:36 into

19:37 Thucydides fallacy thinking.

19:40 Thucydides said

19:42 the great powers do what they will.

19:45 The rest of us suffer what we must.

19:48 The rest of us must at this point in global history.

19:52 Stand together.

19:54 Not just as price takers

19:56 but to exercise agency.

19:59 My colleague from the Lee Kuan Yew School.

20:02 Selina Ho will tell us in a few minutes

20:05 about ASEAN centrality and regionalism as a manifestation of this.

20:10 My final no

20:12 Do not give in to bullies.

20:16 Do not appease a bully

20:19 because

20:20 the lesson they take from that

20:21 is that they can come back.

20:24 And bully you once again.

20:26 My two yeses and this is where I conclude.

20:29 Let's think about building

20:31 systems

20:32 of pathfinder

20:34 multilateralism.

20:36 Multilateralism that keeps to WTO like rules.

20:41 But where we can,

20:42 we do not get disrupted

20:44 by objectives.

20:47 We are able

20:48 to find a way forward

20:50 and again

20:51 regionalism

20:52 and other similar models that we are trying to build in

20:55 East Asia and Southeast Asia can provide examples of this.

21:00 And 3rd,

21:01 and I mean finally,

21:02 my 2nd yes.

21:05 Look

21:06 for models of inadvertent cooperation.

21:11 A fallacy in thinking

21:13 is that the rules-based multilateral order.

21:16 It's an orgy

21:18 of collaboration and cooperation.

21:22 If it does look that way,

21:25 it is because it is in the incentive

21:27 for every agent to behave that way.

21:30 But we can look for ways to elicit

21:34 that kind of cooperation.

21:36 Even if

21:37 nations don't agree with each other.

21:40 The example that I told you about America building

21:44 the globalized multilateral rules based order was exactly such an example.

21:48 America did not agree with everyone else in the world,

21:51 but inadvertently all of us cooperated

21:54 in building a system

21:56 that worked.

21:58 Look for ways in which to modify that,

22:00 but again

22:01 to elicit inadvertent cooperation

22:04 where nations

22:06 will end up doing the right thing.

22:09 Even if it's for the wrong reason.

22:12 We need to revive multilateralism.

22:15 Thank you all very much.

22:22 Thank you,

22:22 thank you very much,

22:23 uh,

22:23 Danny,

22:24 very,

22:24 very insightful,

22:25 uh,

22:26 uh,

22:26 reflection.

22:26 So let's now move to the three papers presentation.

22:29 We start with Mazoud that I'm sure

22:31 has carefully listened to,

22:32 to Danny has a strong opinion on the state of,

22:35 uh,

22:36 multilateralism on the main challenges,

22:38 opportunities,

22:38 and,

22:38 and alternatives.

22:39 Mazo's paper title is

22:41 Is multilateralism whenever we can or only when we

22:46 must.

22:46 So Masoud,

22:47 over to you,

22:47 15 minutes for you.

22:54 Thank you very much.

22:56 Mate,

22:57 thank you,

22:57 Danny.

22:59 So,

23:00 I want to make uh

23:02 a couple of points

23:03 in reaction,

23:04 partly to

23:06 what Danny said and

23:07 partly picking up on the earlier exchange between

23:11 The chief economist and chief intellectual thought

23:14 keeper of the World Bank in the Mid

23:18 and Dany.

23:20 And my point,

23:22 the first point I want to make is that

23:26 2025 years ago,

23:28 whenever we faced a problem.

23:32 A new issue came up.

23:34 Our first go to thought was to think of a multilateral

23:40 approach to dealing with that problem.

23:43 And often that meant setting up a new institution to deal with that problem.

23:49 She wanted to deal with the problem of

23:51 HIV,

23:52 malaria,

23:53 TB,

23:54 set up the Global Fund.

23:56 Want to deal with accelerating educational attainment out of GPE.

24:01 Want to deal with the immunization,

24:03 vaccination

24:04 set up Gavi.

24:07 And if you wanted to come up with a bilateral,

24:10 a unilateral solution,

24:13 you had to make a case

24:14 as to why that was better than the default option of going collective.

24:21 Today,

24:21 I think we've turned that

24:23 on its head.

24:25 So today,

24:28 If you want to give me a solution,

24:30 if I'm a

24:32 politician and you're a civil servant,

24:34 and

24:35 so I've got this problem I want to deal with,

24:37 then why don't we set up our own

24:40 national development bank to do this,

24:42 let's say.

24:44 You come along and say,

24:45 well yes,

24:45 minister,

24:46 but before we set up a national development bank,

24:48 you know,

24:48 there are all these regional banks,

24:49 and I'm like,

24:50 why do I want to join these regional banks?

24:53 Then I won't be able to do what I want.

24:54 So

24:55 now

24:56 we have to make the case

24:59 for a multilateral or collective approach

25:02 rather than take it forgive

25:05 and

25:05 it doesn't mean that we won't be doing multilateral or collective approaches.

25:11 It just means that we shouldn't start from the presumption.

25:15 That the answer will be collective.

25:18 So that was a little bit the title that I

25:22 had for this talk,

25:24 and

25:25 Now,

25:26 also collective

25:28 used to mean

25:30 the more the merrier.

25:31 The global system was better than regional,

25:34 regional is better than sub-regional.

25:36 Now,

25:37 collective will be whatever works best

25:41 for the problem that we're trying to address.

25:45 For some things it will mean global.

25:47 It's very hard to think of

25:49 some problems being solved without

25:52 almost everybody being on board.

25:56 For others it may mean

25:58 regional,

25:58 it may mean

26:00 minilateral,

26:01 plurilateral,

26:02 regional,

26:03 I mean there is a list of names in recent.

26:06 Uh,

26:06 if you look at,

26:07 just go through articles on

26:09 the new multilateralism and Google that and you'll find

26:13 more new terms on this than

26:15 issues-based coalitions,

26:17 value-based coalitions,

26:19 coalitions of the willing,

26:21 coalitions of the unwilling,

26:22 you know,

26:23 there's a whole group now,

26:24 and my view is

26:26 they'll all have their place

26:28 in different ways,

26:29 but the function will be different.

26:32 Which brings me to the second and somewhat larger point.

26:37 And that is that

26:39 We keep thinking

26:41 there's a little bit of a disconnect I see in our thinking.

26:45 We say the current system,

26:47 global system,

26:48 rules-based order

26:50 has a hegemon that was an anchor.

26:54 And then they created global public goods.

26:58 Which included security,

27:01 financial clearance system,

27:02 safety net.

27:03 Mohammed El-Erian talked a bit about it this morning.

27:08 And then in the exchange between Danny and uh

27:11 and In the bit it came up.

27:14 And we are sort of saying well that

27:16 that rules-based global order

27:20 is

27:21 now not so effective,

27:23 both because the hegemon is no longer as interested in

27:27 in playing that role,

27:30 wants to have a different kind of relationship,

27:31 wants our relationship

27:33 with the rest of the world

27:35 of being a large and strong player in the system

27:38 rather than the umpire and keeper of the system.

27:43 And

27:46 What should that lead to?

27:48 So there is one track which is Danny the way I sort of interpreted your

27:53 your clarion call for well let's

27:56 get everybody to come together and build a better system.

28:01 That would be great if we could.

28:04 I was somewhat more

28:06 uh

28:08 Uh,

28:09 shall we say,

28:10 uh,

28:11 not pessimistic but

28:12 down to earth sense that.

28:15 I think that any

28:17 if we go forward,

28:18 there's one set of views which is let's have a global system without the US.

28:23 Right,

28:24 let's let's define a set of rules in which

28:27 The US doesn't want to be the hegemonist.

28:29 The rest of us get together and create

28:32 a set of rules that we all can live with,

28:34 and they'll be,

28:36 may not be,

28:37 um.

28:39 Perfect,

28:39 but it'll get us

28:41 through the system.

28:42 And I think there is no doubt that on things countries will come together

28:48 and find ways to work together.

28:53 Mostly it will be subgroups of countries in my view,

28:56 not the whole world.

28:59 But it won't be a global order.

29:03 That challenges the existing global order.

29:06 Because the existing global order is not disappearing overnight.

29:10 The US is not going to be happy to sit outside

29:14 some alternative global order that everybody else will create.

29:19 And the other countries

29:21 who all want to maintain reasonably good relationships with the US,

29:26 which is still the largest,

29:27 most powerful economy in the world,

29:29 are not going to be so happy to create some alternative global order,

29:33 the definition of which is this is the global order that excludes the US.

29:38 So I don't think this is a feasible

29:40 approach to to think of how to do it.

29:44 Then there is a sort of view which is uh

29:47 Well,

29:47 maybe,

29:48 you know,

29:48 we will end up with uh

29:51 Two zones,

29:53 the sort of division of the world into a Chinese-led global order,

29:57 order,

29:58 and then a

29:59 US based or some other.

30:02 Western

30:03 order.

30:04 You see,

30:04 if you talk to any emerging market,

30:06 they're not that interested in being part of either zone.

30:10 And they would not be enthusiastic supporters of

30:14 of a

30:15 um

30:17 One

30:18 being

30:18 excuse me,

30:19 being in one zone

30:20 or the other,

30:21 they want to be able to trade with both because

30:23 it's important for them to have relationships

30:26 with

30:27 China as major economy and with the

30:32 Europeans and with

30:33 the US.

30:35 So the only way I personally see this moving

30:39 forward is that we should stop using the word

30:41 order in the singular.

30:44 We should basically be moving to a series of overlapping

30:49 sets of rules,

30:51 networks,

30:52 which will govern relationships across countries,

30:56 across groups of countries.

30:58 And each country can be part of

31:02 more than one of these networks at any given time.

31:06 Sometimes those networks will actually

31:09 Appear to have competitive

31:12 objectives,

31:13 but individual countries will be able to be part of them

31:16 regardless.

31:18 Uh,

31:18 if you look at,

31:18 you know,

31:19 a country like India is part of Quad and is part of BRICS at the same time.

31:24 And I think that will be the way in which people will

31:28 begin to

31:29 function and operate

31:31 and that model.

31:33 Of multiple overlapping somewhat messier

31:38 sets of rules.

31:40 is one

31:41 that will require adaptation for individual countries to work with.

31:46 Some countries are actually pretty comfortable working

31:50 with multiple rules and orders.

31:52 In fact,

31:53 if you think about it,

31:55 The degree to which we mourn the demise of the existing

32:00 rules-based order

32:02 is partly a function of how central we were in that order,

32:05 the Europeans and

32:07 the US,

32:08 uh,

32:08 US less so now,

32:09 but the Europeans particularly worry about the loss of

32:12 the global order because it's central to it.

32:14 But the further away you get towards the periphery of the.

32:18 Of the people that are countries that are covered by that order,

32:22 the less of an emotional attachment there is to the order.

32:25 It's a very useful thing to have,

32:27 but

32:28 they don't have the same sense of ownership of the order.

32:31 There is also a greater degree of comfort of living in a world of disorder.

32:36 Because your daily life,

32:39 if you live in an emerging market of developing country,

32:42 you don't have a rules-based order governing your internal operations as much,

32:46 you know the rules don't quite operate so well,

32:49 the courts and judiciary are not as reliable

32:53 in in

32:55 interpreting

32:57 and sustaining rules,

32:59 so you learn to navigate without rules.

33:03 I mean if I try to cross the street and

33:06 In,

33:07 uh,

33:08 let's say in Paris,

33:09 I wait for a sign that says walk and don't walk before I cross the street,

33:13 you know,

33:13 it's a set of rules.

33:15 If I wait for the don't walk sign to change

33:17 to walk when I'm walking the streets in Cairo.

33:21 I'll be waiting a long time

33:23 and if I cross just because the sign says walk.

33:27 There's a very high risk I'll get run over.

33:30 So basically I've got to navigate my way across the street.

33:35 And therefore I'm a little bit more

33:37 comfortable with navigating my way internationally also

33:40 and living with multiple orders and rules.

33:43 So I guess my,

33:44 my point,

33:45 Danny is that it would be,

33:48 it would be great if we could all come together and form this global order

33:53 which would be

33:54 the better,

33:57 more just equitable,

33:59 taking more account of

34:01 domestic

34:02 inequalities as well.

34:05 But I think for the next decade,

34:07 we're going to live in a world

34:09 of messy,

34:10 multiple overlapping

34:13 orders

34:14 and we will have to

34:17 navigate our way through that.

34:19 And therefore,

34:20 just to end on it.

34:22 This is a very difficult world for

34:25 international institutions

34:27 to operate in.

34:30 We,

34:31 we are basically operate by having a set of norms,

34:34 rules that

34:35 tend to be the ones that historically have been global

34:39 and historically have been all our shareholders have signed up to

34:43 and now if we start walking into a world where trading

34:46 rules are different across different places and across different groupings.

34:51 How are we going to give the best advice to individual countries

34:55 and how are we going to take a view on whether or not those policies are effective

35:00 is going to become much more challenging.

35:02 So

35:03 I do feel that we in international institutions

35:08 also need to think about how to operate

35:11 in a messier world

35:14 while

35:15 We do all the good work

35:17 that will lead us to the point where we can go from being messy to being

35:22 reunited again,

35:23 but in a sort of better global framework.

35:27 Thank you.

35:32 Thank you,

35:33 thank you very much,

35:34 Mazud.

35:34 So we have,

35:35 uh,

35:35 had the meat to our discussion.

35:38 So,

35:38 uh,

35:39 let's move now to Selena.

35:40 Um,

35:41 uh,

35:41 Mazo talked about various alternatives,

35:43 uh to multilateralism.

35:44 One of those is,

35:45 uh,

35:46 regionalism.

35:47 Uh,

35:48 so we are now glad to hear your perspective from the South Asia,

35:52 uh,

35:53 uh,

35:53 region and actually your paper is exactly on regionalism,

35:56 multilateralism,

35:57 and the experience of South Asia.

35:58 Celine,

35:58 over to you.

36:09 OK.

36:12 I'll do the slides from here,

36:13 um.

36:14 I have to say that um this is an unusual company for

36:18 me because I'm a political scientist and I am a theory person.

36:22 So this is uh a group of economists I'm in the midst of a little fearful,

36:26 but I'll try my best.

36:28 I'm also sitting right in the middle of Danen.

36:32 And Masood having their debates,

36:35 um,

36:35 but I'm actually not,

36:37 um,

36:38 I don't see their viewpoints as completely different.

36:41 Um,

36:41 I'm advocating here

36:43 for a messier world,

36:45 but advancing to some form of order.

36:48 So I don't think that there is a fundamental difference between the two of you.

36:52 But let me,

36:53 let me say that my central proposition

36:56 And in my presentation,

36:58 it's really about devolving authority

37:00 and resources to regions to uphold multilateralism

37:05 and why we should do that and how we can do that.

37:08 Now,

37:08 let me begin by explaining why regions,

37:11 why

37:12 are regions important and why,

37:14 uh,

37:15 are they,

37:15 why do we need them

37:17 to uphold multilateralism.

37:20 Now we all know and as Masood and and Danny was already talking about,

37:24 we are in a transition.

37:26 This is not just a power transition,

37:28 but an order transition,

37:30 OK.

37:31 We have moved from a bipolar world

37:34 during the Cold War to a unipolar moment,

37:36 um,

37:37 with the United States undergirding the structure that we know.

37:41 We are now in a different transition

37:43 and this transition is a very,

37:45 very uncomfortable one

37:48 for most of us who have lived through,

37:50 uh,

37:50 the 20th century.

37:52 If you are born

37:53 In 2000s and after,

37:54 you know,

37:55 this is not new to you,

37:57 but for us who are older,

37:58 this is very uncomfortable.

38:00 Now this,

38:01 this transition

38:02 is going to be a protracted one.

38:05 OK,

38:06 I would say 10 years,

38:07 I will say 20 years

38:09 or more.

38:10 OK.

38:11 This is going to be a very protracted transition

38:13 and that final shape of the order will likely be,

38:16 in my opinion,

38:17 multipolar.

38:19 And this is not just my view,

38:21 but a view that is quite prevalent

38:23 in Asia,

38:24 in Europe,

38:25 people that I have spoken to.

38:27 What does it mean to be multipolar?

38:29 It means that you will be

38:31 a time and order that's less dominated by great powers.

38:35 There will be more agency for medium and smaller states,

38:39 primarily because

38:41 the nature of power is much more diffused.

38:45 And there is no

38:47 single

38:47 hegemonic state

38:49 or even two states

38:51 that is likely to undergo this order

38:54 in the future.

38:56 It will be multiple poles.

38:58 There is no single hegemonic state,

39:01 nor even two states that are going to undergo disorder.

39:04 So with power that is more diffused

39:07 and responsibilities that are more dispersed,

39:10 what does this mean?

39:11 It actually means that regions are going to play an important role,

39:14 because if we are not talking about great powers,

39:16 we are talking about major powers,

39:18 uh,

39:19 middle powers,

39:20 smaller states.

39:20 So regions are going to rise in importance

39:23 and it will continue to grow in importance in the future.

39:27 Multilateralism was important at the global level,

39:30 therefore needs to be regionalized,

39:33 and it is regionalized as it is,

39:34 but moving forward,

39:36 we might have to lean more

39:37 on regionalism

39:38 as an answer to our problems.

39:41 We know why multilateral,

39:43 multilateral matters as John Ragi has told us.

39:46 Ragi told us,

39:47 and I quote,

39:48 defining and stabilizing

39:50 Uh,

39:51 international property rights,

39:52 solving coordination problems,

39:54 and resolving collaboration problems.

39:56 Those are the reasons why multilateralism matters.

40:00 But why are regions and regionalism important

40:04 and how does regionalism,

40:06 um,

40:07 Help uphold multilateralism.

40:10 Regionalism,

40:11 in my opinion,

40:12 is multi

40:14 multilateralism at the regional level.

40:16 The focus is really on regional integration

40:19 and regional institutions.

40:21 What is the role of regions in

40:22 upholding global institutions and global governance,

40:25 for instance?

40:26 Well,

40:26 regional institutions can complement

40:29 and support the work of global institutions

40:31 at a time when global institutions are plagued by great power rivalry

40:36 and uh institutional paralysis and fragmentation.

40:40 Strengthening

40:41 regionalism and regional institutions will help rebuild

40:45 support for multilateral institutions and solutions.

40:50 Now,

40:50 moreover,

40:51 regional institutions have certain advantages over global institutions.

40:56 The obstacles to collective action are reduced

40:59 as countries can organize themselves more quickly

41:02 and efficiently at the regional level than at the global level.

41:06 Regional institutions also have the advantage of proximity

41:10 to the source of global problems.

41:12 They are closer to the ground,

41:14 they can diagnose,

41:15 mitigate,

41:15 treat and prevent future

41:17 occurrences more accurately and rapidly.

41:20 Now,

41:20 regional institutions are also closer to non-state actors,

41:24 and we know that non-state actors have become important,

41:27 uh,

41:27 in the international,

41:28 in on the international system.

41:31 Regional institutions are more capable of representing these social actors,

41:36 but critically among all these reasons,

41:39 and this is what I am going to

41:41 be uh focusing on for the last few minutes of my

41:44 presentation,

41:45 is that we need to rely more on regions

41:48 to uphold materialism

41:51 as the incubators of innovation.

41:53 They are prolific in producing novel situations

41:56 and at the same time providing a testing,

41:58 testing site for them.

42:00 Now this incubators of innovation is what

42:03 Danny is referring to as pathfinders.

42:05 He calls it pathfinders,

42:06 I call it incubators of innovation.

42:09 With a lesser number of veto actors and veto points at the regional level,

42:14 regional institutions can also more quickly

42:17 course-correct when needed compared to global institutions.

42:21 Now,

42:21 there are particularly 3 challenges in which regions have been advancing

42:25 and moving forward,

42:27 and I'm going to draw some examples from Southeast Asia for this presentation.

42:32 They have been very innovative,

42:33 uh,

42:33 very,

42:34 uh,

42:34 uh,

42:35 forward-looking,

42:36 creative,

42:37 3 areas in upholding free trade and the global trading system.

42:40 Number 2,

42:41 in the governance of new technologies and new forms of the economy

42:45 and also

42:46 thirdly in upholding a rules-based order.

42:52 So the first

42:54 The first

42:56 is a free trade and global trading system.

42:58 Countries at the regional level can work

43:00 together to ensure that the global economic system

43:04 remains open

43:05 to cross-border flows of trade and investment.

43:07 The WTO cannot perform this role as it has been under siege since the late 1990s,

43:13 failing to make advancements towards trade liberalization.

43:17 Regions by contrast are particularly effective

43:20 in producing forward-looking multilateral free trade agreements,

43:24 and South Asia is the vanguard of this

43:27 kind of agreements.

43:29 It is the driver of the RCEP,

43:31 right,

43:32 which is,

43:32 which builds on existing ASEAN free trade agreements with its trading partners,

43:36 China,

43:37 Japan,

43:37 South Korea,

43:39 Australia,

43:39 and New Zealand.

43:40 Bangladesh,

43:41 Chile,

43:41 and Sri Lanka have applied to join the RCEP.

43:45 There is also the possibility of the United Kingdom joining the bloc.

43:49 Their membership will enhance and expand the scope and influence of the RCEP.

43:55 Now,

43:56 regional states,

43:57 particularly from ASEAN,

43:58 4 ASEAN states

44:00 and 3 Latin American countries,

44:03 uh,

44:03 make up more than half

44:05 of the 12 member

44:06 CPTPP

44:08 and the CPTPP is regarded as the gold standard

44:13 for trade liberalization

44:14 and uh uh market liberalization.

44:18 Now these multilateral trading regimes are the antithesis

44:22 of protectionism and terrorists.

44:25 We must leverage them

44:26 to uphold free trade

44:28 and promote

44:29 cross-regional integration.

44:31 The RCP and CPT CPTPP can act stabilizing forces

44:36 in the ongoing tariff wars,

44:38 reciprocal wars,

44:39 or reciprocal tariff wars or whatever you want to call it.

44:43 Now collective action through these platforms should be a priority,

44:46 even as individual countries

44:49 go around negotiating with the Trump administration.

44:52 This platform should push towards connecting with Europe,

44:56 with the Middle East,

44:57 with Africa

44:58 and other regional trade initiatives,

45:00 expand global supply chains

45:02 and advance

45:04 trade.

45:05 Convergence of trading rules and standards across regions is necessary

45:10 so that we can avoid fragmenting

45:12 the global trading system.

45:14 Once these rules are tested and established,

45:16 they can be brought back to the WTO.

45:19 For negotiations

45:21 and as evidence of success.

45:23 Now the second area that regions have been particularly good at is in,

45:28 uh,

45:29 governance of emerging technologies and new forms of economy.

45:32 Now these new forms of economy,

45:35 emerging technologies,

45:36 they are posing significant risk to human civilization.

45:40 Setting standards and ethical principles and how you deal with AI,

45:44 biotechnology,

45:45 and rules and regulations for the protection of personal data

45:49 are falling behind the development of these new technologies.

45:52 Now regional groupings have really been in

45:54 the forefront of efforts to set standards for

45:57 the digital economy,

45:58 for instance.

45:59 In 2020,

46:01 Chile,

46:01 New Zealand,

46:02 and Singapore

46:03 signed the digital Economic Partnership agreements.

46:07 ASEAN itself,

46:08 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations,

46:11 also launched negotiations for the world's first region-wide

46:15 digital economy framework agreement in 2023.

46:20 This is aimed at strengthening regional digital

46:24 integration and transformation in Southeast Asia.

46:27 Now for ASEAN,

46:28 this is a game-changer.

46:30 It will be a game-changer

46:32 for uh economies in the region,

46:34 for the,

46:35 for the region to advance um and deliver

46:39 uh

46:39 seamless

46:40 goods and services across borders

46:43 and

46:43 to and also data underpinned by rules and regulations.

46:48 We believe that this will be a game-changer.

46:51 Now these initi initiatives will help

46:53 mitigate regulatory fragmentation resulting from tariff wars

46:58 and technological de-risking.

47:00 Now for the last area that I think that regions can

47:03 do very well in drawing again from Southeast Asia and from ASEAN

47:08 is to uphold the rules-based order.

47:11 Now,

47:12 I think most of us

47:13 can agree that the part of the current

47:16 international order or the international order that's passing

47:19 is that we like the rules,

47:21 right?

47:21 I mean we are multilateral organization right now,

47:23 we like rules,

47:24 right?

47:25 Rules cut transaction costs,

47:26 ensure predictability,

47:28 protect small states against the rule of the jungle,

47:31 mitigate the effects of raw power and coercion to ensure

47:34 that there is a more equitable and just world.

47:37 Now regions can be incubators of these

47:39 innovative mechanisms for ensuring a rules-based order.

47:43 In Southeast Asia,

47:44 we have a set of informal and consensus

47:47 building norms known as the ASEAN way.

47:50 And the ASEAN has prevented disputes among states from erupting

47:54 and destroying regional peace.

47:56 Now this is notwithstanding the situation in Myanmar

47:59 or the more recent clashes between Cambodia and Thailand

48:03 over pre-Viha.

48:04 Those have a lot to do with internal politics.

48:07 But region-wide,

48:09 we did not see a situation of

48:11 uh wars and open conflict,

48:13 right,

48:14 since the end of the Cold War.

48:16 Now drawing from ASEAN's experience,

48:18 we need to rethink the concept of law

48:21 and what it means to have a rules-based order.

48:24 The ASEAN way is non-legalistic.

48:26 We have what we known as soft laws.

48:29 So ASEAN has gained

48:31 a reputation for soft laws.

48:33 I asked CHA GPT.

48:35 What ASEAN soft law is and defined for me,

48:38 ASEAN soft law refers to

48:41 non-legally binding agreements,

48:42 principles,

48:43 and declarations

48:45 used within ASEAN to guide cooperation

48:47 and integration among its member states.

48:50 Now these instruments while not imposing strict legal obligations,

48:54 play a crucial role in shaping norms.

48:56 promoting consensus and fostering regional collaboration.

49:00 That is the definition

49:02 produced by Chad GPT on ASEAN soft law.

49:04 But I think that one of my colleagues at the National University of Singapore,

49:08 and I have to credit her with this

49:10 because she is the one who came up with all this work on ASEAN soft law.

49:14 Her name is Sien Lee Tan,

49:15 she is a colleague in the law school

49:17 at NUS

49:18 and

49:20 Uh,

49:21 I think she gave a much more better version of what ASEAN soft law is.

49:25 Uh,

49:25 she sees soft law as having an aspirational remit

49:30 and it does have a transitional

49:32 status towards hard law,

49:33 but more importantly,

49:35 she noted that there has been a change in the international legal order.

49:39 Basically,

49:40 soft law usage has become

49:42 much more widespread,

49:44 has gained credibility,

49:45 it has become an increasingly recognized area

49:49 in managing emerging issues,

49:52 climate change,

49:53 health,

49:54 uh,

49:54 global health,

49:55 as well as new and emerging technologies.

49:58 Now,

49:58 why is it important to use soft laws in this context?

50:01 It's because these things have been

50:03 Changing so fast,

50:04 that if you put in hard laws,

50:06 they are not gonna work.

50:07 You need soft laws to allow these new areas

50:10 to advance and then the soft law modifies itself

50:14 in,

50:14 in,

50:14 you know,

50:15 in treaties,

50:15 in,

50:16 in,

50:16 in agreements,

50:17 in memorandums of understanding

50:19 to advance

50:21 the ethics and setting the standards on these

50:23 soft laws on these emerging issues.

50:26 And it has also soft laws has also made it possible

50:30 to facilitate cooperation

50:32 when there is so much great power,

50:34 rivalry and geopolitical uncertainty,

50:37 uncertainties.

50:38 So this is one of the pieces that she has written,

50:40 but she is a scholar,

50:41 she has written much more scholarly pieces as well.

50:44 Now let me end with a call.

50:48 To reintegrate regionalism and multilateralism.

50:52 Let me,

50:52 let me say that

50:53 regions play a very significant role in ensuring multilateralism

50:58 and the continued provision of public goods

51:00 at a time when the work of global institutions is hindered

51:03 by great power rivalry and collective action problems.

51:06 Now this is,

51:07 I'm not saying that we should do away with global institutions,

51:09 I mean,

51:10 one now,

51:11 I will not say that,

51:12 and I think the World Bank,

51:13 IMF,

51:14 and international organizations continue to play a very important role.

51:18 But why not let regional institutions advance

51:22 when they can

51:23 and then pull everyone along when the time is right.

51:27 And I,

51:28 I think that Article 52

51:30 of the UN Charter actually recognizes

51:33 that regional organizations may be in a better position to deal

51:36 with regionspecific disruptions,

51:39 problems,

51:39 disputes.

51:41 Now,

51:41 the uncertainties

51:43 when the Cold War ended with the fall of the Soviet Union led to a reintegration

51:48 of regionalism and multilateralism and regional institutions.

51:52 The world now stands in another precipice.

51:56 The current transition will be long

51:58 and protracted and unstable,

52:00 and I was saying just now,

52:01 2020 years,

52:02 not 10,

52:03 Ma,

52:04 it's going to be messy while we transit to this order that we were like that Danny was

52:09 imagining.

52:11 Um,

52:12 now to deal with these challenges of the future,

52:14 regions are really well placed.

52:16 They are incubators of innovation

52:18 in the three areas that I talked about

52:20 and regions are again at the forefront of experiments to tackle global challenges.

52:25 It is necessary and therefore timely to divest greater resources

52:29 and authority to regions and regional institutions.

52:32 Thank you.

52:36 Thank you,

52:37 uh,

52:37 thank you,

52:38 uh,

52:38 very much.

52:39 So now we have a

52:41 very strong view on regionalism.

52:43 Let,

52:43 let's continue with the experience of Asia Pacific,

52:46 a very dynamic region that has gone through a big financial crisis,

52:49 as you know,

52:51 and reinvented itself as a fast-growing production hub.

52:53 So now,

52:54 Xinuan will present,

52:56 uh,

52:56 we talked about this paper

52:58 which was title is exactly Asia Pacific

52:59 Growth and the Changing International System.

53:02 Over to you.

53:03 Thank you.

53:04 Thank you,

53:04 thank you for having me here.

53:07 Um,

53:07 actually,

53:08 I'm aware that the term of Asia Pacific

53:12 is considered outdated in this time.

53:15 Uh,

53:16 but the,

53:16 the topic was assigned to me,

53:18 so sorry for being

53:19 old fashioned.

53:21 Um,

53:23 So actually I think Asia Pacific or

53:27 maybe more specifically East Asia

53:29 uh is very much uh uh integrated into the US led international

53:34 system,

53:34 especially international treaty

53:36 system.

53:37 Uh,

53:38 and,

53:38 uh,

53:39 actually a number of,

53:40 uh,

53:40 East Asian countries have been benefiting

53:43 from the US led international trading system

53:46 after the Second World War,

53:48 uh,

53:48 starting from Japan

53:50 and followed by,

53:51 uh,

53:51 South Korea,

53:52 uh,

53:53 Chinese Hong Kong,

53:54 Taiwan,

53:55 and also,

53:57 uh,

53:57 China,

53:57 and also,

53:58 uh,

53:58 some,

53:59 uh,

53:59 South Asian countries.

54:02 So actually the,

54:03 the whole area,

54:04 the whole region.

54:05 Has,

54:06 uh,

54:06 uh,

54:06 as I said,

54:07 has been integrated into

54:09 the US led multilateral,

54:11 uh,

54:11 trading system,

54:12 uh,

54:12 very much,

54:13 um,

54:14 and under this international trading system,

54:17 all these Asian,

54:18 uh,

54:18 countries have,

54:19 uh,

54:20 uh,

54:21 taken advantage of their comparative advantage in manufacturing,

54:25 and they have been,

54:26 uh,

54:26 uh,

54:27 involved in the US led,

54:28 uh,

54:29 trade circle.

54:31 Uh,

54:31 so they have developed their,

54:33 uh,

54:34 manufacturing base,

54:35 uh,

54:35 for,

54:36 uh,

54:36 decades.

54:38 Uh,

54:38 of course,

54:38 uh,

54:39 Japan and South Korea

54:41 were the earliest,

54:43 uh,

54:44 success,

54:45 successful countries

54:47 and also some other,

54:48 uh,

54:49 small,

54:50 small economies.

54:51 But of course in the 19 uh.

54:54 Actually it was maybe earlier,

54:56 uh,

54:57 China started its opening up in 1979

55:00 when it's diplomatic relationship

55:02 with the United States was established.

55:05 So this,

55:05 I,

55:05 I think this is not a

55:08 coincidence.

55:08 It's actually uh related

55:10 uh with each other.

55:11 Of course China joined the WTO in

55:14 the year of 2001.

55:16 And uh after that,

55:18 uh,

55:19 the other uh South Asian countries,

55:22 especially Vietnam,

55:23 also joined

55:24 the WTO in 2007,

55:27 becoming the latest group

55:29 to join the

55:31 multilateral trading system.

55:33 So you can see,

55:34 I mean,

55:35 all these uh

55:36 uh East Asian economies

55:39 have been very actively,

55:40 uh,

55:41 participating in the

55:42 multilateral trading system

55:44 or the US led international trading system,

55:47 and they have,

55:47 uh,

55:48 successfully developed their

55:50 manufacturing industries

55:52 and of course,

55:52 uh,

55:53 the US market is their major export

55:56 destination,

55:57 uh,

55:58 so you can see from

56:00 Uh,

56:00 1950s,

56:02 1960s,

56:03 almost all of them,

56:05 uh,

56:05 have witnessed a rapid growth of exports,

56:08 um.

56:10 Of course,

56:11 uh,

56:12 uh,

56:12 they have a little bit different patterns,

56:14 but,

56:15 uh,

56:15 basically,

56:16 uh,

56:16 in the early years,

56:18 uh,

56:18 they have a very rapid rising,

56:21 uh,

56:21 trade GDP ratio,

56:23 uh,

56:24 for almost all these,

56:25 uh,

56:25 economies,

56:27 and,

56:27 uh,

56:28 uh,

56:28 as I said,

56:29 the US actually,

56:30 uh,

56:30 has been their largest

56:32 export destination.

56:34 So they have been,

56:34 as I said,

56:35 benefiting

56:36 from the US led

56:38 system.

56:39 But in terms of international financial system,

56:42 maybe it is more

56:44 complicated.

56:45 Actually,

56:45 uh as you know,

56:46 uh,

56:47 in the year of 1997,

56:50 and many of them

56:53 have suffered from the financial crisis,

56:56 um.

56:58 And,

56:58 uh,

56:59 uh,

57:00 many of them,

57:00 uh,

57:01 actually,

57:01 uh,

57:02 uh,

57:03 were suffering from the

57:05 kind of binding relationship

57:07 between their currencies

57:08 with the US dollar.

57:10 Uh,

57:11 uh,

57:12 actually many of them was uh were in uh.

57:16 Trade uh

57:17 uh

57:19 Declining trade,

57:20 uh,

57:20 surplus

57:21 and uh worsening,

57:23 uh,

57:23 current counterbalance.

57:25 So,

57:25 uh,

57:26 this actually exposed their vulnerability

57:29 to the international financial system.

57:32 Uh,

57:32 so they also have,

57:33 uh,

57:34 kind of overdependence

57:36 on short term foreign

57:37 debt

57:38 nominated the US dollar,

57:40 um,

57:40 so.

57:41 Uh,

57:42 actually,

57:42 uh,

57:43 they,

57:43 as I said,

57:43 they benefited from a lot from the trading system,

57:46 but they suffered a lot

57:48 from the financial system

57:50 and also,

57:51 uh.

57:53 So maybe over concentration of their uh exports

57:57 on the US market

57:58 also reduced their

57:59 resilience in trade performance.

58:02 Uh,

58:02 so in turn,

58:04 uh,

58:04 they tried to stimulate

58:06 uh

58:07 try to uh

58:09 reach more uh

58:10 uh regional integration,

58:13 um,

58:13 so actually,

58:14 um.

58:15 Uh,

58:16 after,

58:16 of course,

58:17 uh,

58:17 after the ANSEAN was established,

58:19 but in,

58:20 uh,

58:20 uh,

58:20 2002,

58:22 uh,

58:22 when,

58:23 uh,

58:23 China,

58:23 after China joined the WTO,

58:25 China also,

58:26 uh,

58:26 started to establish a

58:28 closer regional,

58:29 uh,

58:30 integration with,

58:31 uh,

58:31 its,

58:31 uh,

58:32 East Asian neighbors.

58:33 Um,

58:34 the China ASEAN FTA was started,

58:38 uh,

58:38 in the year of 2002.

58:40 So this is also um uh China's contribution to stabilize

58:45 uh the East Asian economy and also

58:49 uh the relationship between

58:51 China and

58:52 its neighbors.

58:54 Uh,

58:55 so you can see in the financial crisis,

58:58 there was a faster depreciation

59:01 of

59:02 many Asian Asian currencies

59:04 against the US dollar.

59:07 Um

59:09 But uh of course uh we all know that uh uh right now the US has very different uh trader

59:16 attitude toward

59:17 the multilateral trading system,

59:19 but it's actually not new.

59:21 Uh,

59:22 even in 1970s,

59:25 as I said,

59:25 Japan was a

59:27 At that time was the biggest

59:29 beneficiary of

59:31 the GATT system,

59:33 but in 1970s and 1980s,

59:35 uh,

59:36 facing Japan's uh significant challenge,

59:39 the US already

59:41 domin adopted a bilateral oppressive

59:44 policy against Japan

59:46 which actually obviously,

59:47 uh,

59:48 violated the GATT rules.

59:50 Uh,

59:50 so at that time the US was already uh breaking.

59:54 The rules-based system,

59:56 um.

59:58 But uh after winning the Cold War in early 1990s,

1:00:02 uh,

1:00:03 the US fully

1:00:04 resumed and strengthened its actually support

1:00:07 to the multilateral treaty system

1:00:09 by establishing the WTO with a

1:00:12 powerful and independent

1:00:14 judicial mechanism,

1:00:15 the so-called the dispute

1:00:17 settlement mechanism,

1:00:19 uh,

1:00:19 and also the US gave up

1:00:21 its unilateralism

1:00:22 in 1980s.

1:00:24 So return

1:00:26 back,

1:00:26 return to the multilateralism.

1:00:29 Uh,

1:00:30 right now,

1:00:30 of course,

1:00:30 we are seeing uh the US

1:00:33 is adopting

1:00:34 the unilateralism again,

1:00:37 uh,

1:00:37 but of course we don't know

1:00:39 after 10 years or maybe 20 years

1:00:42 whether the US will

1:00:43 become a regular,

1:00:44 uh,

1:00:45 member of the multilateralism.

1:00:48 And also,

1:00:49 uh,

1:00:50 at the same time,

1:00:51 the US promoted the regional initiatives

1:00:53 such as APEC

1:00:55 in 1993 and NAFTA in 1994.

1:01:00 So,

1:01:00 uh,

1:01:01 across the Asia Pacific

1:01:02 region,

1:01:03 uh,

1:01:03 actually there was a closer relationship among all these,

1:01:06 uh,

1:01:07 uh,

1:01:08 members,

1:01:09 uh,

1:01:10 and,

1:01:10 uh,

1:01:11 actually at that time the US and both the US and China,

1:01:15 uh.

1:01:16 Uh,

1:01:17 advocated regional economic integration.

1:01:22 But um,

1:01:24 Uh,

1:01:25 I,

1:01:25 I would say,

1:01:26 uh,

1:01:27 the turning point,

1:01:29 uh,

1:01:29 was

1:01:30 2008

1:01:32 when the global financial crisis

1:01:34 happened,

1:01:35 uh,

1:01:36 starting from,

1:01:36 uh,

1:01:37 starting in the United States,

1:01:39 and for the WTO for the multilateral trading system,

1:01:42 also a bad event happened in 2008.

1:01:46 Actually that was there was a.

1:01:49 Big mini ministerial uh in Geneva,

1:01:52 uh,

1:01:53 it almost took like 8 or 99 days

1:01:57 but finally failed

1:01:58 to reach an agreement.

1:02:00 So that actually was the last hope

1:02:02 for the so-called Doha Round or Doha development agenda.

1:02:06 Then after that,

1:02:07 uh,

1:02:08 actually the,

1:02:09 the,

1:02:09 the at that time the Obama administration

1:02:12 basically,

1:02:13 uh,

1:02:13 gave up

1:02:14 on the WTO on the multilateral,

1:02:16 uh,

1:02:16 trade negotiations,

1:02:17 and,

1:02:18 uh,

1:02:19 uh,

1:02:19 turned to,

1:02:20 uh,

1:02:20 uh,

1:02:21 the so-called mega regionals

1:02:22 like TPP and the

1:02:24 TTIP.

1:02:25 And also under the Obama's administration,

1:02:29 the US started to question

1:02:31 ah the um

1:02:33 Uh,

1:02:34 the fairness or the,

1:02:36 uh,

1:02:36 the,

1:02:37 the,

1:02:37 the feasibility

1:02:38 of the WTO dispute settlement mechanism,

1:02:41 uh,

1:02:42 by blocking,

1:02:43 uh,

1:02:44 some members reappointment of appellate body.

1:02:49 So actually,

1:02:50 as I said,

1:02:51 starting from 2008,

1:02:53 the US has changed,

1:02:55 has started to change its attitude

1:02:58 toward the multilateral trading system.

1:03:02 So it's actually not a new,

1:03:04 um,

1:03:05 and it's largely uh

1:03:08 uh reflecting uh the

1:03:10 declining

1:03:11 position of the US

1:03:12 in world trade

1:03:14 uh

1:03:15 shown there by it's it's growing

1:03:17 trade deficit.

1:03:19 Right now,

1:03:20 of course,

1:03:20 uh,

1:03:21 especially after,

1:03:22 after,

1:03:22 uh,

1:03:23 2017,

1:03:24 uh,

1:03:25 I would say this is kind of uh

1:03:27 Revolution,

1:03:28 um.

1:03:30 Uh,

1:03:31 which was launched by President Trump,

1:03:34 um.

1:03:35 And uh starting from uh Trump administration,

1:03:39 even Trump

1:03:40 1.0,

1:03:41 uh,

1:03:42 the US position on global trade policy or global

1:03:45 governance

1:03:46 has changed dramatically.

1:03:49 So basically,

1:03:50 uh,

1:03:50 President Trump believed that

1:03:52 US leadership in global affairs is not worthwhile,

1:03:56 and giving others

1:03:58 an opportunity to take advantage of the US

1:04:01 and no matter they are friends or foes

1:04:03 and uh especially the international,

1:04:05 uh,

1:04:06 trade system with the purpose of

1:04:08 freer trade

1:04:09 is especially harmful to the US and beneficial to the others.

1:04:13 Basically,

1:04:14 um,

1:04:14 it is actually because,

1:04:15 uh,

1:04:16 uh,

1:04:16 the US has been.

1:04:19 Losing its competitive comparative advantage

1:04:22 in manufacturing

1:04:24 industries

1:04:25 one by one,

1:04:27 so,

1:04:28 um,

1:04:29 then actually this has brought some,

1:04:31 uh,

1:04:32 uh,

1:04:32 kind of a threat to the US

1:04:34 military,

1:04:35 uh,

1:04:35 hegemony,

1:04:37 um.

1:04:38 So,

1:04:39 uh,

1:04:39 then this,

1:04:40 uh,

1:04:40 Trump administration intends to

1:04:43 kind of,

1:04:43 uh,

1:04:44 return to the 19th century

1:04:46 when the US was dominate adopting a high tariff,

1:04:49 uh,

1:04:49 isolationist or trade protectionist policy,

1:04:53 and,

1:04:53 uh,

1:04:54 at the same time achieving successful industrial development.

1:04:57 Of course that was

1:04:59 also interesting,

1:05:00 uh,

1:05:00 history.

1:05:01 Right now,

1:05:02 uh,

1:05:03 the,

1:05:03 the US government is trying to build up a new deals based.

1:05:08 Bilateral trading system to replace the rules-based

1:05:12 regional and

1:05:14 both regional and multilateral system

1:05:16 which

1:05:17 was sponsor sponsored by the US administration

1:05:21 in the last

1:05:22 eight decades.

1:05:24 So actually,

1:05:25 uh,

1:05:26 uh,

1:05:26 right now the US government is not only

1:05:29 uh

1:05:30 uh

1:05:31 against

1:05:32 multilateral trading system but also uh

1:05:35 regional uh system.

1:05:37 So like uh USMCA

1:05:39 is basically uh given up,

1:05:41 uh,

1:05:41 is basically abandoned.

1:05:44 Uh,

1:05:45 so,

1:05:45 interestingly,

1:05:46 of course,

1:05:46 uh,

1:05:47 just recently,

1:05:48 uh,

1:05:49 the US government has announced,

1:05:51 uh,

1:05:52 it will,

1:05:52 uh,

1:05:52 impose reciprocal tariffs on

1:05:55 selected,

1:05:56 uh,

1:05:56 trading partners,

1:05:58 uh,

1:05:59 and you can see,

1:05:59 basically,

1:06:00 uh,

1:06:00 many

1:06:01 Asian East Asian countries

1:06:03 have higher,

1:06:04 uh,

1:06:04 tariffs.

1:06:05 Uh,

1:06:08 With the exclusion of Brazil,

1:06:10 Brazil is an exceptional,

1:06:12 but like Laos,

1:06:13 Myanmar,

1:06:14 Thailand,

1:06:14 Cambodia,

1:06:15 Bangladesh,

1:06:16 um.

1:06:18 Uh,

1:06:19 anyway,

1:06:19 Sri Lanka,

1:06:20 uh,

1:06:21 all these countries in Asia Pacific

1:06:24 area,

1:06:25 they will face,

1:06:26 uh,

1:06:26 even higher,

1:06:28 uh,

1:06:28 tariffs

1:06:29 because they have closer

1:06:31 trade relations

1:06:32 with China,

1:06:33 basically.

1:06:36 Um,

1:06:37 and also along with this,

1:06:39 uh,

1:06:39 uh,

1:06:39 uh,

1:06:40 changing US trade policy

1:06:43 right now actually,

1:06:44 uh,

1:06:45 in Asian,

1:06:46 uh,

1:06:46 regional integration,

1:06:47 uh,

1:06:48 China has become even more,

1:06:49 uh,

1:06:50 important.

1:06:51 Uh,

1:06:51 it's not,

1:06:52 well,

1:06:52 of course it's not only

1:06:54 because of policy changes,

1:06:55 but it's also because of economic,

1:06:57 uh,

1:06:58 principles.

1:06:59 Uh,

1:07:00 for China,

1:07:00 it has,

1:07:01 uh,

1:07:01 strong,

1:07:02 uh,

1:07:02 motivation to strengthen its

1:07:04 economic relationship with its neighbors,

1:07:06 um.

1:07:08 Uh,

1:07:08 also,

1:07:09 uh,

1:07:09 political relationship.

1:07:11 And uh

1:07:12 China also has been very active

1:07:14 and constructive in Asian economic integration arrangements

1:07:18 including RCEP and FTAs

1:07:20 with ASEAN,

1:07:21 AIIB,

1:07:22 and the Qingmai initiative,

1:07:23 both

1:07:24 trade and economic,

1:07:25 uh,

1:07:25 financial,

1:07:26 uh,

1:07:27 arrangements,

1:07:28 and especially China as a manufacturing powerhouse.

1:07:32 OK,

1:07:32 sorry,

1:07:33 I try to finish.

1:07:35 Has a high demand for resources,

1:07:37 materials,

1:07:37 and intermediate goods

1:07:39 which its Asian neighbors are richer,

1:07:42 um,

1:07:43 so we are trying to develop this relationship.

1:07:46 Right now,

1:07:47 of course,

1:07:47 there are some concerns

1:07:49 about China's industrial policy and

1:07:51 trade practice,

1:07:53 but basically,

1:07:54 uh,

1:07:54 especially in comparison to the US,

1:07:56 China's trade policy is more stable and predictable.

1:08:01 Uh,

1:08:02 so,

1:08:02 uh,

1:08:03 you can see from the,

1:08:04 uh,

1:08:04 global value chains,

1:08:06 uh,

1:08:06 China has now has a larger

1:08:08 role in this network.

1:08:11 A

1:08:14 OK,

1:08:15 maybe I should

1:08:17 jump to my

1:08:18 conclusions.

1:08:19 OK,

1:08:19 sorry,

1:08:20 yeah,

1:08:21 yes,

1:08:21 yeah,

1:08:22 um.

1:08:24 Maybe at one point,

1:08:26 uh,

1:08:26 right now,

1:08:26 of course,

1:08:27 uh,

1:08:28 uh,

1:08:28 China has become the largest manufacturing country in the world.

1:08:32 Uh,

1:08:33 my point is that,

1:08:34 uh,

1:08:36 I think China is very lucky.

1:08:39 Uh,

1:08:40 to happen to have all these factors necessary

1:08:43 for the development of manufacturing industry right now,

1:08:47 uh,

1:08:48 but actually,

1:08:49 uh,

1:08:50 good times don't last long.

1:08:51 Actually we are losing,

1:08:54 uh,

1:08:54 some of our advantages

1:08:56 in manufacturing,

1:08:57 uh,

1:08:57 gradually,

1:08:58 uh,

1:08:59 look at the,

1:09:00 uh,

1:09:00 the,

1:09:01 the changing population of China

1:09:03 and the declining share of young people,

1:09:06 uh,

1:09:07 so.

1:09:08 Right now actually China has started to

1:09:11 move

1:09:12 its supply chains overseas.

1:09:15 Um,

1:09:15 so,

1:09:15 but I mean in the last,

1:09:17 especially in the last two decades,

1:09:20 China really

1:09:21 had all these

1:09:23 necessary factors for developing,

1:09:25 uh,

1:09:25 manufacturing.

1:09:26 So of course right now

1:09:27 the share of China in in world

1:09:30 manufacturing output is really

1:09:32 huge.

1:09:34 Uh,

1:09:35 so,

1:09:35 uh,

1:09:35 in conclusion,

1:09:36 uh,

1:09:36 I have some points

1:09:38 to share with you.

1:09:40 Uh,

1:09:40 first,

1:09:41 uh,

1:09:41 as I said,

1:09:42 Asia Pacific benefits a lot from US led globalization

1:09:45 and appreciates

1:09:47 US leadership and the,

1:09:48 and the contribution.

1:09:50 But uh the,

1:09:51 the reverse of the US policy towards the international uh

1:09:54 system or trading system

1:09:56 is harmful and regretful for

1:09:59 East Asian countries.

1:10:00 We are really,

1:10:01 uh,

1:10:02 including China but also other East Asian countries

1:10:04 are concerned about US

1:10:06 policy change.

1:10:08 But uh in terms of trade and investment,

1:10:10 a regional economic integration in Asia Pacific

1:10:13 has great potential to mitigate.

1:10:15 Uh,

1:10:16 the damages caused by US isolation,

1:10:19 as Danny

1:10:21 argued,

1:10:22 uh,

1:10:23 actually,

1:10:23 especially the RCEP

1:10:25 region

1:10:26 has very,

1:10:26 uh,

1:10:27 great potential to

1:10:28 kind of,

1:10:29 uh,

1:10:29 develop.

1:10:32 Kind of

1:10:33 regional internal circulation,

1:10:36 ah,

1:10:36 so we have all,

1:10:38 uh,

1:10:39 at least most of them are necessary factors to develop

1:10:43 our economies.

1:10:45 For China,

1:10:46 uh,

1:10:46 I,

1:10:46 I think China has yet

1:10:48 to replace US leadership in the

1:10:51 international system.

1:10:52 Uh,

1:10:53 we still have a limited power and appeal,

1:10:56 uh,

1:10:57 in terms of the kind of world leadership,

1:11:01 not yet for China.

1:11:02 So still

1:11:04 we,

1:11:04 ah,

1:11:05 pay,

1:11:05 uh,

1:11:05 we very much appreciate the centrality

1:11:08 of ASEAN in the regional

1:11:10 integration.

1:11:11 Uh,

1:11:12 so we always,

1:11:13 uh,

1:11:13 say that,

1:11:14 uh,

1:11:14 especially ASEA is

1:11:16 kind of,

1:11:17 uh,

1:11:18 uh,

1:11:18 led by ASEAN rather than China.

1:11:21 Uh,

1:11:21 but of course China is a,

1:11:23 uh,

1:11:24 major,

1:11:24 uh,

1:11:24 advocate

1:11:25 for regional integration in Asia Pacific.

1:11:29 Thank you.

1:11:29 I'm sorry for taking.

1:11:31 Thank you.

1:11:33 Thank you very much,

1:11:34 Xing Juan.

1:11:35 Uh,

1:11:35 thank you all.

1:11:36 Very,

1:11:36 very interesting,

1:11:37 uh,

1:11:38 very interesting discussion with different views,

1:11:40 but very much,

1:11:41 uh,

1:11:41 connected.

1:11:42 So let me take the opportunity,

1:11:43 I will gonna use the next 1015 minutes to ask

1:11:46 further questions to our guests and then I will open uh for Q&A from,

1:11:50 from,

1:11:51 from the audience.

1:11:52 Uh,

1:11:53 I want to start again from,

1:11:54 from Danny.

1:11:55 Um,

1:11:56 Danny,

1:11:56 you are the author of a recent paper.

1:12:00 That argues that because of great power rivalry,

1:12:02 the world is increasingly heading toward what you call epic fail outcomes,

1:12:08 specifically a situation where everyone

1:12:10 ends up uh worse off.

1:12:13 So here we are here at the World Bank.

1:12:15 The World Bank works with a lot of developing countries.

1:12:17 So the question is,

1:12:18 what is in your view,

1:12:20 what can,

1:12:20 how can developing countries advance their own prosperity

1:12:24 under this condition?

1:12:25 Can they play a

1:12:26 kind of stronger,

1:12:27 larger role

1:12:28 in rebuilding international cooperation?

1:12:34 Thank you Matteo for that,

1:12:35 for that question.

1:12:37 Uh,

1:12:37 implicit in the idea

1:12:39 that a number of us up here are trying to advance

1:12:43 is that

1:12:45 desirable

1:12:47 that the uh

1:12:49 extent

1:12:51 rules-based multilateral globalized order has been.

1:12:55 If it's no longer available to us because

1:12:59 of great power rivalry or other ways in which nations

1:13:03 are showing

1:13:04 a deviation

1:13:06 away

1:13:07 from

1:13:09 the situation where we all supported that system.

1:13:12 And all of us benefited from it.

1:13:16 How can smaller nations,

1:13:19 how can developing economies,

1:13:21 how can those nations that are not themselves great powers,

1:13:26 Continue

1:13:27 to take action that will help support the system.

1:13:31 If

1:13:32 we take the view

1:13:33 that the current

1:13:35 international economic order

1:13:38 was built by the United States.

1:13:41 And holds together because of the United States.

1:13:45 And the United States decides to either withdraw

1:13:48 or adjust that position

1:13:51 away from a system that all of us

1:13:54 appreciate

1:13:54 benefits us,

1:13:56 how do we respond?

1:13:59 The way in which I and others have tried to argue about this.

1:14:04 is that we need to break away from the idea

1:14:08 that it is only

1:14:10 great powers that can build international systems.

1:14:15 One way in which my colleague Selena describes this

1:14:18 is that we can think about smaller scale

1:14:21 international economic systems,

1:14:23 region-based ones,

1:14:26 where the role of a great power

1:14:28 is then altered

1:14:29 to some identification of nations within that system.

1:14:33 I want to suggest another way which is the,

1:14:36 the

1:14:37 trying to steer.

1:14:40 The actions of great powers away from an epic fail outcome.

1:14:46 An outcome where everyone is worse off.

1:14:49 And I do that by just giving an example.

1:14:54 One of the ways in which we are familiar

1:14:57 with outcomes where everyone is worse off

1:15:00 is something that in game theory,

1:15:02 we think of as a prisoner's dilemma situation.

1:15:06 Where each player

1:15:08 by acting in their own self-interest,

1:15:10 inflicts.

1:15:12 An externality on the other player

1:15:15 and all of us then lead

1:15:17 to mutually destructive actions.

1:15:22 How do

1:15:23 countries that are small

1:15:26 help change the minds of great powers that

1:15:29 are bent on taking such mutually destructive action?

1:15:34 Let me show you that principle by looking at an example.

1:15:40 Take the EV industry.

1:15:43 The global electric vehicles industry and

1:15:46 associated with that electric batteries.

1:15:51 In addition

1:15:53 to the great danger of the fraying multilateral system,

1:15:57 is the fact that

1:15:59 the only way in which we have figured out

1:16:01 how to generate economic prosperity

1:16:04 for the last 250 years.

1:16:07 is also

1:16:09 a way

1:16:10 that's burning our planet

1:16:11 to a crisp.

1:16:13 We use hydrocarbons.

1:16:16 The solution to that

1:16:18 is to pivot

1:16:20 towards cleaner,

1:16:20 greener sources of energy.

1:16:23 The best hope that we've got right now.

1:16:26 Is EVs and related technologies,

1:16:30 but EVs and related technologies are caught.

1:16:33 In the throes of great power rivalry.

1:16:36 Because America

1:16:38 and other parts of the world

1:16:40 have decided

1:16:41 that this technology

1:16:43 is a dual technology

1:16:45 and it can be easily weaponized.

1:16:48 So we're caught in a system

1:16:50 where America has decided

1:16:52 its response

1:16:54 to China's EV industry

1:16:56 is to tariff

1:16:57 and sanction.

1:16:59 And by doing that,

1:17:01 it reduces the supply of EVs in the world,

1:17:05 both from China

1:17:06 and until it builds its own capacity from itself.

1:17:11 The supply of EVs to the world and to the global South has fallen,

1:17:17 worsening the situation for the global environment.

1:17:20 This is an epic fail,

1:17:21 this is mutually destructive.

1:17:24 Suppose developing nations articulated a demand

1:17:28 that then

1:17:29 said to America,

1:17:32 Yes,

1:17:32 China has broken WTO rules by subsidizing its EV industry.

1:17:37 Instead of sanctioning them,

1:17:39 why don't you subsidize your own EV industry?

1:17:43 Because yes,

1:17:44 you're breaking the rules,

1:17:45 but you're responding to someone else who's broken the rules.

1:17:49 When you do that,

1:17:51 when you subsidize your own industry and allow the

1:17:54 other rival to also subsidize their own industry,

1:17:57 you are also expressing

1:17:59 anger and disappointment at them.

1:18:02 But the end result of both of you taking these actions

1:18:06 is actually an increased supply of EVs

1:18:08 and associated technologies in the world.

1:18:11 Which ends up benefiting the global south

1:18:15 and everyone else in the world who is looking for prosperity through clean energy.

1:18:20 So by being able to pivot

1:18:22 or twist

1:18:23 policies

1:18:25 of the great powers,

1:18:26 we can nudge them away from epic fail outcomes

1:18:30 towards instead

1:18:31 win-win outcomes that are at the same time consistent with great power rivalry.

1:18:37 This is an example of inadvertent cooperation,

1:18:41 where the two great powers have ended up providing greater supply of EVs.

1:18:46 For

1:18:47 the wrong reason

1:18:49 and it's by manipulating examples like this,

1:18:52 Matteo,

1:18:53 that we can build

1:18:55 a situa a succession of case studies

1:18:58 and successes

1:19:00 where we can pivot the world away

1:19:02 from these epic failed outcomes.

1:19:05 Thank you.

1:19:06 Thank you very much.

1:19:07 Uh,

1:19:07 very,

1:19:08 very interesting.

1:19:09 Uh,

1:19:10 let me go to Mazoud,

1:19:11 uh,

1:19:11 um,

1:19:13 Uh,

1:19:14 in your presentation,

1:19:15 but also subsequent discussion,

1:19:16 clearly you are all pointing to a different system in which regionalism is,

1:19:21 uh,

1:19:22 is sort of a solution to the current situation.

1:19:25 But

1:19:25 let me try to

1:19:27 push you again back to the multilateralism.

1:19:30 What,

1:19:31 what is the value proposition of multilateralism in the current context,

1:19:34 and

1:19:35 can we see,

1:19:36 uh,

1:19:37 regionalism not as an alternative but as a complement.

1:19:41 to multilateralism.

1:19:45 Thank you very much,

1:19:46 uh.

1:19:48 just keep speaking

1:19:50 Keep speaking.

1:19:51 Thank you very much.

1:19:56 Say that.

1:19:58 But I think

1:19:59 maybe you

1:20:02 it's

1:20:03 good.

1:20:04 It's good to know.

1:20:04 Thank you.

1:20:08 So I,

1:20:08 I think that

1:20:10 the key is

1:20:12 to

1:20:13 make multilateralism.

1:20:16 At the global level.

1:20:20 A way of

1:20:22 networking.

1:20:24 The various attempts for cooperation across groups of countries

1:20:29 that are less than global.

1:20:32 So it could be regional,

1:20:33 but I,

1:20:34 I think the regional example was a very nice one.

1:20:38 But if you looked at that regional

1:20:40 example that you put up,

1:20:43 It was an East Asia regional example of the UK

1:20:48 as a member.

1:20:50 So I think this as

1:20:52 a good illustration.

1:20:57 I think

1:21:00 It

1:21:01 It's,

1:21:01 obviously,

1:21:02 yes.

1:21:05 I think it's a good example of how we have to be flexible and open,

1:21:11 so I would think of it as open groupings

1:21:13 is one important principle

1:21:16 so that countries can be members of more than one group in that.

1:21:21 And then the global networks,

1:21:24 their value-added brings from trying to bring

1:21:28 common learnings,

1:21:29 networking these together.

1:21:31 So for example,

1:21:32 the IMF

1:21:34 across the street.

1:21:35 has a relationship.

1:21:39 Of sorts with various regional reserve pooling arrangements.

1:21:46 But

1:21:47 My mind going forward that could become a much stronger relationship

1:21:52 so you could actually see the regional reserve pooling arrangements

1:21:56 as being much more integrally linked into

1:22:00 a global financial safety net

1:22:02 where the IMF comes in

1:22:04 as a supplement to

1:22:06 the regional pooling arrangement.

1:22:09 Now I use the word regional,

1:22:11 but

1:22:12 it could actually be any subgrouping.

1:22:14 There are some regions of the world.

1:22:16 That lend themselves more easily

1:22:19 to the geographic regional configuration for cooperation.

1:22:23 There are other parts of the world where

1:22:26 the geographic neighborhood is not necessarily the right grouping,

1:22:30 but there may be groupings that run across,

1:22:33 so.

1:22:35 Let's call it regional for the moment,

1:22:36 but

1:22:37 I would see those as building blocks of the multilateral,

1:22:41 uh,

1:22:41 relationships.

1:22:43 Same thing applies for the World Bank.

1:22:45 If you think about it,

1:22:46 you've got regional banks now.

1:22:49 In

1:22:50 everywhere,

1:22:51 um,

1:22:52 if you look at the portfolio of the World Bank in Latin America,

1:22:56 the portfolio of the IDB

1:22:59 or the portfolio of the World Bank in East Asia and the ADB.

1:23:04 There's quite a lot of overlap.

1:23:07 And a good question to ask is 10 years from now,

1:23:11 do we want the World Bank to be

1:23:14 identical in terms of or more or less identical in terms of

1:23:18 what the regional banks are doing in that region,

1:23:21 or

1:23:22 Does it become more of a

1:23:24 a network

1:23:26 bringing together

1:23:27 not just the regional banks,

1:23:29 but a lot of sub-regional and a lot of national

1:23:32 public development banks.

1:23:33 Um,

1:23:34 I think the last thing I would say on this which is a bit linked to your point is that

1:23:38 up to now when we think of groupings,

1:23:42 we think primarily of countries,

1:23:44 sovereign states.

1:23:45 So our basic design for collaboration is around sovereign states.

1:23:50 But increasingly,

1:23:51 and I think you said this,

1:23:53 increasingly

1:23:54 non-state actors.

1:23:57 are also becoming big players in terms of international cooperation.

1:24:02 In the we mentioned this morning,

1:24:03 quite rightly,

1:24:04 the enormous role played by United States corporations globally.

1:24:11 I think uh

1:24:13 philanthropies,

1:24:14 Gates Foundation has uh

1:24:18 An annual spend that is roughly

1:24:20 that is a good middle sized

1:24:22 uh

1:24:24 donor country spend that is likely to go up.

1:24:29 Gavi is a place where for example we have tried to bring in

1:24:33 Some of the

1:24:35 philanthropies into the structure,

1:24:37 but we are very resistant to the notion

1:24:40 of having non-state actors.

1:24:44 Play a role in the governance of multilateral organizations of any kind,

1:24:50 maybe regional or subregional or whatever the form of subgroupings will be,

1:24:56 will be a place we will innovate

1:24:59 and try to see if we can bring in

1:25:01 non-state actors into the

1:25:05 The the network because

1:25:08 the advances in development and cooperation

1:25:11 increasingly

1:25:13 will not just come from state to state interaction.

1:25:17 They will come from the interaction between states and

1:25:21 private sectors,

1:25:21 states and society,

1:25:23 states and philanthropies,

1:25:25 and so we have to find a better way of

1:25:28 opening ourselves

1:25:29 to them

1:25:31 much more so than we have been willing to do so far.

1:25:36 Thank you,

1:25:37 thank you,

1:25:37 Masood.

1:25:37 So let me,

1:25:38 uh,

1:25:39 continue with Selena and uh let me try

1:25:42 again to

1:25:43 push you from regionalism to multilateralism again,

1:25:47 but in your,

1:25:47 in,

1:25:48 from,

1:25:48 from you,

1:25:49 I mean,

1:25:49 given South Asia experience,

1:25:51 now,

1:25:52 now the point is

1:25:53 Is there any lesson from,

1:25:55 from the region that you know very,

1:25:56 very well from other regions,

1:25:58 uh,

1:25:59 in the sense that,

1:26:00 uh,

1:26:00 one obvious thing would be,

1:26:02 OK,

1:26:02 but the regions are different,

1:26:03 so there are very strong specificities,

1:26:05 but at the same time we can find common factor

1:26:08 or,

1:26:08 uh,

1:26:09 uh,

1:26:09 kind of necessary conditions that are needed

1:26:12 to do in other regions,

1:26:13 uh,

1:26:14 to realize in other reasons what happened in the South Asia.

1:26:22 Um,

1:26:23 regionalism should not be seen as an

1:26:27 alternative to multilateralism.

1:26:29 Regionalism is

1:26:31 one of the strongest supporters of multilateralism.

1:26:35 Regions uphold rules-based order a lot better than

1:26:40 Um,

1:26:41 great powers.

1:26:42 I mean,

1:26:43 we are advocates of these things,

1:26:45 right,

1:26:45 of human rights,

1:26:46 of human security,

1:26:48 because these are the things that affect

1:26:51 The ground where we lived in and we see day to day,

1:26:56 you know,

1:26:56 we experience it day to day.

1:26:57 So regionalism should not be seen as trying to supplant multilateralism.

1:27:02 Regionalism is multilateralism at the regional level

1:27:06 and they are building blocks,

1:27:07 exactly that,

1:27:08 building blocks of the multilateral system,

1:27:10 of the global,

1:27:11 of global institutions.

1:27:13 So

1:27:13 I would

1:27:14 say no,

1:27:15 don't think of it as an enemy or an

1:27:18 alternative,

1:27:19 but rather as a building block

1:27:21 and it does complement,

1:27:23 it does support

1:27:24 global institutions,

1:27:25 global governance.

1:27:27 Now,

1:27:27 turning to your question,

1:27:28 Matteo,

1:27:29 um,

1:27:30 I think that yes,

1:27:31 regions have very specific characteristics,

1:27:34 but it does not mean that

1:27:36 there are no

1:27:38 lessons that we can learn by diffusion.

1:27:41 States learn by diffusion.

1:27:42 We learned this

1:27:44 in political science in IR

1:27:46 that

1:27:46 states learn from each other,

1:27:48 OK,

1:27:49 and regions do learn from each other

1:27:51 and I think that in,

1:27:52 especially in the area of things like soft laws that I was talking about,

1:27:56 ASEAN soft laws,

1:27:57 I think this is one area where I think that if you are in a region where

1:28:02 making

1:28:03 laws,

1:28:04 uh,

1:28:04 formality,

1:28:06 legality,

1:28:08 Um,

1:28:09 and,

1:28:09 uh,

1:28:10 uh,

1:28:12 Uh

1:28:14 That kind of hard laws and rules are difficult to establish

1:28:17 because of differences like the way that Southeast Asia is,

1:28:20 is very diverse.

1:28:22 It is not like Europe,

1:28:23 Europe can go legalistic,

1:28:25 can go hard laws,

1:28:26 primarily because there is,

1:28:28 they,

1:28:28 they have

1:28:30 similarities,

1:28:30 not that all of them are similar,

1:28:32 just,

1:28:32 this is about relativity,

1:28:34 right?

1:28:34 But there are certain principles that can be agreed

1:28:38 across the entire region.

1:28:40 But in Southeast Asia,

1:28:41 it's extremely diverse.

1:28:42 Historically,

1:28:43 culturally,

1:28:44 linguistically,

1:28:45 racially,

1:28:47 extremely diverse

1:28:48 and so having to deal with coming,

1:28:50 you know,

1:28:51 having established,

1:28:52 to establish hard laws,

1:28:54 uh,

1:28:54 hard kind of,

1:28:55 um,

1:28:56 consensus.

1:28:57 It's hard,

1:28:58 it's hard.

1:28:58 You have to go informal,

1:29:00 you have to go soft laws,

1:29:02 you have to go consensus building

1:29:04 and I think this is a lesson that other regions can take,

1:29:07 especially if you are in a conflict area

1:29:09 where there is great diversity and disagreements,

1:29:11 I think that's a lesson that other regions can learn from.

1:29:14 Now the other thing that I want to point out is that

1:29:17 one of the things that I said in my presentation

1:29:19 was that there is a need for cross-regional integration.

1:29:22 So regions should not just learn from each other,

1:29:25 they need to integrate across.

1:29:27 And actually,

1:29:28 as Massuro was saying,

1:29:29 that's why I love what you are saying because exactly,

1:29:32 you,

1:29:32 you spend a lot of time in Southeast Asia,

1:29:33 do you?

1:29:35 Because that's how we think,

1:29:36 um.

1:29:38 The idea that um we are open

1:29:41 and inclusive,

1:29:43 that is a fundamental principle of Southeast Asia

1:29:46 and East Asia in general,

1:29:47 openness,

1:29:48 inclusivity.

1:29:50 So we are willing to reach out to,

1:29:52 you know,

1:29:52 players that are countries that are far across the other end of the earth.

1:29:56 Singapore has

1:29:58 trade relations with Chile on the other side of the earth

1:30:01 for food purposes,

1:30:02 for instance.

1:30:03 But

1:30:04 we are promoters of cross-regional integration.

1:30:06 Let me explain why.

1:30:08 We work very closely with Latin American countries.

1:30:11 Uh,

1:30:11 ASEAN has a ministerial meeting for,

1:30:13 with the Pacific Alliance,

1:30:15 which is made up of a select group of Latin American countries.

1:30:19 Uh,

1:30:19 we recently at the ASEAN summit,

1:30:22 uh,

1:30:22 that's held in Kuala Lumpur,

1:30:24 Prime Minister Awar Ibrahim,

1:30:26 um,

1:30:27 mooted this brilliant idea

1:30:29 of a China-ASEAN GCC Gulf Cooperation.

1:30:33 Uh,

1:30:34 Gov countries cooperation,

1:30:35 um,

1:30:36 and,

1:30:37 uh,

1:30:37 summit.

1:30:38 So this is cutting across,

1:30:40 building on the existing linkages that we have

1:30:43 and building blocks to bigger things,

1:30:47 cross-regional integrations.

1:30:49 And I think this is something that we can all do

1:30:51 as,

1:30:52 you know,

1:30:52 as building blocks,

1:30:53 as bottom-up strategies at a time when,

1:30:56 you know,

1:30:57 when other things cannot move.

1:30:59 Right,

1:31:00 so we are not saying that we supplant global institutions.

1:31:03 We are not saying that neither are we

1:31:04 saying the regional institutions are stopgap measures,

1:31:07 but that they are complementary,

1:31:09 they are building blocks

1:31:11 of regional,

1:31:12 uh,

1:31:12 of global governance and global institutions.

1:31:17 Thank you,

1:31:18 thank you very much.

1:31:19 Uh,

1:31:20 let's now go to

1:31:21 Xinuan.

1:31:22 Having you here with your experience at the WTO being one of the,

1:31:26 uh,

1:31:27 multilateral institution that probably now is,

1:31:29 uh,

1:31:29 suffering,

1:31:30 uh,

1:31:30 the most,

1:31:31 uh,

1:31:32 so what is your view?

1:31:33 What does the,

1:31:34 uh,

1:31:35 WTO need to do to,

1:31:36 uh,

1:31:37 you know,

1:31:37 to reform itself,

1:31:38 to adapt to the new situation?

1:31:40 OK,

1:31:41 thank you.

1:31:41 Uh yes,

1:31:42 WTO is in a very difficult time and uh

1:31:45 WTOE is actually short of budget right now because the US denied to

1:31:50 refuse to uh

1:31:52 pay their money to the WTO.

1:31:54 So,

1:31:55 uh,

1:31:55 but,

1:31:55 uh,

1:31:56 just echoing uh what uh Masoud and Selena said,

1:31:59 actually in the WTO there is also a concept of,

1:32:02 uh,

1:32:02 open pluralism.

1:32:04 It's very similar to open

1:32:06 grouping,

1:32:07 as you said.

1:32:08 Um,

1:32:09 so I,

1:32:10 I think for the WTO right now,

1:32:11 that maybe the biggest issue is also the,

1:32:14 uh,

1:32:14 decision-making mechanism.

1:32:16 Uh,

1:32:18 right now,

1:32:18 uh,

1:32:19 the WTO has to make any,

1:32:21 every,

1:32:21 uh,

1:32:22 decision,

1:32:23 uh,

1:32:23 on the basis of consensus.

1:32:26 Um,

1:32:27 so it's right now,

1:32:27 it's very,

1:32:28 very difficult to reach

1:32:30 consensus among so diversified,

1:32:32 uh,

1:32:33 members.

1:32:34 Uh,

1:32:35 especially in the,

1:32:35 in the,

1:32:36 uh,

1:32:37 against the background of,

1:32:38 uh,

1:32:38 geopolitical rivalry.

1:32:40 Um,

1:32:41 but actually,

1:32:41 uh,

1:32:42 in the multilateral,

1:32:44 uh,

1:32:44 trading system,

1:32:45 uh,

1:32:46 this kind of plurilateral approach is not new at all.

1:32:49 Uh,

1:32:50 even in the get,

1:32:51 uh,

1:32:52 period,

1:32:52 all those,

1:32:53 uh,

1:32:53 uh,

1:32:54 rounds of negotiations

1:32:56 actually were implemented prolaterally,

1:32:59 uh,

1:32:59 which means that only,

1:33:00 uh,

1:33:01 a part of,

1:33:02 uh,

1:33:03 members joined the negotiations.

1:33:06 Uh,

1:33:06 a lot of,

1:33:07 uh,

1:33:07 uh,

1:33:08 especially developing,

1:33:09 uh,

1:33:09 countries

1:33:10 were not involved in the negotiations,

1:33:13 uh,

1:33:13 about tariff reductions.

1:33:15 So it's not new at all.

1:33:17 Uh,

1:33:17 so,

1:33:18 so,

1:33:19 uh,

1:33:19 I mean,

1:33:20 when we talk about the success of the GATT,

1:33:23 especially the Euroground,

1:33:25 uh,

1:33:25 it,

1:33:26 it actually,

1:33:27 the Euroground is actually an exceptional,

1:33:29 uh,

1:33:30 practice.

1:33:31 Uh,

1:33:32 when all members reach a single undertaking.

1:33:36 Uh,

1:33:36 package.

1:33:37 It's,

1:33:37 uh,

1:33:38 it,

1:33:38 it was,

1:33:39 as I said,

1:33:39 it was exceptional even for the,

1:33:41 for the GATT.

1:33:42 So,

1:33:42 um,

1:33:44 practically it is more,

1:33:46 uh,

1:33:46 feasible,

1:33:47 uh,

1:33:47 to,

1:33:50 uh,

1:33:50 reach a consensus or reach agreements among

1:33:53 selected members,

1:33:54 not all members.

1:33:56 Right now it's,

1:33:57 it's,

1:33:58 as I said,

1:33:58 it's it's impossible.

1:34:00 And the euro go round was successful because of a number of uh.

1:34:04 Reasons at that time,

1:34:06 at that period.

1:34:07 Um,

1:34:08 so this is,

1:34:09 I think,

1:34:09 uh,

1:34:10 uh,

1:34:10 the WTO should be doing.

1:34:12 And then basically,

1:34:13 members have,

1:34:14 uh,

1:34:15 uh,

1:34:16 reached a kind of agreement on this point.

1:34:20 But the problem right now is,

1:34:21 uh,

1:34:22 Uh,

1:34:22 the US is blocking everything,

1:34:24 uh,

1:34:25 with the consensus

1:34:27 decision-making mechanisms,

1:34:27 that's a bigger trouble.

1:34:29 Uh,

1:34:30 and also sometimes India,

1:34:32 uh,

1:34:32 does this to the WTO.

1:34:34 Um,

1:34:35 another thing I,

1:34:36 I think,

1:34:37 uh,

1:34:37 uh,

1:34:38 as,

1:34:38 as Selena said,

1:34:39 uh,

1:34:40 uh,

1:34:40 ASEAN has a kind of soft law approach.

1:34:43 But for the WTO

1:34:45 it's always been a kind of hard law,

1:34:47 uh,

1:34:47 approach.

1:34:48 So,

1:34:50 uh,

1:34:50 the dispute settlement mechanism is still,

1:34:52 uh,

1:34:53 critical,

1:34:54 uh,

1:34:54 because if,

1:34:55 uh,

1:34:56 um,

1:34:57 there's no such mechanism,

1:34:59 uh,

1:34:59 members don't respect their obligations and commitments.

1:35:03 Since the WTO is worthless.

1:35:05 Um,

1:35:06 so,

1:35:07 right now,

1:35:08 of course,

1:35:08 uh,

1:35:08 some members have established a so-called NPIA to replace

1:35:13 the,

1:35:14 the,

1:35:15 the current,

1:35:15 uh,

1:35:16 dispute mechanism.

1:35:17 Uh,

1:35:18 uh,

1:35:18 so,

1:35:20 uh,

1:35:20 one way at least for,

1:35:22 for

1:35:24 Members other than the US.

1:35:26 Ah,

1:35:26 used to join MPIA more actively.

1:35:29 Um,

1:35:30 so if,

1:35:31 ah,

1:35:31 if,

1:35:31 ah,

1:35:31 ah,

1:35:32 the membership of MPIA could be expanded

1:35:36 to cover more and more WTO members,

1:35:39 then members will

1:35:41 Belief in the in the binding uh uh

1:35:45 uh

1:35:47 bindingness of WTO rules.

1:35:49 Uh,

1:35:50 so,

1:35:51 uh,

1:35:52 I mean for the WTO I these two things are very important.

1:35:55 Yeah,

1:35:55 thank you.

1:35:57 Thank you.

1:35:58 Thank you all very much.

1:35:59 Uh,

1:36:00 I was just told by the organizers that unfortunately

1:36:02 we don't have time for the Q&A session.

1:36:04 Uh,

1:36:05 we need to close because

1:36:06 it's lunchtime,

1:36:07 but I'm sure that you can approach the speakers during lunchtime and ask,

1:36:11 uh,

1:36:11 uh,

1:36:11 ask questions.

1:36:12 Just to conclude,

1:36:13 let me,

1:36:14 uh,

1:36:14 really thank you again.

1:36:15 You,

1:36:16 uh,

1:36:16 really played as an orchestra here and it was fantastic because

1:36:20 actually we started,

1:36:21 you all started with the recognition that,

1:36:23 uh,

1:36:23 we have a problem and so the,

1:36:25 the,

1:36:25 the,

1:36:25 the multilateralism that we

1:36:27 Or knowing we all like is not there anymore,

1:36:30 but at the same time you could offer us

1:36:33 solution.

1:36:35 Obviously you use many different perspectives,

1:36:37 but maybe the regionalism is the key word that

1:36:40 we can use here in our concluding remarks.

1:36:42 But you

1:36:43 were very good in arguing that regionalism can be

1:36:46 kind of prodromic to a new

1:36:49 multilateralism.

1:36:50 And you provided many,

1:36:52 many examples,

1:36:54 many examples there,

1:36:55 and obviously,

1:36:56 as Selina said,

1:36:57 also regionalism and then

1:36:59 cross region and then you get

1:37:01 to multiralism,

1:37:02 multilateralism

1:37:04 again and

1:37:06 and I know that Intermit concluded the previous section talking about Europe.

1:37:09 I'm lucky that you don't have the mic so I can say something here,

1:37:12 but Europe is another example of a regional,

1:37:16 a regional agreement.

1:37:17 Now what we expect from Europe is not only

1:37:20 Uh,

1:37:20 improving,

1:37:21 uh,

1:37:22 itself,

1:37:22 but also to be another bridge toward other,

1:37:25 other regions,

1:37:26 and I'm thinking about Africa mostly because it's very close,

1:37:29 but it,

1:37:29 it applies to

1:37:30 many other regions.

1:37:31 So,

1:37:32 uh,

1:37:32 thank you all again.

1:37:33 Thank you for your participation.

1:37:35 Thanks for your contribution,

1:37:36 very interesting discussion,

1:37:37 and I look forward to next.

1:37:43 Thank you very much

showAllTimestamps
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transcript
So our first thematic session is titled Reviving Multilateralism, and our distinguished panelists will explore real world examples of multilateralism in action, the challenges of coordination, and the lessons learned from both successes and setbacks. The session's chair is Mr. Matteo Bugamelli, executive director and dean of the World Bank Board of Executive Directors, and he'll introduce our panelists and chair the session. Thank you. OK. Good morning. Good morning and welcome to the uh World Bank Group and to this ABCDe Conference. So, as I said, my name is Matteo Buggamelli. I'm the executive director in the board of the World Bank Group representing, uh, Albania, Greece, Italy, my own country, Malta, Portugal, San Marino, and, uh, Timor-Leste. So today, today I'm uh very glad and honored to share an interesting session on reviving, uh, multilateralism, challenges and opportunity. In a changing world. So let me introduce our speakers today. We start from Danny Khua. Danny Khua is Li Xing Professor in Economics at the School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore. Danny, welcome. Then we have uh uh Mazoud Ahmed. Uh, Masoud is the President Emeritus of the Center for Global Development. Masoud, welcome. Uh, then Selina Ho, is the vice dean, uh, Dean's chair and associate Profession international Affairs at the School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore. Welcome, Selena. And uh last but not least, uh, Xing Guan Tu, uh Dean and professor at the China Institute for WTO studies at the University of International Business and Economics, uh, uh, where he has worked since 1996, I understand. So welcome, uh, Xinguang. So as I said, very glad and honored to chair this very interesting session. I would say there is no better place than the World Bank to talk about multilaterally. This is, as we all know, is the biggest multilateral development bank with 189. Shareholders every day, every week in my capacity as executive director at the board of the World Bank Group, 25 board members representing those 189 shareholders are called to discuss strategies, policies, and projects that have an impact on the poorest and the most vulnerable in over 100 client countries. What we leave every day within this building is, in my view, one of the highest expression of multilateralism, one where different political views and perspectives must be managed, must be overcome to reach a compromise, to reach a consensual solution. But we cannot deny that today, as we gather in an era marked by profound global interdependence, but also raising. Geopolitical tension, we are all facing a difficult situation where one where I would say multilateralism is more important than ever, but at the same time is also more difficult than ever. So this session aims at exploring the current state and future state of multilaterally with perspective from global regional viewpoints as you will see. We will do it with our 4 excellent guests. We will start with a keynote address by by Danny and then 3 paper presentation by the other guests, and then after that there will be a round table that I will share with some questions for our guests, and then we will open. for Q&A uh from you. Let me just say a few words on our guest, Danny. Danny, research interests lie in income inequality, economic growth, international economic relations with many publications on top economic journals. When looking at the complex topic like world order, Danny brings an interesting economic approach to it, focusing on global power shift and the rise of the East and alternative model of the Global power relation, as he will explain, but he already talked about it this morning. He analyzed the supply and demand of international system contrasting the goal of the great powers and the needs of the global community. So we could not have a better uh keynote speaker today. Then our three panelists, uh, uh, Masoud, uh, President Emeritus, as I said, of the Center for Global Development, he joined uh CGD after capping a 35-year career driving economic development policy initiative relating to debt, aid effectiveness, trade, and global economic prospects at major international institutions including the IMF, the World Bank, and DFIT. As a leading expert on international development finance, uh, Masoud has served on a number of international committees and forums. Currently he is policy advisor to the G20 high-level Independent Expert Group on Strengthening multilateral Development banks and co-chair of the World Economic Forum Global Future Council on the Future of Growth. Selina works on Chinese politics and foreign policy. Specifically, she is interested in how China wields power and influence via infrastructure and water disputes in Southeast Asia and South Asia. Her work stands at the intersection of comparative politics and international relations. Xinuan, uh, as I said, Dean and professor at the China Institute for WTO uh Studies, is research and teaches focus on WTO, Chinese trade policy, US trade policy, and Chinese US trade relations and government, uh, procurement, is an expert on Asia Pacific economic integration and international trade. So with no further ado, let me now move to our keynote speaker, speaker Danny. Thanks again for being with us today. Over to you. You have 15 minutes I can help you with with the time. Thank you. Thank you very much Matteo. Um, it is with great pleasure that I get to address you again. I can think of no audience better to, uh, for me to, to take these points to. At the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, we are an interdisciplinary institution, so although I am an economist, I am deeply embedded in the group of people who study geopolitics. And while we sometimes get carried away, we are studying geopolitics as a thing in and of itself, multilateralism being a thing in and of itself. I'm here today because I want to convince you that the mission of the bank and institutions like the bank for fostering economic development hinges critically on the way in which we now move forward constructing a new multilateral system. So I want to make that argument to you with 3 points. The first point is to say that both demand and supply matter. And what I mean by this Is that the multilateral rules-based order. Under which we have been lucky enough to live for the last 8 decades. Produced not just a rules-based system for all nations, small and large to deal with each other on equal terms. It also produced globalization, open markets and free exchange. That provided Elastic demand. Invisibly So that your work and my work on economic development could concentrate on just strengthening supply. In other words, what we did in terms of economic development was to advance supply. In the expectation that demand would be elastic and forthcoming. If you believe that model and I want to say a few words that suggest to you why that's true, then The decline of the rules-based multilateral order. Means that in our jobs to advance economic development. The focus on simply raising supply is no longer sufficient. What do I mean by raising supply? I mean all the things that we do in terms of capacity building, improving the health of populations, raising skills and education, building connectivity and transportation infrastructure, shifting the workforce from low productivity activities to high productivity industry, all of that is about advancing supply. We did that in the confidence that at the end of this process, demand would be there for us. So this morning, we discussed populism. Populism and angry population within our societies can disrupt our supply, it disrupts the work that we do. It can disrupt Bill Gates' efforts to eradicate measles. Movements within emerging nations that take up grievance against the establishment will disrupt supply. But populism It's about anger not just in populations, but in anger across countries. And populism can disrupt demand through protectionism in advanced economies, withdrawal of America's benevolent hegemony in supporting the multilateral system. We now are in a situation where our job as development professionals, we need to go beyond what we have historically done. Let me move to my second point. To revive multilateralism, we need to unpack the causes for its rise and fall. I want to argue here that there is a paradox in that how successful we have been as development professionals has also brought within it the seeds of an emergence of a kind of multipolarity that threatens. Certain parts of the multilateral system that angers them, that creates a populism across nations. I will come back to this point because I want to mention to you my 3rd point. Which is what do we do going forward. If the supply of multilateralism has fallen, What can the demand side do? What tools are available now to those of us who continue to see benefit from the rules-based multilateral, multilateral globalized order that we have enjoyed these past 80 years. What can we do to reconstruct that? We got a little bit into that a few minutes ago in the previous session, but I want to flag for you, that is where I am going to land. Sorry, I'm just checking the time. OK, let me now take a few minutes. Because I know the rest of the panel wants to get up here as well to talk about those two points that I ended up with. We need to understand The reasons for the rise and fall of the multilateral rules-based order and we need to think. In acknowledgement of those causes, what we can do to repair it. One of the key points in understanding the fall of the rules-based multilateral order is that this is a situation. Where economics and geopolitics have aligned. As economists, we are often used to making an argument where our models say such and such an outcome is optimal, such and such an outcome is the right policy. But then we say, ah. But geopolitics messes this up. It's as if we think geopolitics is irrational. It's as if we think, as I said a few minutes ago, that geopolitics is the dustbin of bad economic ideas. It is not. In the current situation, we need to understand why economics and geopolitics have aligned so ruthlessly to try and bring down the globalized rules-based multilateral order. Multilateralism It's a system that provides a level playing field. That includes open trade. Multilateralism is a commitment. To peace and to the principle of dispute resolution by consultation. Not by might makes right. Multilateralism is the understanding that collaboration is the default mode of how nations engage with each other. Let me make it plain, I live in a country that is 720 square kilometers in land area. It is a population of under 5 million people. Security for small states like mine. The ability to engage in economic exchange with the rest of the world. Hinges critically on the rules-based multilateral order. Singapore and states like Singapore continue to believe in the principles of free trade. Open markets and competitive advantage. We understand that we need to take care of our population. And Singapore takes that seriously. But this is a resolution that needs to take in not just states like Singapore, but everybody else. Now the world after World War 2, the international system after World War 2 was obviously architecture by the United States. It did that on the basis of good economic thinking. That was important for the development of small states like Singapore, but the United States did what it did. Also for geopolitical reasons. After the Second World War, America was embroiled in the Cold War with the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was against free markets and open trade. It was convenient for the United States to be for free markets and open trade. And the United States was the engine that drove the development of GATT and then subsequently the WTO. Today, the economic situation is different. The rival, as it were, is not someone that denies free markets and open trade. The rival is someone who believes ruthlessly in open markets after a period where you initiate new industries through industrial policy. It is a very different economic world and unless we in the rest of the world, Singapore, Southeast Asia, The European Union and America, figure out how to deal with this world, which is ruthless in open markets and free trade, which used to the ideals that we have had for the belief in the economic principles of globalization, we will not be able to navigate this going forward. Trade dislocation. As a result of the China shock is real. America legitimately worries about China stealing its jobs. Hollowing out this industry, turning into ghost towns that were once thriving middle-class American communities. All nations in the world are worried about the economic progress of China. But we need to engage with this in a way that raises ourselves, raises our productivity, allows us to compete with a ruthless economic rival. We cannot close in. Against open markets and attempt to undertake actions that do down that rival, we need to rise to the competition. Let me end, let me conclude. America and all other nations. Feel threatened by an economic force that we had not seen previously. We need to be able to figure out how to deal with that. We need to work out a bargain where we don't feel insecure from competition, but China and other large emerging nations are allowed to continue to grow. We have not worked out that bargain, but we need to do so. If I may, chair, let me take 15 seconds, if I may, to say 3 no's and 2 yeses on how we can navigate this. Small nations, those nations who are now outside of the front lines of this competition, need to think about how we build back the best of the rules-based multilateral order, even if the universal rules-based multilateral order is no longer available to us. What that means is that we shouldn't be thinking about competition as standing across from a great power on a nuclear battlefield. That does not do us any good. Do not go into building a rules-based order by frustrating a great power. You've got to figure out a smarter way to do that. At the same time, don't fall into Thucydides fallacy thinking. Thucydides said the great powers do what they will. The rest of us suffer what we must. The rest of us must at this point in global history. Stand together. Not just as price takers but to exercise agency. My colleague from the Lee Kuan Yew School. Selina Ho will tell us in a few minutes about ASEAN centrality and regionalism as a manifestation of this. My final no Do not give in to bullies. Do not appease a bully because the lesson they take from that is that they can come back. And bully you once again. My two yeses and this is where I conclude. Let's think about building systems of pathfinder multilateralism. Multilateralism that keeps to WTO like rules. But where we can, we do not get disrupted by objectives. We are able to find a way forward and again regionalism and other similar models that we are trying to build in East Asia and Southeast Asia can provide examples of this. And 3rd, and I mean finally, my 2nd yes. Look for models of inadvertent cooperation. A fallacy in thinking is that the rules-based multilateral order. It's an orgy of collaboration and cooperation. If it does look that way, it is because it is in the incentive for every agent to behave that way. But we can look for ways to elicit that kind of cooperation. Even if nations don't agree with each other. The example that I told you about America building the globalized multilateral rules based order was exactly such an example. America did not agree with everyone else in the world, but inadvertently all of us cooperated in building a system that worked. Look for ways in which to modify that, but again to elicit inadvertent cooperation where nations will end up doing the right thing. Even if it's for the wrong reason. We need to revive multilateralism. Thank you all very much. Thank you, thank you very much, uh, Danny, very, very insightful, uh, uh, reflection. So let's now move to the three papers presentation. We start with Mazoud that I'm sure has carefully listened to, to Danny has a strong opinion on the state of, uh, multilateralism on the main challenges, opportunities, and, and alternatives. Mazo's paper title is Is multilateralism whenever we can or only when we must. So Masoud, over to you, 15 minutes for you. Thank you very much. Mate, thank you, Danny. So, I want to make uh a couple of points in reaction, partly to what Danny said and partly picking up on the earlier exchange between The chief economist and chief intellectual thought keeper of the World Bank in the Mid and Dany. And my point, the first point I want to make is that 2025 years ago, whenever we faced a problem. A new issue came up. Our first go to thought was to think of a multilateral approach to dealing with that problem. And often that meant setting up a new institution to deal with that problem. She wanted to deal with the problem of HIV, malaria, TB, set up the Global Fund. Want to deal with accelerating educational attainment out of GPE. Want to deal with the immunization, vaccination set up Gavi. And if you wanted to come up with a bilateral, a unilateral solution, you had to make a case as to why that was better than the default option of going collective. Today, I think we've turned that on its head. So today, If you want to give me a solution, if I'm a politician and you're a civil servant, and so I've got this problem I want to deal with, then why don't we set up our own national development bank to do this, let's say. You come along and say, well yes, minister, but before we set up a national development bank, you know, there are all these regional banks, and I'm like, why do I want to join these regional banks? Then I won't be able to do what I want. So now we have to make the case for a multilateral or collective approach rather than take it forgive and it doesn't mean that we won't be doing multilateral or collective approaches. It just means that we shouldn't start from the presumption. That the answer will be collective. So that was a little bit the title that I had for this talk, and Now, also collective used to mean the more the merrier. The global system was better than regional, regional is better than sub-regional. Now, collective will be whatever works best for the problem that we're trying to address. For some things it will mean global. It's very hard to think of some problems being solved without almost everybody being on board. For others it may mean regional, it may mean minilateral, plurilateral, regional, I mean there is a list of names in recent. Uh, if you look at, just go through articles on the new multilateralism and Google that and you'll find more new terms on this than issues-based coalitions, value-based coalitions, coalitions of the willing, coalitions of the unwilling, you know, there's a whole group now, and my view is they'll all have their place in different ways, but the function will be different. Which brings me to the second and somewhat larger point. And that is that We keep thinking there's a little bit of a disconnect I see in our thinking. We say the current system, global system, rules-based order has a hegemon that was an anchor. And then they created global public goods. Which included security, financial clearance system, safety net. Mohammed El-Erian talked a bit about it this morning. And then in the exchange between Danny and uh and In the bit it came up. And we are sort of saying well that that rules-based global order is now not so effective, both because the hegemon is no longer as interested in in playing that role, wants to have a different kind of relationship, wants our relationship with the rest of the world of being a large and strong player in the system rather than the umpire and keeper of the system. And What should that lead to? So there is one track which is Danny the way I sort of interpreted your your clarion call for well let's get everybody to come together and build a better system. That would be great if we could. I was somewhat more uh Uh, shall we say, uh, not pessimistic but down to earth sense that. I think that any if we go forward, there's one set of views which is let's have a global system without the US. Right, let's let's define a set of rules in which The US doesn't want to be the hegemonist. The rest of us get together and create a set of rules that we all can live with, and they'll be, may not be, um. Perfect, but it'll get us through the system. And I think there is no doubt that on things countries will come together and find ways to work together. Mostly it will be subgroups of countries in my view, not the whole world. But it won't be a global order. That challenges the existing global order. Because the existing global order is not disappearing overnight. The US is not going to be happy to sit outside some alternative global order that everybody else will create. And the other countries who all want to maintain reasonably good relationships with the US, which is still the largest, most powerful economy in the world, are not going to be so happy to create some alternative global order, the definition of which is this is the global order that excludes the US. So I don't think this is a feasible approach to to think of how to do it. Then there is a sort of view which is uh Well, maybe, you know, we will end up with uh Two zones, the sort of division of the world into a Chinese-led global order, order, and then a US based or some other. Western order. You see, if you talk to any emerging market, they're not that interested in being part of either zone. And they would not be enthusiastic supporters of of a um One being excuse me, being in one zone or the other, they want to be able to trade with both because it's important for them to have relationships with China as major economy and with the Europeans and with the US. So the only way I personally see this moving forward is that we should stop using the word order in the singular. We should basically be moving to a series of overlapping sets of rules, networks, which will govern relationships across countries, across groups of countries. And each country can be part of more than one of these networks at any given time. Sometimes those networks will actually Appear to have competitive objectives, but individual countries will be able to be part of them regardless. Uh, if you look at, you know, a country like India is part of Quad and is part of BRICS at the same time. And I think that will be the way in which people will begin to function and operate and that model. Of multiple overlapping somewhat messier sets of rules. is one that will require adaptation for individual countries to work with. Some countries are actually pretty comfortable working with multiple rules and orders. In fact, if you think about it, The degree to which we mourn the demise of the existing rules-based order is partly a function of how central we were in that order, the Europeans and the US, uh, US less so now, but the Europeans particularly worry about the loss of the global order because it's central to it. But the further away you get towards the periphery of the. Of the people that are countries that are covered by that order, the less of an emotional attachment there is to the order. It's a very useful thing to have, but they don't have the same sense of ownership of the order. There is also a greater degree of comfort of living in a world of disorder. Because your daily life, if you live in an emerging market of developing country, you don't have a rules-based order governing your internal operations as much, you know the rules don't quite operate so well, the courts and judiciary are not as reliable in in interpreting and sustaining rules, so you learn to navigate without rules. I mean if I try to cross the street and In, uh, let's say in Paris, I wait for a sign that says walk and don't walk before I cross the street, you know, it's a set of rules. If I wait for the don't walk sign to change to walk when I'm walking the streets in Cairo. I'll be waiting a long time and if I cross just because the sign says walk. There's a very high risk I'll get run over. So basically I've got to navigate my way across the street. And therefore I'm a little bit more comfortable with navigating my way internationally also and living with multiple orders and rules. So I guess my, my point, Danny is that it would be, it would be great if we could all come together and form this global order which would be the better, more just equitable, taking more account of domestic inequalities as well. But I think for the next decade, we're going to live in a world of messy, multiple overlapping orders and we will have to navigate our way through that. And therefore, just to end on it. This is a very difficult world for international institutions to operate in. We, we are basically operate by having a set of norms, rules that tend to be the ones that historically have been global and historically have been all our shareholders have signed up to and now if we start walking into a world where trading rules are different across different places and across different groupings. How are we going to give the best advice to individual countries and how are we going to take a view on whether or not those policies are effective is going to become much more challenging. So I do feel that we in international institutions also need to think about how to operate in a messier world while We do all the good work that will lead us to the point where we can go from being messy to being reunited again, but in a sort of better global framework. Thank you. Thank you, thank you very much, Mazud. So we have, uh, had the meat to our discussion. So, uh, let's move now to Selena. Um, uh, Mazo talked about various alternatives, uh to multilateralism. One of those is, uh, regionalism. Uh, so we are now glad to hear your perspective from the South Asia, uh, uh, region and actually your paper is exactly on regionalism, multilateralism, and the experience of South Asia. Celine, over to you. OK. I'll do the slides from here, um. I have to say that um this is an unusual company for me because I'm a political scientist and I am a theory person. So this is uh a group of economists I'm in the midst of a little fearful, but I'll try my best. I'm also sitting right in the middle of Danen. And Masood having their debates, um, but I'm actually not, um, I don't see their viewpoints as completely different. Um, I'm advocating here for a messier world, but advancing to some form of order. So I don't think that there is a fundamental difference between the two of you. But let me, let me say that my central proposition And in my presentation, it's really about devolving authority and resources to regions to uphold multilateralism and why we should do that and how we can do that. Now, let me begin by explaining why regions, why are regions important and why, uh, are they, why do we need them to uphold multilateralism. Now we all know and as Masood and and Danny was already talking about, we are in a transition. This is not just a power transition, but an order transition, OK. We have moved from a bipolar world during the Cold War to a unipolar moment, um, with the United States undergirding the structure that we know. We are now in a different transition and this transition is a very, very uncomfortable one for most of us who have lived through, uh, the 20th century. If you are born In 2000s and after, you know, this is not new to you, but for us who are older, this is very uncomfortable. Now this, this transition is going to be a protracted one. OK, I would say 10 years, I will say 20 years or more. OK. This is going to be a very protracted transition and that final shape of the order will likely be, in my opinion, multipolar. And this is not just my view, but a view that is quite prevalent in Asia, in Europe, people that I have spoken to. What does it mean to be multipolar? It means that you will be a time and order that's less dominated by great powers. There will be more agency for medium and smaller states, primarily because the nature of power is much more diffused. And there is no single hegemonic state or even two states that is likely to undergo this order in the future. It will be multiple poles. There is no single hegemonic state, nor even two states that are going to undergo disorder. So with power that is more diffused and responsibilities that are more dispersed, what does this mean? It actually means that regions are going to play an important role, because if we are not talking about great powers, we are talking about major powers, uh, middle powers, smaller states. So regions are going to rise in importance and it will continue to grow in importance in the future. Multilateralism was important at the global level, therefore needs to be regionalized, and it is regionalized as it is, but moving forward, we might have to lean more on regionalism as an answer to our problems. We know why multilateral, multilateral matters as John Ragi has told us. Ragi told us, and I quote, defining and stabilizing Uh, international property rights, solving coordination problems, and resolving collaboration problems. Those are the reasons why multilateralism matters. But why are regions and regionalism important and how does regionalism, um, Help uphold multilateralism. Regionalism, in my opinion, is multi multilateralism at the regional level. The focus is really on regional integration and regional institutions. What is the role of regions in upholding global institutions and global governance, for instance? Well, regional institutions can complement and support the work of global institutions at a time when global institutions are plagued by great power rivalry and uh institutional paralysis and fragmentation. Strengthening regionalism and regional institutions will help rebuild support for multilateral institutions and solutions. Now, moreover, regional institutions have certain advantages over global institutions. The obstacles to collective action are reduced as countries can organize themselves more quickly and efficiently at the regional level than at the global level. Regional institutions also have the advantage of proximity to the source of global problems. They are closer to the ground, they can diagnose, mitigate, treat and prevent future occurrences more accurately and rapidly. Now, regional institutions are also closer to non-state actors, and we know that non-state actors have become important, uh, in the international, in on the international system. Regional institutions are more capable of representing these social actors, but critically among all these reasons, and this is what I am going to be uh focusing on for the last few minutes of my presentation, is that we need to rely more on regions to uphold materialism as the incubators of innovation. They are prolific in producing novel situations and at the same time providing a testing, testing site for them. Now this incubators of innovation is what Danny is referring to as pathfinders. He calls it pathfinders, I call it incubators of innovation. With a lesser number of veto actors and veto points at the regional level, regional institutions can also more quickly course-correct when needed compared to global institutions. Now, there are particularly 3 challenges in which regions have been advancing and moving forward, and I'm going to draw some examples from Southeast Asia for this presentation. They have been very innovative, uh, very, uh, uh, forward-looking, creative, 3 areas in upholding free trade and the global trading system. Number 2, in the governance of new technologies and new forms of the economy and also thirdly in upholding a rules-based order. So the first The first is a free trade and global trading system. Countries at the regional level can work together to ensure that the global economic system remains open to cross-border flows of trade and investment. The WTO cannot perform this role as it has been under siege since the late 1990s, failing to make advancements towards trade liberalization. Regions by contrast are particularly effective in producing forward-looking multilateral free trade agreements, and South Asia is the vanguard of this kind of agreements. It is the driver of the RCEP, right, which is, which builds on existing ASEAN free trade agreements with its trading partners, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand. Bangladesh, Chile, and Sri Lanka have applied to join the RCEP. There is also the possibility of the United Kingdom joining the bloc. Their membership will enhance and expand the scope and influence of the RCEP. Now, regional states, particularly from ASEAN, 4 ASEAN states and 3 Latin American countries, uh, make up more than half of the 12 member CPTPP and the CPTPP is regarded as the gold standard for trade liberalization and uh uh market liberalization. Now these multilateral trading regimes are the antithesis of protectionism and terrorists. We must leverage them to uphold free trade and promote cross-regional integration. The RCP and CPT CPTPP can act stabilizing forces in the ongoing tariff wars, reciprocal wars, or reciprocal tariff wars or whatever you want to call it. Now collective action through these platforms should be a priority, even as individual countries go around negotiating with the Trump administration. This platform should push towards connecting with Europe, with the Middle East, with Africa and other regional trade initiatives, expand global supply chains and advance trade. Convergence of trading rules and standards across regions is necessary so that we can avoid fragmenting the global trading system. Once these rules are tested and established, they can be brought back to the WTO. For negotiations and as evidence of success. Now the second area that regions have been particularly good at is in, uh, governance of emerging technologies and new forms of economy. Now these new forms of economy, emerging technologies, they are posing significant risk to human civilization. Setting standards and ethical principles and how you deal with AI, biotechnology, and rules and regulations for the protection of personal data are falling behind the development of these new technologies. Now regional groupings have really been in the forefront of efforts to set standards for the digital economy, for instance. In 2020, Chile, New Zealand, and Singapore signed the digital Economic Partnership agreements. ASEAN itself, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, also launched negotiations for the world's first region-wide digital economy framework agreement in 2023. This is aimed at strengthening regional digital integration and transformation in Southeast Asia. Now for ASEAN, this is a game-changer. It will be a game-changer for uh economies in the region, for the, for the region to advance um and deliver uh seamless goods and services across borders and to and also data underpinned by rules and regulations. We believe that this will be a game-changer. Now these initi initiatives will help mitigate regulatory fragmentation resulting from tariff wars and technological de-risking. Now for the last area that I think that regions can do very well in drawing again from Southeast Asia and from ASEAN is to uphold the rules-based order. Now, I think most of us can agree that the part of the current international order or the international order that's passing is that we like the rules, right? I mean we are multilateral organization right now, we like rules, right? Rules cut transaction costs, ensure predictability, protect small states against the rule of the jungle, mitigate the effects of raw power and coercion to ensure that there is a more equitable and just world. Now regions can be incubators of these innovative mechanisms for ensuring a rules-based order. In Southeast Asia, we have a set of informal and consensus building norms known as the ASEAN way. And the ASEAN has prevented disputes among states from erupting and destroying regional peace. Now this is notwithstanding the situation in Myanmar or the more recent clashes between Cambodia and Thailand over pre-Viha. Those have a lot to do with internal politics. But region-wide, we did not see a situation of uh wars and open conflict, right, since the end of the Cold War. Now drawing from ASEAN's experience, we need to rethink the concept of law and what it means to have a rules-based order. The ASEAN way is non-legalistic. We have what we known as soft laws. So ASEAN has gained a reputation for soft laws. I asked CHA GPT. What ASEAN soft law is and defined for me, ASEAN soft law refers to non-legally binding agreements, principles, and declarations used within ASEAN to guide cooperation and integration among its member states. Now these instruments while not imposing strict legal obligations, play a crucial role in shaping norms. promoting consensus and fostering regional collaboration. That is the definition produced by Chad GPT on ASEAN soft law. But I think that one of my colleagues at the National University of Singapore, and I have to credit her with this because she is the one who came up with all this work on ASEAN soft law. Her name is Sien Lee Tan, she is a colleague in the law school at NUS and Uh, I think she gave a much more better version of what ASEAN soft law is. Uh, she sees soft law as having an aspirational remit and it does have a transitional status towards hard law, but more importantly, she noted that there has been a change in the international legal order. Basically, soft law usage has become much more widespread, has gained credibility, it has become an increasingly recognized area in managing emerging issues, climate change, health, uh, global health, as well as new and emerging technologies. Now, why is it important to use soft laws in this context? It's because these things have been Changing so fast, that if you put in hard laws, they are not gonna work. You need soft laws to allow these new areas to advance and then the soft law modifies itself in, in, you know, in treaties, in, in, in agreements, in memorandums of understanding to advance the ethics and setting the standards on these soft laws on these emerging issues. And it has also soft laws has also made it possible to facilitate cooperation when there is so much great power, rivalry and geopolitical uncertainty, uncertainties. So this is one of the pieces that she has written, but she is a scholar, she has written much more scholarly pieces as well. Now let me end with a call. To reintegrate regionalism and multilateralism. Let me, let me say that regions play a very significant role in ensuring multilateralism and the continued provision of public goods at a time when the work of global institutions is hindered by great power rivalry and collective action problems. Now this is, I'm not saying that we should do away with global institutions, I mean, one now, I will not say that, and I think the World Bank, IMF, and international organizations continue to play a very important role. But why not let regional institutions advance when they can and then pull everyone along when the time is right. And I, I think that Article 52 of the UN Charter actually recognizes that regional organizations may be in a better position to deal with regionspecific disruptions, problems, disputes. Now, the uncertainties when the Cold War ended with the fall of the Soviet Union led to a reintegration of regionalism and multilateralism and regional institutions. The world now stands in another precipice. The current transition will be long and protracted and unstable, and I was saying just now, 2020 years, not 10, Ma, it's going to be messy while we transit to this order that we were like that Danny was imagining. Um, now to deal with these challenges of the future, regions are really well placed. They are incubators of innovation in the three areas that I talked about and regions are again at the forefront of experiments to tackle global challenges. It is necessary and therefore timely to divest greater resources and authority to regions and regional institutions. Thank you. Thank you, uh, thank you, uh, very much. So now we have a very strong view on regionalism. Let, let's continue with the experience of Asia Pacific, a very dynamic region that has gone through a big financial crisis, as you know, and reinvented itself as a fast-growing production hub. So now, Xinuan will present, uh, we talked about this paper which was title is exactly Asia Pacific Growth and the Changing International System. Over to you. Thank you. Thank you, thank you for having me here. Um, actually, I'm aware that the term of Asia Pacific is considered outdated in this time. Uh, but the, the topic was assigned to me, so sorry for being old fashioned. Um, So actually I think Asia Pacific or maybe more specifically East Asia uh is very much uh uh integrated into the US led international system, especially international treaty system. Uh, and, uh, actually a number of, uh, East Asian countries have been benefiting from the US led international trading system after the Second World War, uh, starting from Japan and followed by, uh, South Korea, uh, Chinese Hong Kong, Taiwan, and also, uh, China, and also, uh, some, uh, South Asian countries. So actually the, the whole area, the whole region. Has, uh, uh, as I said, has been integrated into the US led multilateral, uh, trading system, uh, very much, um, and under this international trading system, all these Asian, uh, countries have, uh, uh, taken advantage of their comparative advantage in manufacturing, and they have been, uh, uh, involved in the US led, uh, trade circle. Uh, so they have developed their, uh, manufacturing base, uh, for, uh, decades. Uh, of course, uh, Japan and South Korea were the earliest, uh, success, successful countries and also some other, uh, small, small economies. But of course in the 19 uh. Actually it was maybe earlier, uh, China started its opening up in 1979 when it's diplomatic relationship with the United States was established. So this, I, I think this is not a coincidence. It's actually uh related uh with each other. Of course China joined the WTO in the year of 2001. And uh after that, uh, the other uh South Asian countries, especially Vietnam, also joined the WTO in 2007, becoming the latest group to join the multilateral trading system. So you can see, I mean, all these uh uh East Asian economies have been very actively, uh, participating in the multilateral trading system or the US led international trading system, and they have, uh, successfully developed their manufacturing industries and of course, uh, the US market is their major export destination, uh, so you can see from Uh, 1950s, 1960s, almost all of them, uh, have witnessed a rapid growth of exports, um. Of course, uh, uh, they have a little bit different patterns, but, uh, basically, uh, in the early years, uh, they have a very rapid rising, uh, trade GDP ratio, uh, for almost all these, uh, economies, and, uh, uh, as I said, the US actually, uh, has been their largest export destination. So they have been, as I said, benefiting from the US led system. But in terms of international financial system, maybe it is more complicated. Actually, uh as you know, uh, in the year of 1997, and many of them have suffered from the financial crisis, um. And, uh, uh, many of them, uh, actually, uh, uh, were suffering from the kind of binding relationship between their currencies with the US dollar. Uh, uh, actually many of them was uh were in uh. Trade uh uh Declining trade, uh, surplus and uh worsening, uh, current counterbalance. So, uh, this actually exposed their vulnerability to the international financial system. Uh, so they also have, uh, kind of overdependence on short term foreign debt nominated the US dollar, um, so. Uh, actually, uh, they, as I said, they benefited from a lot from the trading system, but they suffered a lot from the financial system and also, uh. So maybe over concentration of their uh exports on the US market also reduced their resilience in trade performance. Uh, so in turn, uh, they tried to stimulate uh try to uh reach more uh uh regional integration, um, so actually, um. Uh, after, of course, uh, after the ANSEAN was established, but in, uh, uh, 2002, uh, when, uh, China, after China joined the WTO, China also, uh, started to establish a closer regional, uh, integration with, uh, its, uh, East Asian neighbors. Um, the China ASEAN FTA was started, uh, in the year of 2002. So this is also um uh China's contribution to stabilize uh the East Asian economy and also uh the relationship between China and its neighbors. Uh, so you can see in the financial crisis, there was a faster depreciation of many Asian Asian currencies against the US dollar. Um But uh of course uh we all know that uh uh right now the US has very different uh trader attitude toward the multilateral trading system, but it's actually not new. Uh, even in 1970s, as I said, Japan was a At that time was the biggest beneficiary of the GATT system, but in 1970s and 1980s, uh, facing Japan's uh significant challenge, the US already domin adopted a bilateral oppressive policy against Japan which actually obviously, uh, violated the GATT rules. Uh, so at that time the US was already uh breaking. The rules-based system, um. But uh after winning the Cold War in early 1990s, uh, the US fully resumed and strengthened its actually support to the multilateral treaty system by establishing the WTO with a powerful and independent judicial mechanism, the so-called the dispute settlement mechanism, uh, and also the US gave up its unilateralism in 1980s. So return back, return to the multilateralism. Uh, right now, of course, we are seeing uh the US is adopting the unilateralism again, uh, but of course we don't know after 10 years or maybe 20 years whether the US will become a regular, uh, member of the multilateralism. And also, uh, at the same time, the US promoted the regional initiatives such as APEC in 1993 and NAFTA in 1994. So, uh, across the Asia Pacific region, uh, actually there was a closer relationship among all these, uh, uh, members, uh, and, uh, actually at that time the US and both the US and China, uh. Uh, advocated regional economic integration. But um, Uh, I, I would say, uh, the turning point, uh, was 2008 when the global financial crisis happened, uh, starting from, uh, starting in the United States, and for the WTO for the multilateral trading system, also a bad event happened in 2008. Actually that was there was a. Big mini ministerial uh in Geneva, uh, it almost took like 8 or 99 days but finally failed to reach an agreement. So that actually was the last hope for the so-called Doha Round or Doha development agenda. Then after that, uh, actually the, the, the at that time the Obama administration basically, uh, gave up on the WTO on the multilateral, uh, trade negotiations, and, uh, uh, turned to, uh, uh, the so-called mega regionals like TPP and the TTIP. And also under the Obama's administration, the US started to question ah the um Uh, the fairness or the, uh, the, the, the feasibility of the WTO dispute settlement mechanism, uh, by blocking, uh, some members reappointment of appellate body. So actually, as I said, starting from 2008, the US has changed, has started to change its attitude toward the multilateral trading system. So it's actually not a new, um, and it's largely uh uh reflecting uh the declining position of the US in world trade uh shown there by it's it's growing trade deficit. Right now, of course, uh, especially after, after, uh, 2017, uh, I would say this is kind of uh Revolution, um. Uh, which was launched by President Trump, um. And uh starting from uh Trump administration, even Trump 1.0, uh, the US position on global trade policy or global governance has changed dramatically. So basically, uh, President Trump believed that US leadership in global affairs is not worthwhile, and giving others an opportunity to take advantage of the US and no matter they are friends or foes and uh especially the international, uh, trade system with the purpose of freer trade is especially harmful to the US and beneficial to the others. Basically, um, it is actually because, uh, uh, the US has been. Losing its competitive comparative advantage in manufacturing industries one by one, so, um, then actually this has brought some, uh, uh, kind of a threat to the US military, uh, hegemony, um. So, uh, then this, uh, Trump administration intends to kind of, uh, return to the 19th century when the US was dominate adopting a high tariff, uh, isolationist or trade protectionist policy, and, uh, at the same time achieving successful industrial development. Of course that was also interesting, uh, history. Right now, uh, the, the US government is trying to build up a new deals based. Bilateral trading system to replace the rules-based regional and both regional and multilateral system which was sponsor sponsored by the US administration in the last eight decades. So actually, uh, uh, right now the US government is not only uh uh against multilateral trading system but also uh regional uh system. So like uh USMCA is basically uh given up, uh, is basically abandoned. Uh, so, interestingly, of course, uh, just recently, uh, the US government has announced, uh, it will, uh, impose reciprocal tariffs on selected, uh, trading partners, uh, and you can see, basically, uh, many Asian East Asian countries have higher, uh, tariffs. Uh, With the exclusion of Brazil, Brazil is an exceptional, but like Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Bangladesh, um. Uh, anyway, Sri Lanka, uh, all these countries in Asia Pacific area, they will face, uh, even higher, uh, tariffs because they have closer trade relations with China, basically. Um, and also along with this, uh, uh, uh, changing US trade policy right now actually, uh, in Asian, uh, regional integration, uh, China has become even more, uh, important. Uh, it's not, well, of course it's not only because of policy changes, but it's also because of economic, uh, principles. Uh, for China, it has, uh, strong, uh, motivation to strengthen its economic relationship with its neighbors, um. Uh, also, uh, political relationship. And uh China also has been very active and constructive in Asian economic integration arrangements including RCEP and FTAs with ASEAN, AIIB, and the Qingmai initiative, both trade and economic, uh, financial, uh, arrangements, and especially China as a manufacturing powerhouse. OK, sorry, I try to finish. Has a high demand for resources, materials, and intermediate goods which its Asian neighbors are richer, um, so we are trying to develop this relationship. Right now, of course, there are some concerns about China's industrial policy and trade practice, but basically, uh, especially in comparison to the US, China's trade policy is more stable and predictable. Uh, so, uh, you can see from the, uh, global value chains, uh, China has now has a larger role in this network. A OK, maybe I should jump to my conclusions. OK, sorry, yeah, yes, yeah, um. Maybe at one point, uh, right now, of course, uh, uh, China has become the largest manufacturing country in the world. Uh, my point is that, uh, I think China is very lucky. Uh, to happen to have all these factors necessary for the development of manufacturing industry right now, uh, but actually, uh, good times don't last long. Actually we are losing, uh, some of our advantages in manufacturing, uh, gradually, uh, look at the, uh, the, the changing population of China and the declining share of young people, uh, so. Right now actually China has started to move its supply chains overseas. Um, so, but I mean in the last, especially in the last two decades, China really had all these necessary factors for developing, uh, manufacturing. So of course right now the share of China in in world manufacturing output is really huge. Uh, so, uh, in conclusion, uh, I have some points to share with you. Uh, first, uh, as I said, Asia Pacific benefits a lot from US led globalization and appreciates US leadership and the, and the contribution. But uh the, the reverse of the US policy towards the international uh system or trading system is harmful and regretful for East Asian countries. We are really, uh, including China but also other East Asian countries are concerned about US policy change. But uh in terms of trade and investment, a regional economic integration in Asia Pacific has great potential to mitigate. Uh, the damages caused by US isolation, as Danny argued, uh, actually, especially the RCEP region has very, uh, great potential to kind of, uh, develop. Kind of regional internal circulation, ah, so we have all, uh, at least most of them are necessary factors to develop our economies. For China, uh, I, I think China has yet to replace US leadership in the international system. Uh, we still have a limited power and appeal, uh, in terms of the kind of world leadership, not yet for China. So still we, ah, pay, uh, we very much appreciate the centrality of ASEAN in the regional integration. Uh, so we always, uh, say that, uh, especially ASEA is kind of, uh, uh, led by ASEAN rather than China. Uh, but of course China is a, uh, major, uh, advocate for regional integration in Asia Pacific. Thank you. I'm sorry for taking. Thank you. Thank you very much, Xing Juan. Uh, thank you all. Very, very interesting, uh, very interesting discussion with different views, but very much, uh, connected. So let me take the opportunity, I will gonna use the next 1015 minutes to ask further questions to our guests and then I will open uh for Q&A from, from, from the audience. Uh, I want to start again from, from Danny. Um, Danny, you are the author of a recent paper. That argues that because of great power rivalry, the world is increasingly heading toward what you call epic fail outcomes, specifically a situation where everyone ends up uh worse off. So here we are here at the World Bank. The World Bank works with a lot of developing countries. So the question is, what is in your view, what can, how can developing countries advance their own prosperity under this condition? Can they play a kind of stronger, larger role in rebuilding international cooperation? Thank you Matteo for that, for that question. Uh, implicit in the idea that a number of us up here are trying to advance is that desirable that the uh extent rules-based multilateral globalized order has been. If it's no longer available to us because of great power rivalry or other ways in which nations are showing a deviation away from the situation where we all supported that system. And all of us benefited from it. How can smaller nations, how can developing economies, how can those nations that are not themselves great powers, Continue to take action that will help support the system. If we take the view that the current international economic order was built by the United States. And holds together because of the United States. And the United States decides to either withdraw or adjust that position away from a system that all of us appreciate benefits us, how do we respond? The way in which I and others have tried to argue about this. is that we need to break away from the idea that it is only great powers that can build international systems. One way in which my colleague Selena describes this is that we can think about smaller scale international economic systems, region-based ones, where the role of a great power is then altered to some identification of nations within that system. I want to suggest another way which is the, the trying to steer. The actions of great powers away from an epic fail outcome. An outcome where everyone is worse off. And I do that by just giving an example. One of the ways in which we are familiar with outcomes where everyone is worse off is something that in game theory, we think of as a prisoner's dilemma situation. Where each player by acting in their own self-interest, inflicts. An externality on the other player and all of us then lead to mutually destructive actions. How do countries that are small help change the minds of great powers that are bent on taking such mutually destructive action? Let me show you that principle by looking at an example. Take the EV industry. The global electric vehicles industry and associated with that electric batteries. In addition to the great danger of the fraying multilateral system, is the fact that the only way in which we have figured out how to generate economic prosperity for the last 250 years. is also a way that's burning our planet to a crisp. We use hydrocarbons. The solution to that is to pivot towards cleaner, greener sources of energy. The best hope that we've got right now. Is EVs and related technologies, but EVs and related technologies are caught. In the throes of great power rivalry. Because America and other parts of the world have decided that this technology is a dual technology and it can be easily weaponized. So we're caught in a system where America has decided its response to China's EV industry is to tariff and sanction. And by doing that, it reduces the supply of EVs in the world, both from China and until it builds its own capacity from itself. The supply of EVs to the world and to the global South has fallen, worsening the situation for the global environment. This is an epic fail, this is mutually destructive. Suppose developing nations articulated a demand that then said to America, Yes, China has broken WTO rules by subsidizing its EV industry. Instead of sanctioning them, why don't you subsidize your own EV industry? Because yes, you're breaking the rules, but you're responding to someone else who's broken the rules. When you do that, when you subsidize your own industry and allow the other rival to also subsidize their own industry, you are also expressing anger and disappointment at them. But the end result of both of you taking these actions is actually an increased supply of EVs and associated technologies in the world. Which ends up benefiting the global south and everyone else in the world who is looking for prosperity through clean energy. So by being able to pivot or twist policies of the great powers, we can nudge them away from epic fail outcomes towards instead win-win outcomes that are at the same time consistent with great power rivalry. This is an example of inadvertent cooperation, where the two great powers have ended up providing greater supply of EVs. For the wrong reason and it's by manipulating examples like this, Matteo, that we can build a situa a succession of case studies and successes where we can pivot the world away from these epic failed outcomes. Thank you. Thank you very much. Uh, very, very interesting. Uh, let me go to Mazoud, uh, um, Uh, in your presentation, but also subsequent discussion, clearly you are all pointing to a different system in which regionalism is, uh, is sort of a solution to the current situation. But let me try to push you again back to the multilateralism. What, what is the value proposition of multilateralism in the current context, and can we see, uh, regionalism not as an alternative but as a complement. to multilateralism. Thank you very much, uh. just keep speaking Keep speaking. Thank you very much. Say that. But I think maybe you it's good. It's good to know. Thank you. So I, I think that the key is to make multilateralism. At the global level. A way of networking. The various attempts for cooperation across groups of countries that are less than global. So it could be regional, but I, I think the regional example was a very nice one. But if you looked at that regional example that you put up, It was an East Asia regional example of the UK as a member. So I think this as a good illustration. I think It It's, obviously, yes. I think it's a good example of how we have to be flexible and open, so I would think of it as open groupings is one important principle so that countries can be members of more than one group in that. And then the global networks, their value-added brings from trying to bring common learnings, networking these together. So for example, the IMF across the street. has a relationship. Of sorts with various regional reserve pooling arrangements. But My mind going forward that could become a much stronger relationship so you could actually see the regional reserve pooling arrangements as being much more integrally linked into a global financial safety net where the IMF comes in as a supplement to the regional pooling arrangement. Now I use the word regional, but it could actually be any subgrouping. There are some regions of the world. That lend themselves more easily to the geographic regional configuration for cooperation. There are other parts of the world where the geographic neighborhood is not necessarily the right grouping, but there may be groupings that run across, so. Let's call it regional for the moment, but I would see those as building blocks of the multilateral, uh, relationships. Same thing applies for the World Bank. If you think about it, you've got regional banks now. In everywhere, um, if you look at the portfolio of the World Bank in Latin America, the portfolio of the IDB or the portfolio of the World Bank in East Asia and the ADB. There's quite a lot of overlap. And a good question to ask is 10 years from now, do we want the World Bank to be identical in terms of or more or less identical in terms of what the regional banks are doing in that region, or Does it become more of a a network bringing together not just the regional banks, but a lot of sub-regional and a lot of national public development banks. Um, I think the last thing I would say on this which is a bit linked to your point is that up to now when we think of groupings, we think primarily of countries, sovereign states. So our basic design for collaboration is around sovereign states. But increasingly, and I think you said this, increasingly non-state actors. are also becoming big players in terms of international cooperation. In the we mentioned this morning, quite rightly, the enormous role played by United States corporations globally. I think uh philanthropies, Gates Foundation has uh An annual spend that is roughly that is a good middle sized uh donor country spend that is likely to go up. Gavi is a place where for example we have tried to bring in Some of the philanthropies into the structure, but we are very resistant to the notion of having non-state actors. Play a role in the governance of multilateral organizations of any kind, maybe regional or subregional or whatever the form of subgroupings will be, will be a place we will innovate and try to see if we can bring in non-state actors into the The the network because the advances in development and cooperation increasingly will not just come from state to state interaction. They will come from the interaction between states and private sectors, states and society, states and philanthropies, and so we have to find a better way of opening ourselves to them much more so than we have been willing to do so far. Thank you, thank you, Masood. So let me, uh, continue with Selena and uh let me try again to push you from regionalism to multilateralism again, but in your, in, from, from you, I mean, given South Asia experience, now, now the point is Is there any lesson from, from the region that you know very, very well from other regions, uh, in the sense that, uh, one obvious thing would be, OK, but the regions are different, so there are very strong specificities, but at the same time we can find common factor or, uh, uh, kind of necessary conditions that are needed to do in other regions, uh, to realize in other reasons what happened in the South Asia. Um, regionalism should not be seen as an alternative to multilateralism. Regionalism is one of the strongest supporters of multilateralism. Regions uphold rules-based order a lot better than Um, great powers. I mean, we are advocates of these things, right, of human rights, of human security, because these are the things that affect The ground where we lived in and we see day to day, you know, we experience it day to day. So regionalism should not be seen as trying to supplant multilateralism. Regionalism is multilateralism at the regional level and they are building blocks, exactly that, building blocks of the multilateral system, of the global, of global institutions. So I would say no, don't think of it as an enemy or an alternative, but rather as a building block and it does complement, it does support global institutions, global governance. Now, turning to your question, Matteo, um, I think that yes, regions have very specific characteristics, but it does not mean that there are no lessons that we can learn by diffusion. States learn by diffusion. We learned this in political science in IR that states learn from each other, OK, and regions do learn from each other and I think that in, especially in the area of things like soft laws that I was talking about, ASEAN soft laws, I think this is one area where I think that if you are in a region where making laws, uh, formality, legality, Um, and, uh, uh, Uh That kind of hard laws and rules are difficult to establish because of differences like the way that Southeast Asia is, is very diverse. It is not like Europe, Europe can go legalistic, can go hard laws, primarily because there is, they, they have similarities, not that all of them are similar, just, this is about relativity, right? But there are certain principles that can be agreed across the entire region. But in Southeast Asia, it's extremely diverse. Historically, culturally, linguistically, racially, extremely diverse and so having to deal with coming, you know, having established, to establish hard laws, uh, hard kind of, um, consensus. It's hard, it's hard. You have to go informal, you have to go soft laws, you have to go consensus building and I think this is a lesson that other regions can take, especially if you are in a conflict area where there is great diversity and disagreements, I think that's a lesson that other regions can learn from. Now the other thing that I want to point out is that one of the things that I said in my presentation was that there is a need for cross-regional integration. So regions should not just learn from each other, they need to integrate across. And actually, as Massuro was saying, that's why I love what you are saying because exactly, you, you spend a lot of time in Southeast Asia, do you? Because that's how we think, um. The idea that um we are open and inclusive, that is a fundamental principle of Southeast Asia and East Asia in general, openness, inclusivity. So we are willing to reach out to, you know, players that are countries that are far across the other end of the earth. Singapore has trade relations with Chile on the other side of the earth for food purposes, for instance. But we are promoters of cross-regional integration. Let me explain why. We work very closely with Latin American countries. Uh, ASEAN has a ministerial meeting for, with the Pacific Alliance, which is made up of a select group of Latin American countries. Uh, we recently at the ASEAN summit, uh, that's held in Kuala Lumpur, Prime Minister Awar Ibrahim, um, mooted this brilliant idea of a China-ASEAN GCC Gulf Cooperation. Uh, Gov countries cooperation, um, and, uh, summit. So this is cutting across, building on the existing linkages that we have and building blocks to bigger things, cross-regional integrations. And I think this is something that we can all do as, you know, as building blocks, as bottom-up strategies at a time when, you know, when other things cannot move. Right, so we are not saying that we supplant global institutions. We are not saying that neither are we saying the regional institutions are stopgap measures, but that they are complementary, they are building blocks of regional, uh, of global governance and global institutions. Thank you, thank you very much. Uh, let's now go to Xinuan. Having you here with your experience at the WTO being one of the, uh, multilateral institution that probably now is, uh, suffering, uh, the most, uh, so what is your view? What does the, uh, WTO need to do to, uh, you know, to reform itself, to adapt to the new situation? OK, thank you. Uh yes, WTO is in a very difficult time and uh WTOE is actually short of budget right now because the US denied to refuse to uh pay their money to the WTO. So, uh, but, uh, just echoing uh what uh Masoud and Selena said, actually in the WTO there is also a concept of, uh, open pluralism. It's very similar to open grouping, as you said. Um, so I, I think for the WTO right now, that maybe the biggest issue is also the, uh, decision-making mechanism. Uh, right now, uh, the WTO has to make any, every, uh, decision, uh, on the basis of consensus. Um, so it's right now, it's very, very difficult to reach consensus among so diversified, uh, members. Uh, especially in the, in the, uh, against the background of, uh, geopolitical rivalry. Um, but actually, uh, in the multilateral, uh, trading system, uh, this kind of plurilateral approach is not new at all. Uh, even in the get, uh, period, all those, uh, uh, rounds of negotiations actually were implemented prolaterally, uh, which means that only, uh, a part of, uh, members joined the negotiations. Uh, a lot of, uh, uh, especially developing, uh, countries were not involved in the negotiations, uh, about tariff reductions. So it's not new at all. Uh, so, so, uh, I mean, when we talk about the success of the GATT, especially the Euroground, uh, it, it actually, the Euroground is actually an exceptional, uh, practice. Uh, when all members reach a single undertaking. Uh, package. It's, uh, it, it was, as I said, it was exceptional even for the, for the GATT. So, um, practically it is more, uh, feasible, uh, to, uh, reach a consensus or reach agreements among selected members, not all members. Right now it's, it's, as I said, it's it's impossible. And the euro go round was successful because of a number of uh. Reasons at that time, at that period. Um, so this is, I think, uh, uh, the WTO should be doing. And then basically, members have, uh, uh, reached a kind of agreement on this point. But the problem right now is, uh, Uh, the US is blocking everything, uh, with the consensus decision-making mechanisms, that's a bigger trouble. Uh, and also sometimes India, uh, does this to the WTO. Um, another thing I, I think, uh, uh, as, as Selena said, uh, uh, ASEAN has a kind of soft law approach. But for the WTO it's always been a kind of hard law, uh, approach. So, uh, the dispute settlement mechanism is still, uh, critical, uh, because if, uh, um, there's no such mechanism, uh, members don't respect their obligations and commitments. Since the WTO is worthless. Um, so, right now, of course, uh, some members have established a so-called NPIA to replace the, the, the current, uh, dispute mechanism. Uh, uh, so, uh, one way at least for, for Members other than the US. Ah, used to join MPIA more actively. Um, so if, ah, if, ah, ah, the membership of MPIA could be expanded to cover more and more WTO members, then members will Belief in the in the binding uh uh uh bindingness of WTO rules. Uh, so, uh, I mean for the WTO I these two things are very important. Yeah, thank you. Thank you. Thank you all very much. Uh, I was just told by the organizers that unfortunately we don't have time for the Q&A session. Uh, we need to close because it's lunchtime, but I'm sure that you can approach the speakers during lunchtime and ask, uh, uh, ask questions. Just to conclude, let me, uh, really thank you again. You, uh, really played as an orchestra here and it was fantastic because actually we started, you all started with the recognition that, uh, we have a problem and so the, the, the, the multilateralism that we Or knowing we all like is not there anymore, but at the same time you could offer us solution. Obviously you use many different perspectives, but maybe the regionalism is the key word that we can use here in our concluding remarks. But you were very good in arguing that regionalism can be kind of prodromic to a new multilateralism. And you provided many, many examples, many examples there, and obviously, as Selina said, also regionalism and then cross region and then you get to multiralism, multilateralism again and and I know that Intermit concluded the previous section talking about Europe. I'm lucky that you don't have the mic so I can say something here, but Europe is another example of a regional, a regional agreement. Now what we expect from Europe is not only Uh, improving, uh, itself, but also to be another bridge toward other, other regions, and I'm thinking about Africa mostly because it's very close, but it, it applies to many other regions. So, uh, thank you all again. Thank you for your participation. Thanks for your contribution, very interesting discussion, and I look forward to next. Thank you very much
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A video recording of the Session 1 on Day 1 of The Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics 2025 "Development in the Age of Populism." This session discusses "Reviving Multilateralism".

KEYNOTE ADDRESS: Danny Quah, Li Ka Shing Professor in Economics, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore

CHAIR: Matteo Bugamelli, Executive Director, World Bank

PANELISTS:

Paper 1: Multilateralism: Whenever We Can or Only When We Must? (Masood Ahmed, Center for Global Development)

Paper 2: Regionalism and Multilateralism: Southeast Asia (Selina Ho, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore)

Presentation

Paper 3: Asia-Pacific Growth and the Changing International System (Xinquan Tu, China Institute for WTO Studies, University of International Business and Economics)

Presentation

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