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In this WDR 2024 Seminar Ming Li (Assistant Professor of Economics at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen) discusses "Labor Market Integration, Entrepreneur Sorting, and Regional Inequality."
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00:01 All right.

00:02 Good morning and good day,

00:03 everyone.

00:04 Uh,

00:04 my name is Sho McLal.

00:05 I'm leading the 2024 WDR and I'm very happy to welcome

00:11 all of you

00:12 to the third in our series of,

00:15 uh,

00:15 uh,

00:16 seminars

00:17 that we have started this fall.

00:19 Uh,

00:20 the first two seminars were,

00:22 uh,

00:22 uh,

00:23 have been recorded and I put on the WDR website.

00:27 And this morning,

00:28 I'm very pleased to introduce and invite uh

00:32 Li Ming,

00:32 who is an assistant professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong in Shenzhen.

00:38 To present her work on labor market integration,

00:40 entrepreneur sorting,

00:42 and regional inequality in China.

00:44 Uh,

00:45 as part of the WDR consultations,

00:47 um,

00:49 Uh,

00:49 we,

00:50 uh,

00:50 had,

00:51 uh,

00:51 a series of meetings in China back in August,

00:55 where we met researchers and policymakers,

00:59 uh,

00:59 in Beijing,

01:00 in Shanghai,

01:01 and Shenzhen.

01:03 And at that time,

01:04 uh,

01:05 Li Ming and her colleagues had kindly hosted the WDR team,

01:09 telling us about the breadth of research,

01:11 uh,

01:12 and,

01:12 uh,

01:12 and applied policy work that they were doing.

01:15 Uh,

01:16 and we thought it would be really useful for

01:18 our team and the broader audience in our institution

01:21 to learn about this paper because it speaks

01:25 to one of the bigger themes of the World Development report,

01:30 which is how mobility restrictions

01:33 exacerbate misallocation,

01:35 both in terms of talent,

01:37 but also in terms of entrepreneurship.

01:39 Uh,

01:40 and she has some amazing empirical evidence.

01:44 From China that covers,

01:45 uh,

01:46 uh,

01:46 I think,

01:47 um,

01:48 Uh,

01:48 a large time frame going all the way to 2019.

01:52 So,

01:52 Li Ming,

01:53 we will give you 35 minutes to present your paper,

01:57 and after that,

01:58 I'm very happy that Nancy Lozano has agreed to be a discussant

02:04 to,

02:04 uh,

02:05 to this paper.

02:06 Uh,

02:06 as many of you know,

02:08 Nancy is the lead economist for sustainable development in Latin America,

02:12 and she's also the global lead for spatial development solutions.

02:18 But more importantly,

02:19 Nancy has done

02:20 a huge amount of applied policy and research work looking at spatial frictions

02:25 across the world,

02:26 including in Latin America,

02:28 East Asia,

02:29 Africa,

02:30 and the Middle East and North Africa.

02:32 So,

02:33 Nancy,

02:33 after that,

02:33 we'll turn to you for your uh comments,

02:36 and then we'll open it up for questions and answers.

02:40 So Lim Ming,

02:41 over to you.

02:43 Thank you so much,

02:44 So Mei,

02:45 for the really nice introduction and also for the very kind invitation.

02:49 And let me first uh uh share my screen.

02:53 You see my screen,

02:54 right?

02:56 Yeah,

02:56 and thank you Nancy for uh being my discussion and thank

02:59 you everyone for joining the meeting in the early morning.

03:02 And today I'm gonna talk about our recent

03:04 preliminary work on labor market integration and entrepreneurship

03:08 and it's a joint work with Haim Ming from PEN

03:11 and Wei Ling from uh uh XiXi Shenzhen who is my colleague here.

03:16 And

03:17 this research is motivated by the following several observations from China.

03:23 Uh,

03:23 we observing the past several decades that there has been

03:26 a great regional variation in terms of the entrepreneurial activities.

03:31 And this great regional variation in entrepreneurial activities

03:34 is largely driven by the flow of entrepreneurs.

03:38 We observed recently in the data that more than 50% of the firms

03:42 are established by the entrepreneurs who

03:44 actually operate outside their home city,

03:46 and more than 30 of them are uh operating outside their home provinces.

03:51 And on the labor market side,

03:53 despite the very well known,

03:55 uh,

03:55 very,

03:56 uh,

03:56 uh,

03:56 restrictive fuku restrictions in China,

03:59 actually we have seen a large increase in internal migration in the last 30 years.

04:04 And overall migrant population grew from 21 million in 1990

04:09 to 253 million in 2015.

04:12 And in accounting with this uh migration of

04:16 entrepreneurs as well as migration of laborers,

04:18 uh there is a large variation in local hukou policies.

04:23 Let me give you a few examples of what I

04:24 mean by the variations in the local hukou policies.

04:28 So here I'm displaying some slogans or policies from 3 1st tier cities in China

04:35 which are Shenzhen,

04:36 Beijing and Shanghai.

04:38 And there are 3 well known,

04:39 uh,

04:40 very developed,

04:40 uh,

04:41 uh,

04:41 first tier cities.

04:43 And you can see even within the first tier,

04:45 uh,

04:45 3 cities,

04:45 uh,

04:46 even within the first,

04:47 uh,

04:47 tier cities,

04:49 there are still great regional variations in their local hukou policies.

04:52 Let me show you.

04:53 So on the left hand side,

04:55 the two panels or two

04:57 several slogans from Shenzhen,

04:58 and where is the city where I come from.

05:01 And basically this is saying whoever comes to Shenzhen is a Shenzhenner.

05:05 So Shenzhen is a city that is very well known

05:07 for its friendliness to all kinds of migrant workers.

05:11 And on the right hand side we see two other examples.

05:14 On the right upper panel,

05:16 which is the city of Beijing.

05:18 And you see the slogan basically it says evict uh

05:21 everyone is responsible for the eviction of the low-end population.

05:26 And that is what makes Beijing a very unfriendly city to the migrant workers.

05:31 Basically,

05:31 uh,

05:32 if you see later on in the data that Beijing still

05:34 uh remains very restrictive in their hukou policies across years.

05:38 And somewhere in the middle is the city of Shanghai,

05:42 uh,

05:42 which they have a kind of credit system

05:45 where they award points or credits to the uh people with higher level of education

05:50 as well as people with higher level of skill,

05:53 skill certificate.

05:55 And only for people who have accumulated certain points of skills,

05:59 uh,

05:59 they are eligible.

06:00 for local hukou.

06:01 So actually,

06:03 uh,

06:03 these three kinds of,

06:04 uh,

06:05 policy,

06:05 uh,

06:06 policy types actually correspond to our later on

06:09 empirical studies in which we define as policy,

06:12 uh,

06:12 uh,

06:12 uh,

06:12 hukou policies.

06:14 Beijing is one extreme

06:16 where they always stick to their baseline policy,

06:19 a very strictive,

06:20 uh,

06:20 a restrictive one.

06:21 And Shanghai is somewhere in the middle where there's this

06:24 uh uh uh uh hukou policy that rewards a local hukou

06:28 to the high skilled labor.

06:30 And Shenzhen is the other extreme where uh basically there

06:33 has no restrictions at all to all the migrant workers.

06:36 So you're gonna see later on that

06:38 these three kinds of uh different policy designs have very

06:41 different implications on the regional distributions of economic activities.

06:45 And that inspires us to

06:47 ask the following research question.

06:49 So in this paper uh we want to ask,

06:52 how does the reduction

06:54 in the institutional migration barriers,

06:56 especially the heterogeneous reduction in the institutional barriers,

07:00 shape the landscape of human capital flow

07:03 as well as entrepreneurship in China?

07:06 And in answering this question,

07:07 we'll find that

07:08 the skill bias of Hukou policy where you can

07:10 think of the Hukou policy as Shanghai's policy,

07:13 that attracts migrant entrepreneurs,

07:16 but at the cost of crawling out local entrepreneurs.

07:19 So overall we see a now effect in terms of the total number of entrepreneurs there

07:23 uh induced by the hukou policies.

07:26 And on the other hand,

07:27 the non restrictive hukou policy where you can

07:29 think of the hukou policy as Shenzhen's policy,

07:31 that spurs overall entrepreneurship,

07:34 both the migrant entrepreneurs as well as the local entrepreneurs.

07:37 And then we want to understand why.

07:40 So in exploring the underlying channels of these findings,

07:44 um,

07:44 we're examining the labor market side as well as the firm performances,

07:49 uh,

07:49 in response to the changes in the hukou policies.

07:52 On the labor market side,

07:54 we see that the low skilled labor,

07:55 they only respond to this low,

07:57 uh,

07:57 non uh non-restrictive hukou reforms.

08:00 Well,

08:00 the high skilled labor,

08:02 they're responding to both the non-restrictive reforms

08:04 as well as the buyers of reforms.

08:07 And that will yield very different implications

08:09 on the firms in the low skilled sector

08:12 and the firms in the high skill sector.

08:14 Basically,

08:15 you can think that

08:16 uh the firms in the low skill industries,

08:19 they're gonna be hurt by the buyers who policies.

08:21 Mainly because of the lack of the abundant labor supply in the low skilled sector.

08:27 And on the other hand,

08:28 they gonna be benefit from the non-restrictive

08:31 reforms.

08:32 On the other hand,

08:33 the firms in the high skill industries,

08:35 they're gonna benefit from both the skill,

08:37 uh,

08:38 high skill indus uh high skill,

08:39 uh sorry,

08:40 skilled buyers huo reforms as well as the non-restrictive hukou reforms.

08:44 And they're gonna benefit more from the,

08:46 uh,

08:46 actually they're gonna benefit more from the non-restrictive huku reforms.

08:51 And after we document these findings,

08:54 we further want to understand

08:56 what is the equilibrium effects of the Hukou reforms and its overall welfare

09:00 implications in terms of the uh distribution

09:03 of economic activities across the country.

09:06 The reason why we really need to understand the equilibrium in fact is that

09:10 simply think of this,

09:11 uh,

09:12 whenever a city attracts one entrepreneur,

09:14 that means the other city is losing an entrepreneur.

09:16 So in this kind of empirical design,

09:18 there's not a clearly defined and contaminated control group.

09:23 So,

09:24 uh,

09:24 that is why we really need to employ a spatial equilibrium model

09:28 to understand the general equilibrium effect of this Hukou reforms.

09:32 First of all,

09:33 uh,

09:33 we build an equilibrium model to illustrate the key,

09:36 uh,

09:36 mechanism understanding,

09:37 uh,

09:38 and,

09:38 uh,

09:38 underlying our findings.

09:40 Uh,

09:40 the key mechanism we document in the model is that

09:43 the labors are gonna sort like different kinds of labors,

09:46 they're gonna sort in response to the reduction in in mobility cost.

09:50 And firm will sort with the labor in response to the change in the uh local labor base.

09:57 We try to contribute to the

09:59 like both the literature on the firm side as well as the uh labor side.

10:03 by,

10:04 by combining the two strands of literature together

10:07 and introduce heterogeneous worker type and policy induced worker types,

10:11 worker type specific labor mobility costs,

10:14 as well as to the labor uh

10:17 uh literature on the uh

10:19 internal migration literature,

10:21 uh,

10:21 by incorporating the firm location choice in

10:24 which we can endogenize the labor demand.

10:27 And with this,

10:29 uh,

10:29 uh,

10:29 structural model

10:31 that allows us to conduct a lot of more uh interesting counterfactual analysis.

10:36 So,

10:36 uh,

10:37 basically with those counterfactual analysis

10:39 and welfare implications we found that

10:41 the relaxation of local restrictions.

10:45 Will contribute,

10:46 may contribute to greater regional inequality,

10:49 but

10:49 that will improve overall efficiency as well as welfare.

10:53 And more importantly,

10:55 non-restrictive fuh reforms,

10:57 they're gonna yield larger welfare gains as

10:59 compared to the biased uh huco policies.

11:01 And they are also gonna yield uh more equal

11:04 gains across different individuals and across different regions.

11:09 I'll briefly talk about my,

11:11 uh,

11:11 our contributions to literature.

11:13 So we try to uh speak to three strands of literature.

11:16 The first is on the firm's location choice,

11:19 um,

11:20 in which we specifically account for the role of interregional labor

11:24 mobility restrictions and its changes in shaping the firm's location choice.

11:29 Basically,

11:30 understanding the firm's location choice,

11:32 we specifically take into account

11:34 what is the role of the labor mobility.

11:37 And in terms of the literature on internal migration,

11:40 previous literature mostly overlooked the role of the labor demand

11:44 side which is shaped by the firm's location choice.

11:47 And we explicitly account for this firm location choice

11:50 in this internal migration,

11:53 and we consider firm and labor market effects of internal migration jointly

11:57 and that allows us to estimate the welfare effect in equilibrium.

12:01 Of course there's a lot of literature on the hukou system in China,

12:05 which I cannot list all of them here.

12:07 But we'd like to claim our contribution to be

12:10 the first to distinguish different kinds of hukou policies

12:14 and study its heterogeneities and its effects on,

12:17 uh,

12:17 its equilibrium effects on the distribution of entrepreneurial activities.

12:23 So let me now go into a little bit more uh institutional details

12:28 uh that uh uh correspond to what I'm already talked

12:30 about a little bit uh at the very beginning.

12:34 So here,

12:35 I'm plotting,

12:36 oh sorry,

12:37 here I'm plotting the regional distributions of entrepreneurial activities

12:41 in year 2000 as well as year 2015.

12:44 As you can see,

12:45 as early as the year 2000,

12:47 the regional distribution of new firm entry in the year is pretty even,

12:52 right?

12:53 So most of these uh except for the uh few uh cities on the coastal area,

12:58 most of the firms,

12:59 uh,

13:00 most of the cities has a very even distribution of entrepreneurial activities.

13:03 Most of the cities have a new firm entry of less than 500.

13:08 However,

13:08 on the other hand,

13:10 if we go to the time of 2015,

13:12 you can see there is a great regional variation in terms of the new firm entry.

13:17 Well,

13:17 some cities have a new firm entry of less than 500,

13:21 some other cities in the coastal area or in the southern area

13:24 has a new firm entry of more than 10,000 firms per year.

13:28 And actually this kind of regional distribution uh

13:31 regional and even regional distribution of entrepreneurial activities

13:35 is largely driven by the entrepreneurial flows.

13:39 Let me show you this graph.

13:41 So on the left hand side panel,

13:43 I'm plotting the ratio of the uh uh

13:46 firms that are established by the migrant entrepreneurs,

13:50 which are operating outside their home city.

13:53 So as you can see,

13:54 although the coastal area uh despite the fact that the

13:57 coastal area and the southern area has more new firms,

14:01 the majority of it is established.

14:03 By the migrant entrepreneurs,

14:04 which means the cities are attracting the entrepreneurs from other cities.

14:09 And on the right hand side panel,

14:10 I'm plotting the percentage of firms that are established by the movers.

14:15 I define a mover as an entrepreneur who has originally operated

14:21 in other cities but now currently moved to this particular city.

14:25 And you can see also in the more like richer southern area and coastal area,

14:31 the majority of the firm is established by the movers.

14:34 Jointly,

14:35 the graphs are trying to tell us that

14:38 in like in understanding the

14:40 regional distribution of entrepreneurial activities,

14:42 it is really important

14:44 to understand what causes the flow of migrants and uh what causes

14:48 the flow of firms and what causes the flow of entrepreneurs.

14:53 And as you can see over time,

14:55 the flow of entrepreneurs are increasing over time.

14:58 Originally in 19995,

15:00 less than 10% of them were operating outside their home province.

15:05 Well,

15:05 recently,

15:05 we see the percentage of micro entrepreneurs operating outside

15:09 their home province increased to more than 30%,

15:12 and the percentage that are operating outside their home city,

15:16 uh,

15:16 increased to more than 50%.

15:18 And on the right hand side panel,

15:19 I'm plotting the distribution,

15:21 the histogram

15:22 of the uh destination or region GDP difference.

15:27 Basically the graph is trying,

15:28 you can see the distribution is really skew.

15:40 Did we lose Ming?

15:42 Can you hear her?

15:43 I cannot hear either.

15:46 We can't hear you,

15:46 Mingli.

15:54 Where,

15:54 uh,

15:54 I plot the histogram distribution of the destination origin log GDP difference

15:59 for the low skilled labor as well as the high skilled labor.

16:02 You see for different kinds of labor,

16:04 the,

16:04 the distributions both uh skilled to the right,

16:07 which means that uh both the high skilled labor and the low skilled labor,

16:11 they are migrating to the larger cities.

16:13 And this pattern is more salient for the low skilled labor.

16:17 And on the policy side,

16:19 actually we have seen great variations in terms of the Hukou policy restrictions.

16:25 There have been 4 weeks of Hukou policy changes over time.

16:29 And the very uh early wave was from 1984 to 1997.

16:34 Before that,

16:34 uh,

16:35 no one was allowed to work outside of their uh uh registration place.

16:40 And starting from the first wave,

16:42 a particular group of entrepreneurs were the people

16:45 who are like really the high-end people,

16:47 they're allowed to acquire the uh uh urban hukou in this first uh uh wave of reform.

16:53 And the second wave of reforms starting from 1997,

16:56 basically it enabled migrants to uh work or uh permanently reside

17:02 in certain cities

17:03 and most of them are smaller cities.

17:06 And the third wave expanded the uh this kind of policy

17:10 to more larger cities,

17:12 about 100 larger cities.

17:14 And the largest wave of policy reform starting from,

17:17 uh starting from 2014.

17:19 And it was actually national policy trying

17:22 to push forward the Hukou reforms nationwide,

17:26 but later on you can see actually each city has their

17:29 own practice in the uh uh in in real practice.

17:33 And although you have seen there are several national wave policies,

17:37 but each city may carry out their own policies.

17:41 And the policy details can are really heterogeneous across cities

17:45 and can distinguish by the workers or the migrants specific characteristics.

17:50 And this is one of our very important contributions is that we collect data on all

17:54 the migration related policy reforms from all kind

17:57 of policy platforms that we can reach.

18:00 And we define huku reform as a deviation from the baseline restrictive huku policy.

18:05 For each document,

18:06 we summarize all the requirements into 6 categories including education degree,

18:10 skill,

18:11 investment,

18:12 employment,

18:12 purchase of housing unit,

18:13 and others.

18:14 And this allows us to further classify

18:18 all the hukou reforms into three broad categories.

18:22 The first broad category is what we define as a skill bias of Hukou reform

18:26 in which uh we included the reforms that require an education degree or skill,

18:32 uh certificate or a business investment.

18:36 And secondly,

18:37 we define the uh Huku reform with other requirements

18:40 as the uh uh reform with other requirements.

18:43 And thirdly,

18:44 uh,

18:44 if there is no requirement at all or only very minimum requirement

18:49 on employment such as 3 months of employment in the destination city,

18:52 we're gonna code it as a non-restrictive huku reform.

18:56 And here I'm um uh I'm showing you a

18:59 regional distribution of the hukou reform over time.

19:02 This was the distribution of the hukou policies in year 2000.

19:07 We will see nearly any like uh only a few cities are relaxing their hukou uh policies.

19:12 The majority of the cities are sticking to the baseline policy,

19:15 which is very restrictive.

19:18 And this is the uh distribution of the policies in year 2015,

19:23 which you see about half of the cities

19:26 in China has already relaxed their hukou restrictions,

19:29 but to different extent.

19:31 And this exhibit this kind of policy change exhibits great regional variations.

19:35 Some cities completely relax their hukou restrictions,

19:38 while some other cities

19:40 uh

19:40 uh still uh have a lot of requirements on the skills or others.

19:46 And

19:47 this is the policy data.

19:48 We are also combining,

19:49 uh,

19:50 uh,

19:50 in order to do the empirical analysis on

19:51 the entrepreneurial side and the labor market side,

19:54 we combine this with several other other data sets.

19:57 On the entrepreneurial data,

19:58 uh,

19:58 uh,

19:58 on the entrepreneur side,

20:00 we use a comprehensive data set covering the universe of

20:03 the firms that ever registered in China in the history.

20:06 And from the sample period that we're looking at 1995 to 2019,

20:11 there are altogether 30 million firms.

20:14 And for every firm registered,

20:16 we have very detailed information on the establishment date,

20:18 exit date,

20:20 industry,

20:20 registration

20:21 place,

20:22 registration capital,

20:23 so on and so forth.

20:24 And very luckily,

20:25 we get access to the entrepreneur's information

20:29 for every registered firm.

20:31 Basically,

20:31 we define the entrepreneur as the largest shareholder of each registered firm.

20:36 And for each entrepreneur,

20:37 we have a unique identifier so that we can

20:40 track the entire investment history of the entrepreneur.

20:43 And we observe some basic demographic information including their birthplace,

20:47 birth year,

20:48 uh uh uh uh uh including their birthplace and birth year.

20:54 And uh to measure the firm's performance,

20:56 we combined the data set with the comprehensive

20:58 administrative administrative data from 2008 to 2016.

21:03 It's administrative tax record data collected by

21:07 uh the Chinese State Administration of Tax.

21:10 It although it's not covering the full sample,

21:11 but it's actually quite a representative sample,

21:14 uh,

21:15 using the stratified sampling of and covers more than

21:18 500,000 firms per year.

21:21 And we use this data set to measure the firm's performance,

21:24 where we know the firm's revenue,

21:26 profit,

21:26 value added,

21:27 so on and so forth.

21:29 And the uh like labor side,

21:32 we construct the migration flows from 1996 to 2005 2015

21:37 from China population census of four waves of China population census.

21:42 We identify individual to be a migrant.

21:44 If he or she report a move

21:46 within 5 years of each census year.

21:49 So we denote the original city as the city of registration huku registration,

21:54 and we denote the destination city as a city of his current living or working place.

22:00 And we aggregate this to the city pair level so

22:03 that we know that city pairer uh migration flows.

22:07 And now it's time to show you some reduced form evidence

22:09 that are uh like will later on motivate the uh the,

22:13 the,

22:13 the uh the model.

22:15 So first of all,

22:15 we want to see what is the overall effect

22:17 of uh Huku reform on the evolution of entrepreneurship.

22:21 So

22:22 we did like as we talked about before,

22:24 we classify the hukou reforms into three broad categories,

22:28 the skilled by one

22:29 and the reform with other requirement as well as

22:32 the reforms that are not restrictive at all.

22:35 And we also call one general hukou policy which is turning on the treatment

22:40 as long as one of the other,

22:41 uh,

22:42 the above 3

22:43 treatment happens.

22:45 So here's the result.

22:46 We I'm regressing the number of new firm entry each year on the Huku reforms.

22:51 So as you can see in the first column,

22:53 if we simply regress the number of new firms on a general huku reform,

22:57 we see a null effect,

22:58 which means the general huku reform doesn't really change

23:00 the number of new entrepreneurships overall in the market.

23:03 However,

23:04 if we further decompose the huku reform into three categories,

23:07 that is yielding some uh uh interesting uh patterns,

23:11 we see that,

23:12 the non-restricted huku reform significantly contribute to a

23:17 flourish of local entrepreneurship in the local market.

23:20 Well,

23:20 the bias of huko policy doesn't really have the same virtuous effect.

23:25 And you further decompose the uh entrepreneurs or firms uh uh

23:29 by the sample of migrant entrepreneurs and the local entrepreneurs.

23:33 And that is telling us why this pill bias reform doesn't have an effect on overall.

23:38 Basically we see that.

23:40 The skill biashuku reform increase significantly increases the number

23:44 of firms established by the angry migrant entrepreneurs,

23:48 which means they are attracting entrepreneurs from other cities.

23:51 However,

23:52 at the cost of crowding out local entrepreneurs.

23:55 On the other hand,

23:56 the non restricted huku reforms as coloring in red

24:00 uh is boring overall local entrepreneurship.

24:03 So now we want to understand

24:05 uh who are actually responding to this hukou reforms.

24:10 So if we believe that the better entrepreneurs are responding,

24:13 if the entrepreneurs from the poorer regions are more likely to respond,

24:17 and if the entrepreneurs are more likely to

24:19 respond to policy changes in larger cities,

24:22 we will expect that this kind of policy

24:24 reform will induce a sorting of the entrepreneurs,

24:27 which means the better ones are moving to the larger cities.

24:31 In order to understand this heterogeneity in the response,

24:34 we request at the firm level

24:36 which the dependent variable equals to one if the

24:39 firm is established by an entre uh migrant entrepreneur.

24:43 And on the right hand side,

24:44 we regret or we include all the policy damages as well as interacting

24:48 the policy damage with the entrepreneurs uh

24:50 uh characteristics or the city's characteristics.

24:54 And this is a result.

24:55 As you can see in the first column.

24:58 So when we are interacting the policy reform dummies with the destination cities's

25:04 GDP we see significantly positive effect as I colored in in red,

25:09 which is saying

25:10 the larger like the entrepreneurs are more likely

25:13 to respond to the uh hukou reforms.

25:16 In the larger cities.

25:18 In the 2nd column and the 3rd column,

25:21 when we are interacting with uh the Huku

25:23 reform domains with the entrepreneurs' home uh GDP

25:27 or with their uh the city GDP of their previous firm's operation,

25:32 we see a negative effect which is saying

25:35 the entrepreneurs from the smaller cities were more likely to respond.

25:39 And in the last column,

25:40 we interact to the uh uh huku reform dummies

25:43 with the uh measures for the entrepreneur's performance

25:47 uh with their previous uh firm's performance percentile.

25:50 We see exactly that the better entrepreneurs like

25:53 with the when they are better performing entrepreneurs,

25:56 they are more likely to respond to this huu policy changes.

25:59 The results are very robust whenever we,

26:01 uh,

26:01 whether we include the person dummies or not.

26:06 And

26:07 so we want to understand why,

26:09 why there's a such a heterogeneous response to heterogeneous policy uh changes.

26:14 And we try to understand the mechanism from the labor

26:17 side as well as from the uh firm performance side.

26:21 On the labor side,

26:23 we see like we regress the number of migrant inflows on the policy changes,

26:28 where we see that

26:29 the high skill,

26:30 the skill buyers who reforms

26:32 is only able to attract those high skilled labor,

26:36 as I'm coloring in blue here.

26:38 While on the other hand,

26:40 the non-restrictive policies are able to attract both

26:43 the low skilled labor

26:45 and the high skilled labor,

26:46 which I'm

26:47 Coloring in red here.

26:48 So this is explain exactly explaining that uh uh

26:51 our mechanism why there is a heterogeneous response.

26:55 Because

26:55 the skill buyers who could reform is only able to attract the high skilled labor

27:00 and the coming of the high skilled labor will benefit those high skilled firms.

27:04 However,

27:04 at the same time,

27:05 they were gonna increase the local labor cost of the low skilled labor,

27:08 which hurts the low,

27:10 uh,

27:10 the firms in the low skill sector.

27:12 On the other hand,

27:13 the non-restricted co policy uniformly attract both the high

27:17 skilled labor as well as the low skilled labor.

27:19 And that is going to be beneficial to,

27:20 to firms in both the high skill sector as well as in the low skill sector.

27:24 And we try to confirm this uh uh uh hypothesis with firm performance data,

27:29 which we see

27:30 is actually when we're seeing this uh blue blue ones.

27:34 The the coefficient that the color in blue

27:36 uh is exactly telling us the bias of reforms are hurting

27:41 the firm's performance in the low skill industries.

27:45 And

27:46 however,

27:47 the non-restrictive fuku reform,

27:49 they are benefiting the firms in the low skill industries as well.

27:52 And when I'm interacting the policy re domains with the firm's skills,

27:57 uh sorry,

27:58 when I'm interacting the policy domains with the firm's skills uh measure,

28:02 we see that

28:03 both uh like both the high uh the high skilled firms are

28:07 benefiting from both the bias reform as well as the non-restrictive reform.

28:11 So enlightened by this reduced form findings.

28:16 We're gonna like,

28:17 let me briefly recap on the reduced form findings.

28:19 Basically we find that the skill by

28:21 Go policy change the local change the composition

28:23 of the entrepreneurial market,

28:26 but not the total number of the entrepreneurs.

28:30 And the better performing entrepreneurs are moving from

28:33 the smaller cities to the larger cities,

28:34 which is uh uh inducing regional redistribution of entrepreneurial activities.

28:39 And the reason is because

28:41 the entrepreneurs in low skill industries are hurt by the skill biased policies,

28:46 but benefit from non-restrictive policy changes.

28:48 Well,

28:49 the entrepreneurs in high skill industries,

28:51 they benefit from both,

28:52 and they benefit more from the non-restrictive ones.

28:55 And inspired by this,

28:56 uh,

28:56 uh,

28:57 reduced form findings,

28:58 we're gonna construct our,

28:59 uh,

29:00 uh,

29:00 uh,

29:00 structural model.

29:02 We build this spatial equilibrium model following the existing urban literature.

29:06 However,

29:07 we try to incorporate a little bit more features,

29:10 uh,

29:10 uh,

29:11 to fit our setting.

29:12 Specifically,

29:13 we incorporate two additional features build on existing literature.

29:17 Uh,

29:17 we incorporate heterogeneous worker type as well

29:20 as policy induced type-specific labor mobility cost.

29:24 Uh,

29:25 on the labor side and also on the firm side,

29:28 we allow firms to respond endogenously to the uh local labor supply

29:33 and thus to the endogenously to the changes in the local,

29:36 uh,

29:36 labor mobility restrictions.

29:39 So the model is going to illustrate

29:40 our key mechanism in that the labor is going to

29:43 start sort in response to the reduction in mobility cost,

29:46 and the firms is gonna sort with labor.

29:49 And due to time constraint,

29:50 I cannot go to the full model,

29:52 but let me introduce the model setup,

29:54 which are already including all the key elements.

29:57 And this is a simplified version of the model

29:59 which is uh simply for the illustration purpose.

30:02 And in the model there is uh there are N

30:04 cities indexed by the original O or destination D.

30:08 There's a mass of high tech workers,

30:10 high skilled workers,

30:11 and denoted by MH and a mass of low skilled workers denoted by ML.

30:16 The workers are born in a particular origin city index by O

30:19 and they're gonna receive a location-specific and

30:22 employer-specific India Indian uh Indiosyncratic preference shocks

30:27 and,

30:27 and they're gonna sort across uh destinations

30:30 according to the wage in the destination,

30:33 uh,

30:34 uh,

30:34 um,

30:34 and the migration costs.

30:36 The migration costs are relative to the birth location,

30:39 the destination and destination

30:41 destination location,

30:43 and it's gonna be type-specific.

30:45 So we allow the high skilled labor and low skilled

30:47 labor to face different uh uh uh migration costs.

30:51 And the workers gonna consume two types of products,

30:54 which we denote as

30:56 uh product QH in the H sector

30:59 and product QL in the L sector.

31:01 Basically,

31:02 uh uh next slide I'm gonna tell you what are the two sectors name.

31:07 And the local regional supply is going to

31:09 be determined by the labor sorting decision.

31:13 On the firm side,

31:14 the firms are owned by the mobile entrepreneurs.

31:18 And the firms are going to hire this high tech labor and the low tech labor.

31:23 And as I just mentioned,

31:24 there are two types of firms which are using different production technologies.

31:29 The firms in the H sector

31:31 employs more high skilled labor,

31:33 and they're producing high skill product.

31:36 And the firms in the low L sector,

31:38 they're gonna

31:39 Employ only the low skilled labor and they're

31:42 going to produce the low skill products.

31:45 All the firms,

31:46 they're gonna sort across cities

31:48 in response to the changes in the local labor supply

31:52 as well as the changes in the local labor cost.

31:55 And all the goods are freely traded in the baseline model.

32:00 So to to be more specific,

32:02 the firms in the high skilled sector.

32:05 Sure.

32:06 The firms in the high skill sector,

32:07 they're gonna employ both the high skilled labor and the low skilled labor.

32:10 And specifically there's a uh agglomeration force

32:14 which is uh the productivity of the firm depends on the mass of the high skill,

32:19 high tech firms in this location.

32:21 And this role captures the agglomeration effect.

32:24 And to be simple,

32:25 the IT sector firms only employ the low skilled labor.

32:29 And the firms is gonna uh uh sort uh uh according to their labor cost.

32:33 In equilibrium,

32:34 the firms make their optimization decision,

32:36 workers make their optimization decision,

32:39 uh,

32:39 final goods market clears,

32:41 labor market clears.

32:43 So due to time constraint,

32:44 I have to skip this identification of the parameters,

32:47 but just just to give you a key intuition here,

32:50 um we are identifying the key parameters on the labor side using the census data,

32:55 on the firm side using the tax data to calibrate

32:59 the wage distribution as well as the production function distribution,

33:03 and using the firm registration data to capture the firm's mobility.

33:07 So that are the key information we are using in order to identify the model.

33:12 So after we identify the model,

33:13 we can conduct some uh very interesting counterfactual analysis.

33:17 So let me spend my last 5 minutes introducing

33:20 uh the uh talking about this counterfactual practices.

33:23 So the first counterfactual practice,

33:25 we randomly choose 2 Chinese cities

33:27 and reduce their mobility cost.

33:30 And when we say we reduce mobility cost,

33:32 we reduce the mobility cost by 50%.

33:35 So we tried two kinds of policy practice.

33:39 On the left panel,

33:40 we biasedly relax the uh the mobility cost

33:44 only for the high skilled labor,

33:46 but not for the low skilled labor.

33:48 On the right hand side panel,

33:50 we unrestrictedly uh we uh we unrestrictedly

33:53 unbiasedly relax all the mobility costs for both

33:57 the high skilled labor and the low skilled labor in this treated 20 cities.

34:01 And here is the distribute uh this is the uh uh uh uh welfare effect.

34:07 You can see from the first comparison

34:10 of the unrestricted policy versus the biased policy

34:13 of uh there's a larger welfare gain from the non-restrictive hukou reform,

34:17 uh,

34:17 hukou relaxations.

34:19 And this is spec specifically like the,

34:22 uh,

34:22 welfare gain for the high skilled labor is kind of the same,

34:25 a little bit more from from the non-restrictive cities.

34:28 Uh,

34:29 non-restricted reforms,

34:30 but the majority of that is from,

34:32 uh,

34:33 another,

34:33 another proportion of that is from the low skilled labor.

34:36 Where the low skilled labor hurt a little bit

34:38 in the biased policies while they benefit a lot,

34:41 uh,

34:42 from the non-restrictive reforms.

34:45 More interestingly is this result is that

34:48 uh as you can see on the right hand side panel,

34:51 basically

34:52 the wage in the original city,

34:54 in the unrelaxed city,

34:55 in the city that are untreated,

34:58 they are,

34:58 they also increase.

34:59 This is mainly driven by uh uh uh uh reduce in the local labor supply.

35:04 So even in the unretreated cities where they do

35:07 not have any change in their local policy,

35:09 the people who stay,

35:11 they also have a welfare gain.

35:12 And for people who move,

35:14 of course they benefit from the reduction in the mobility cost.

35:17 So basically on the right hand side panel,

35:19 you can tell that

35:20 the non-restrictive relaxation of the hukou reforms,

35:23 uh hukou uh huko restrictions are going to benefit everybody.

35:27 For people who stay,

35:28 they benefit from higher wage.

35:29 For people who move.

35:30 They benefit from higher wage as well as lower mobility cost.

35:34 On the other hand,

35:35 there's the salary changes for the buyers whoo policy.

35:38 So for the best huco policy,

35:40 people who stay high,

35:41 high skilled labor who stay are benefiting,

35:43 but low skilled labor who stay are gonna be hurt

35:45 by uh by by the policy changes in other cities.

35:49 And uh of course for uh the treaty city,

35:52 they are going to benefit from the inflow of the

35:54 labor as well as the reduction in the mobility cost.

35:58 And we also try this uh policy counterfactual in the uh uh

36:04 sorry.

36:05 Oh,

36:05 also here is the uh uh the results

36:07 that are corresponding to our reduced form findings

36:10 in which we find for the bias focal policy

36:12 they attract the firms in the high skilled sector,

36:15 but crowd out firms in the low skill sector.

36:18 On the other hand,

36:19 for the unre received policy,

36:20 they attracted both firms from the high skill sector as

36:22 well as the firms from the low skilled sector.

36:26 And we also tried the policy experiments in the largest

36:29 20 cities as well as in the smallest 20 cities.

36:31 The findings are pretty similar to the random ones,

36:34 but the uh the,

36:35 the message here is that of course people are responding much

36:38 more to the policy changes in the largest 20 cities.

36:41 And this is a,

36:42 a,

36:42 a large proportion of this is driven by the agglomeration effect.

36:46 And

36:48 so let me briefly conclude.

36:50 So I believe we're the first one to really provide a full picture of the dynamics

36:54 of Fuko policies in the past three decades

36:56 and document its distributional effect on entrepreneurial activities.

37:00 The reduced form findings inform us that

37:02 the importance of this policy heterogeneity.

37:05 We know that skill biased policies change the

37:07 composition but not the overall uh entrepreneurship,

37:10 while the,

37:11 uh,

37:11 non-restrictive policies,

37:12 the changes that this.

37:14 For the overall entrepreneurship.

37:15 Entrepreneurs in low skill sectors who are going to be hurt by the pious policies,

37:19 where entrepreneurs in both sectors are going

37:21 to benefit from the non-restrictive ones.

37:23 In the model,

37:24 we illustrate the key mechanism

37:26 uh that labor sort in response to the changes in the

37:29 mobility cost and the firms are going to sort with labor.

37:32 And this explains the human capital foundation

37:35 of entrepreneurship in China across the country.

37:38 And we see that the relaxation of

37:40 restrictions may contribute to greater regional uh

37:43 uh inequality where they're gonna benefit the traded firms more.

37:47 However,

37:47 it indeed improves overall efficiency and welfare,

37:51 especially for the non-restrictive fuku reforms.

37:53 And,

37:54 um,

37:54 in another related project we try to document a long term.

37:57 of this inequality,

37:59 uh,

37:59 rising inequality,

38:00 where we're starting to see the better

38:02 performing entrepreneurs are returning to their hometowns.

38:04 And this is another force

38:06 where we see,

38:07 uh,

38:08 a hope that that,

38:09 uh,

38:09 uh,

38:09 uh,

38:10 uh,

38:10 kind of inequality will decrease in the long run.

38:12 So that is pretty much for,

38:14 uh,

38:14 my talk and thank you so much for listening.

38:16 I really look forward to the discussion.

38:19 Thank you very much,

38:20 uh,

38:20 Li Ming.

38:21 That was,

38:21 that was fabulous.

38:22 I think your conclusions.

38:24 Uh,

38:25 stress the importance of openness,

38:27 uh,

38:28 as a mechanism for reducing misallocation.

38:32 Nancy,

38:32 let me turn it to,

38:33 to you for your discussion comments.

38:37 Excellent.

38:38 Thank you so much,

38:39 Shome and L for an excellent presentation.

38:43 I think this is

38:44 a very important paper because uh it really brings together several branch,

38:50 um branches

38:52 of the literature,

38:53 as you pointed out the,

38:55 the literature,

38:56 of course,

38:57 on

38:58 Uh,

38:59 firm

38:59 firm and entrepreneurial location decisions,

39:02 but also the literature on migration and that

39:04 growing literature on the impacts of migration on,

39:08 on inequality.

39:10 Um,

39:11 my

39:12 first,

39:12 the first point that I want to make is,

39:14 of course,

39:15 there is also room to bring another set

39:18 of,

39:19 uh,

39:19 another branch of literature that I think may,

39:23 uh,

39:23 enrich the discussion in the paper.

39:25 So a little bit of,

39:26 um,

39:27 um,

39:27 I,

39:27 I would say the

39:29 Uh,

39:30 urban economics literature,

39:32 and let me give you one example where I think,

39:34 uh,

39:35 that I think could be useful.

39:36 There's,

39:36 uh,

39:37 in their paper of 2017,

39:40 uh,

39:40 de la Roca and Puga are looking at,

39:43 they see higher wages in large cities.

39:47 In Spain,

39:48 and they build us a spatial equilibrium model

39:52 to look at the different channels through which,

39:54 or that could explain this uh higher wages in,

39:58 in cities,

40:00 uh,

40:00 that whether there are static advantages

40:04 of large cities

40:07 or whether

40:09 Cities,

40:09 in large cities,

40:12 worker workers accumulate more valuable experience,

40:15 which is tied to,

40:16 to the discussion in the paper,

40:18 or whether it's sorting and you just have

40:21 workers that have,

40:23 uh,

40:23 that are more productive moving to bigger cities.

40:27 And what they find for the case of Spain is that there are actually

40:31 very large static and dynamic advantages uh from working in bigger cities.

40:38 Um,

40:39 and that it's not really coming from the unobserved ability of workers.

40:46 It is actually,

40:47 uh,

40:48 a combination of,

40:49 of static gains and learning advantages received or,

40:54 uh,

40:56 that,

40:56 that workers receive from moving to bigger cities.

41:01 Uh,

41:02 that explained the difference in wages.

41:04 And interestingly,

41:05 they find that these differences,

41:08 uh,

41:08 does not

41:10 disappear

41:11 immediately or after workers move out from these larger cities,

41:16 but rather,

41:17 this is,

41:17 this is a game that workers,

41:20 let's say,

41:21 um,

41:22 Maintained through time even if they move out of these bigger cities.

41:26 I think this is important for your,

41:29 for your paper

41:30 uh because it may

41:32 be uh that beyond heterogeneity of skills,

41:37 uh,

41:38 that you are already accounting for,

41:40 there may be some heterogeneity.

41:42 Meeting the attractiveness of different places

41:46 because of the added benefits that these entrepreneurs would receive

41:51 if they move in this case to larger cities.

41:55 So,

41:55 maybe thinking about how to incorporate that into the

41:58 model can actually uh add some uh additional uh

42:03 Insights to an already very rich paper.

42:07 You,

42:07 you already have

42:08 agglomeration economies

42:11 included in the model,

42:12 but I was thinking whether some of that

42:14 additional heterogeneity could bring some additional insights.

42:19 And,

42:20 second,

42:21 I think this,

42:22 this paper is very important from,

42:24 from the policy perspective.

42:26 Uh,

42:27 I think,

42:28 of course,

42:28 um,

42:32 I,

42:32 I think mainly 3 reasons.

42:34 Let me,

42:35 let me put forward mainly 3 reasons why

42:38 I think it's important from a policy perspective.

42:40 First,

42:41 because it stresses the fact that policies that have a spatial focus

42:47 have impacts

42:49 beyond that are not spa their impacts are not spatially contained.

42:54 And that I think that's very important.

42:56 Here,

42:56 we're seeing that the relaxation of constraints in one area

43:00 have impacts beyond the select the selected area,

43:04 and I think that's very important

43:07 uh as we from,

43:09 for example,

43:09 from our side engage with our clients

43:12 to stress the importance of carefully designing

43:17 uh place-based policies.

43:19 Anything that's spatially containing the design is will not

43:23 Necessarily be spatially contained in its effects,

43:27 and I think that's a very important message.

43:30 Second,

43:31 the link to inequality that you stressed.

43:34 I think that's also from the policy perspective,

43:37 very important because

43:39 it um

43:41 It raises the question of

43:44 What,

43:45 what to do about it.

43:46 So,

43:46 you were putting it into your,

43:48 in your finance slides.

43:49 There are improvements in efficiencies,

43:52 but there are also increases in inequality.

43:55 So that

43:56 it brings us back to the discussion of the trade-offs between

43:59 efficiency and inequality and what to do about it.

44:03 And I think there,

44:04 um

44:05 there is a very,

44:08 um there is a growing literature looking at,

44:10 at

44:11 the

44:13 How to tackle that spatial inequality and poss and how it is possible actually

44:20 to think in some cases about uh place-based redistribution

44:25 schemes that

44:27 do not or that can actually improve

44:30 um or that do not affect uh equity.

44:35 There is a recent uh paper by Gobert and colleagues and NBER.

44:40 Working paper actually that looks at

44:43 the conditions uh for the US

44:46 under which uh place-based redistribution schemes can

44:50 actually improve the equity efficiency trade-off.

44:54 So,

44:54 I think this also ties to that literature,

44:57 uh,

44:58 and,

44:58 and points at an area that requires more research

45:02 and where we really need to understand how we can

45:06 improve,

45:06 um,

45:08 Or reduce those trade-offs.

45:11 And third,

45:12 um,

45:14 I think it,

45:15 it,

45:15 uh,

45:16 uh,

45:16 the,

45:17 the final point of why I think this from the policy perspective is

45:20 so important ties to a message that you give in the paper,

45:25 which is entrepreneurs and firms do not make decisions regardless

45:29 of market conditions.

45:32 You're stressing it in terms of uh migration policy,

45:36 migration constraints.

45:38 But in the same line,

45:39 I think it raises the question of what

45:42 other policies may actually interact with migration policies.

45:47 And in some recent work that,

45:49 that we've done at the bank,

45:50 we're showing that it's,

45:51 uh,

45:52 the interaction between

45:54 urban development policies and migration policies is very important for

45:59 integration of migrants into city in a broader context.

46:04 But here,

46:04 it made me think,

46:06 About whether there are important interactions,

46:09 for example,

46:10 with any industrial policies that have been placed in China

46:14 in,

46:15 um,

46:15 at the same time.

46:17 My understanding is,

46:19 at least recently,

46:21 uh,

46:22 there is a,

46:23 there are

46:25 Uh

46:27 Tax,

46:28 how do you say,

46:29 uh,

46:29 reductions in,

46:30 in tax,

46:31 tax incentives for firms that would locate to the western areas.

46:37 I wonder if in at that time

46:39 that you're studying something similar could have happened

46:42 that could have interacted with migration policies.

46:46 Uh,

46:47 and similarly,

46:48 other urban policies that would make some places more attractive to firms,

46:53 to workers

46:54 that,

46:55 as I was mentioning on my first point,

46:57 would ultimately,

46:59 uh,

47:00 have an impact on the productivity of entrepreneurs or

47:04 Our firms,

47:05 uh,

47:06 think about,

47:07 uh,

47:07 land policies,

47:08 restrictions or housing availability in these places.

47:12 Um,

47:13 so,

47:13 maybe thinking about the interaction with other policies could be also,

47:18 uh,

47:19 another area for future extensions.

47:22 Let me stop here so that we have some time for a question.

47:26 Right,

47:26 thanks a lot,

47:27 Nancy.

47:27 Those are very

47:29 useful points.

47:30 Uh,

47:31 Liming,

47:31 here's what we do.

47:32 Let's open it up for a few more questions

47:35 and then we turn it back to you to provide reflections.

47:38 Then you can kind of reflect on

47:40 Nancy's questions as well as the ones we received from the colleagues joined in.

47:44 Folks,

47:45 if you have any questions,

47:47 please come in at this time.

47:48 You could raise your hand and if I can

47:51 then

47:52 ask you to,

47:53 to

47:54 speak.

47:55 Uh

47:57 Anyone have any questions?

48:03 Well,

48:06 OK,

48:07 I don't see any right now,

48:08 so let me go to you.

48:12 Thank you,

48:12 Sami,

48:12 and thank you very much,

48:13 Nancy,

48:14 for really insightful discussion.

48:16 I learned a lot.

48:17 And let me,

48:19 uh,

48:19 briefly,

48:20 uh,

48:21 reflect on what you have already discussed.

48:23 Like your first point I really like is the dynamic learning effect,

48:27 uh,

48:27 introduced by the large cities,

48:29 and actually,

48:30 um,

48:30 uh,

48:30 uh,

48:31 unfortunately,

48:32 this paper is using a static model which we do not account for those dynamic effects,

48:37 but what you said is really interesting and really worth,

48:40 uh,

48:40 for the investigating

48:42 like the advantages of the larger cities have a dynamic learning effect that may,

48:47 uh,

48:47 Contribute more to this discussion.

48:50 And on this point you talked about the policy relevance.

48:55 Uh,

48:55 I,

48:56 I really appreciate you pointed out the three

48:59 policy relevance for the paper

49:01 and I'm sure I'm gonna include them in the right of the paper.

49:05 And specifically I want to echo your point on the second one,

49:09 regarding the trade-off of inequality and the efficiency.

49:14 And I think that actually echoes the uh important.

49:17 im port ance of our findings in that

49:19 you see the non-restrictive policies that actually they benefit all.

49:23 So

49:24 even though there is a rising inequality,

49:26 but that rising inequality is mainly driven by the ones who are getting better off.

49:30 And even the ones who are left untreated,

49:33 they also get getting better off to some extent.

49:36 So this is like,

49:37 like this point really echoes the point like the non-restrictive policy changes

49:42 is gonna uh be more beneficial in terms of

49:45 simultaneously improve.

49:48 everyone's welfare as well as taking control of the regional inequality.

49:52 While on the other hand,

49:53 the skill biased ones,

49:55 there is some more nuance of findings like someone gets better,

49:58 someone gets a little bit worse off

50:00 and may not benefit everybody.

50:02 So I,

50:02 uh,

50:02 that is what I especially uh uh appreciate your second point.

50:07 And yes,

50:08 exactly for your first point regarding the spatial uh uh uh uh spatial uh

50:13 uh uh contamination is exactly what we try to capture with the Spatial model

50:18 and the third one is actually there are a lot of super more

50:22 important policies going on in China across the like across recent decades,

50:27 industrial policies,

50:28 place-based policies,

50:29 hukou policies.

50:30 In this project we are focusing on the hukou policies and we are trying to study the

50:34 industrial policies in a separate project.

50:37 But where you point out is really interesting is that looking at

50:39 the interactions of those policies which I actually I haven't think of,

50:43 but I will definitely think about more in the future.

50:45 Thank you so much,

50:46 Nancy.

50:50 Great,

50:50 uh thank you,

50:51 Li Ming.

50:52 Uh,

50:52 others,

50:53 any more questions?

50:54 Omar,

50:54 you wanna come in?

51:02 Hi,

51:02 can you hear me?

51:03 Yep,

51:03 hi Omar.

51:05 Hi,

51:05 how are you?

51:06 Sorry,

51:06 I was trying to mute for a while,

51:08 so I decided to post the question in the,

51:10 in the chat.

51:11 Um,

51:12 thank you very much.

51:12 Very,

51:13 very interesting model.

51:14 I remember looking at this,

51:15 uh,

51:17 issue of,

51:17 uh,

51:17 mobility in China,

51:19 um,

51:20 a few years ago,

51:21 and,

51:21 you know,

51:21 clearly a lot has been happening since then.

51:24 So I was wondering whether you thought at some point

51:27 of,

51:28 uh,

51:29 building into the model.

51:31 Uh,

51:31 the role of universities,

51:33 as,

51:34 you know,

51:34 the location,

51:35 the special location of universities,

51:37 that's obviously

51:38 units of production of,

51:39 uh,

51:40 human capital,

51:41 well,

51:41 both

51:42 the work,

51:42 you know,

51:42 worker skills and entrepreneurial

51:45 skills

51:46 and whether there's,

51:47 uh,

51:48 you know,

51:48 obviously policy implications in terms of the things that,

51:51 uh,

51:52 we were just discussing,

51:53 um,

51:54 uh,

51:54 uh,

51:55 arising from the model if it were to be modified in that way.

51:59 Thanks.

52:00 Thank you so much,

52:01 Omar.

52:02 And actually,

52:02 you know what,

52:03 so at the very beginning of this project,

52:05 we were thinking about this role of

52:07 universities and in generating the local effect as

52:10 well as the spillover effect in attracting the

52:12 high skilled labor from the some people,

52:14 some places to the uh to the large cities.

52:17 And

52:18 in the end we didn't really model that in,

52:20 but that is indeed an interesting angle to look at.

52:25 And especially when you mention the uh

52:27 production of entrepreneurial skills in the universities,

52:30 yes,

52:30 that is something we,

52:31 we,

52:32 we have not done for now,

52:33 but that is something really worth trying in the future.

52:41 Great.

52:41 Uh,

52:42 anyone else has any more comments,

52:44 uh,

52:45 going once.

52:48 Twice,

52:48 OK.

52:49 Uh,

52:50 well,

52:50 colleagues,

52:51 thank you very much for joining this,

52:52 uh,

52:53 seminar that Li Ming gave this morning,

52:55 and Nancy,

52:56 thank you very much

52:57 for the excellent feedback.

52:59 Uh,

53:00 the seminar slides and the recording will be posted on the WDR website.

53:08 w.worldbank.org/WDR2024.

53:14 Uh,

53:15 we also have two,

53:18 very exciting

53:20 presentations coming up in October.

53:24 On October 18th,

53:26 Roberto Fatal,

53:27 who is a core team member of the report,

53:30 will present his work on distortions and firm dynamics in developing countries.

53:35 So I would encourage everyone to join as it is a preview

53:40 of the findings that are reported in the chapter

53:43 for the WDR that he is writing.

53:46 That's on October 18th,

53:48 and on October 25th,

53:50 we have a seminar on higher education

53:53 for social mobility and talent development

53:56 looking at the case of Chile.

53:58 So colleagues,

53:58 thank you very much again for joining,

54:01 and,

54:01 uh,

54:02 and I,

54:02 I,

54:03 I hope some of these

54:05 seminars are of use and kind of spreading the,

54:09 the knowledge that we're trying to put together in the report.

54:12 Thanks very much.

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transcript
All right. Good morning and good day, everyone. Uh, my name is Sho McLal. I'm leading the 2024 WDR and I'm very happy to welcome all of you to the third in our series of, uh, uh, seminars that we have started this fall. Uh, the first two seminars were, uh, uh, have been recorded and I put on the WDR website. And this morning, I'm very pleased to introduce and invite uh Li Ming, who is an assistant professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong in Shenzhen. To present her work on labor market integration, entrepreneur sorting, and regional inequality in China. Uh, as part of the WDR consultations, um, Uh, we, uh, had, uh, a series of meetings in China back in August, where we met researchers and policymakers, uh, in Beijing, in Shanghai, and Shenzhen. And at that time, uh, Li Ming and her colleagues had kindly hosted the WDR team, telling us about the breadth of research, uh, and, uh, and applied policy work that they were doing. Uh, and we thought it would be really useful for our team and the broader audience in our institution to learn about this paper because it speaks to one of the bigger themes of the World Development report, which is how mobility restrictions exacerbate misallocation, both in terms of talent, but also in terms of entrepreneurship. Uh, and she has some amazing empirical evidence. From China that covers, uh, uh, I think, um, Uh, a large time frame going all the way to 2019. So, Li Ming, we will give you 35 minutes to present your paper, and after that, I'm very happy that Nancy Lozano has agreed to be a discussant to, uh, to this paper. Uh, as many of you know, Nancy is the lead economist for sustainable development in Latin America, and she's also the global lead for spatial development solutions. But more importantly, Nancy has done a huge amount of applied policy and research work looking at spatial frictions across the world, including in Latin America, East Asia, Africa, and the Middle East and North Africa. So, Nancy, after that, we'll turn to you for your uh comments, and then we'll open it up for questions and answers. So Lim Ming, over to you. Thank you so much, So Mei, for the really nice introduction and also for the very kind invitation. And let me first uh uh share my screen. You see my screen, right? Yeah, and thank you Nancy for uh being my discussion and thank you everyone for joining the meeting in the early morning. And today I'm gonna talk about our recent preliminary work on labor market integration and entrepreneurship and it's a joint work with Haim Ming from PEN and Wei Ling from uh uh XiXi Shenzhen who is my colleague here. And this research is motivated by the following several observations from China. Uh, we observing the past several decades that there has been a great regional variation in terms of the entrepreneurial activities. And this great regional variation in entrepreneurial activities is largely driven by the flow of entrepreneurs. We observed recently in the data that more than 50% of the firms are established by the entrepreneurs who actually operate outside their home city, and more than 30 of them are uh operating outside their home provinces. And on the labor market side, despite the very well known, uh, very, uh, uh, restrictive fuku restrictions in China, actually we have seen a large increase in internal migration in the last 30 years. And overall migrant population grew from 21 million in 1990 to 253 million in 2015. And in accounting with this uh migration of entrepreneurs as well as migration of laborers, uh there is a large variation in local hukou policies. Let me give you a few examples of what I mean by the variations in the local hukou policies. So here I'm displaying some slogans or policies from 3 1st tier cities in China which are Shenzhen, Beijing and Shanghai. And there are 3 well known, uh, very developed, uh, uh, first tier cities. And you can see even within the first tier, uh, 3 cities, uh, even within the first, uh, tier cities, there are still great regional variations in their local hukou policies. Let me show you. So on the left hand side, the two panels or two several slogans from Shenzhen, and where is the city where I come from. And basically this is saying whoever comes to Shenzhen is a Shenzhenner. So Shenzhen is a city that is very well known for its friendliness to all kinds of migrant workers. And on the right hand side we see two other examples. On the right upper panel, which is the city of Beijing. And you see the slogan basically it says evict uh everyone is responsible for the eviction of the low-end population. And that is what makes Beijing a very unfriendly city to the migrant workers. Basically, uh, if you see later on in the data that Beijing still uh remains very restrictive in their hukou policies across years. And somewhere in the middle is the city of Shanghai, uh, which they have a kind of credit system where they award points or credits to the uh people with higher level of education as well as people with higher level of skill, skill certificate. And only for people who have accumulated certain points of skills, uh, they are eligible. for local hukou. So actually, uh, these three kinds of, uh, policy, uh, policy types actually correspond to our later on empirical studies in which we define as policy, uh, uh, uh, hukou policies. Beijing is one extreme where they always stick to their baseline policy, a very strictive, uh, a restrictive one. And Shanghai is somewhere in the middle where there's this uh uh uh uh hukou policy that rewards a local hukou to the high skilled labor. And Shenzhen is the other extreme where uh basically there has no restrictions at all to all the migrant workers. So you're gonna see later on that these three kinds of uh different policy designs have very different implications on the regional distributions of economic activities. And that inspires us to ask the following research question. So in this paper uh we want to ask, how does the reduction in the institutional migration barriers, especially the heterogeneous reduction in the institutional barriers, shape the landscape of human capital flow as well as entrepreneurship in China? And in answering this question, we'll find that the skill bias of Hukou policy where you can think of the Hukou policy as Shanghai's policy, that attracts migrant entrepreneurs, but at the cost of crawling out local entrepreneurs. So overall we see a now effect in terms of the total number of entrepreneurs there uh induced by the hukou policies. And on the other hand, the non restrictive hukou policy where you can think of the hukou policy as Shenzhen's policy, that spurs overall entrepreneurship, both the migrant entrepreneurs as well as the local entrepreneurs. And then we want to understand why. So in exploring the underlying channels of these findings, um, we're examining the labor market side as well as the firm performances, uh, in response to the changes in the hukou policies. On the labor market side, we see that the low skilled labor, they only respond to this low, uh, non uh non-restrictive hukou reforms. Well, the high skilled labor, they're responding to both the non-restrictive reforms as well as the buyers of reforms. And that will yield very different implications on the firms in the low skilled sector and the firms in the high skill sector. Basically, you can think that uh the firms in the low skill industries, they're gonna be hurt by the buyers who policies. Mainly because of the lack of the abundant labor supply in the low skilled sector. And on the other hand, they gonna be benefit from the non-restrictive reforms. On the other hand, the firms in the high skill industries, they're gonna benefit from both the skill, uh, high skill indus uh high skill, uh sorry, skilled buyers huo reforms as well as the non-restrictive hukou reforms. And they're gonna benefit more from the, uh, actually they're gonna benefit more from the non-restrictive huku reforms. And after we document these findings, we further want to understand what is the equilibrium effects of the Hukou reforms and its overall welfare implications in terms of the uh distribution of economic activities across the country. The reason why we really need to understand the equilibrium in fact is that simply think of this, uh, whenever a city attracts one entrepreneur, that means the other city is losing an entrepreneur. So in this kind of empirical design, there's not a clearly defined and contaminated control group. So, uh, that is why we really need to employ a spatial equilibrium model to understand the general equilibrium effect of this Hukou reforms. First of all, uh, we build an equilibrium model to illustrate the key, uh, mechanism understanding, uh, and, uh, underlying our findings. Uh, the key mechanism we document in the model is that the labors are gonna sort like different kinds of labors, they're gonna sort in response to the reduction in in mobility cost. And firm will sort with the labor in response to the change in the uh local labor base. We try to contribute to the like both the literature on the firm side as well as the uh labor side. by, by combining the two strands of literature together and introduce heterogeneous worker type and policy induced worker types, worker type specific labor mobility costs, as well as to the labor uh uh literature on the uh internal migration literature, uh, by incorporating the firm location choice in which we can endogenize the labor demand. And with this, uh, uh, structural model that allows us to conduct a lot of more uh interesting counterfactual analysis. So, uh, basically with those counterfactual analysis and welfare implications we found that the relaxation of local restrictions. Will contribute, may contribute to greater regional inequality, but that will improve overall efficiency as well as welfare. And more importantly, non-restrictive fuh reforms, they're gonna yield larger welfare gains as compared to the biased uh huco policies. And they are also gonna yield uh more equal gains across different individuals and across different regions. I'll briefly talk about my, uh, our contributions to literature. So we try to uh speak to three strands of literature. The first is on the firm's location choice, um, in which we specifically account for the role of interregional labor mobility restrictions and its changes in shaping the firm's location choice. Basically, understanding the firm's location choice, we specifically take into account what is the role of the labor mobility. And in terms of the literature on internal migration, previous literature mostly overlooked the role of the labor demand side which is shaped by the firm's location choice. And we explicitly account for this firm location choice in this internal migration, and we consider firm and labor market effects of internal migration jointly and that allows us to estimate the welfare effect in equilibrium. Of course there's a lot of literature on the hukou system in China, which I cannot list all of them here. But we'd like to claim our contribution to be the first to distinguish different kinds of hukou policies and study its heterogeneities and its effects on, uh, its equilibrium effects on the distribution of entrepreneurial activities. So let me now go into a little bit more uh institutional details uh that uh uh correspond to what I'm already talked about a little bit uh at the very beginning. So here, I'm plotting, oh sorry, here I'm plotting the regional distributions of entrepreneurial activities in year 2000 as well as year 2015. As you can see, as early as the year 2000, the regional distribution of new firm entry in the year is pretty even, right? So most of these uh except for the uh few uh cities on the coastal area, most of the firms, uh, most of the cities has a very even distribution of entrepreneurial activities. Most of the cities have a new firm entry of less than 500. However, on the other hand, if we go to the time of 2015, you can see there is a great regional variation in terms of the new firm entry. Well, some cities have a new firm entry of less than 500, some other cities in the coastal area or in the southern area has a new firm entry of more than 10,000 firms per year. And actually this kind of regional distribution uh regional and even regional distribution of entrepreneurial activities is largely driven by the entrepreneurial flows. Let me show you this graph. So on the left hand side panel, I'm plotting the ratio of the uh uh firms that are established by the migrant entrepreneurs, which are operating outside their home city. So as you can see, although the coastal area uh despite the fact that the coastal area and the southern area has more new firms, the majority of it is established. By the migrant entrepreneurs, which means the cities are attracting the entrepreneurs from other cities. And on the right hand side panel, I'm plotting the percentage of firms that are established by the movers. I define a mover as an entrepreneur who has originally operated in other cities but now currently moved to this particular city. And you can see also in the more like richer southern area and coastal area, the majority of the firm is established by the movers. Jointly, the graphs are trying to tell us that in like in understanding the regional distribution of entrepreneurial activities, it is really important to understand what causes the flow of migrants and uh what causes the flow of firms and what causes the flow of entrepreneurs. And as you can see over time, the flow of entrepreneurs are increasing over time. Originally in 19995, less than 10% of them were operating outside their home province. Well, recently, we see the percentage of micro entrepreneurs operating outside their home province increased to more than 30%, and the percentage that are operating outside their home city, uh, increased to more than 50%. And on the right hand side panel, I'm plotting the distribution, the histogram of the uh destination or region GDP difference. Basically the graph is trying, you can see the distribution is really skew. Did we lose Ming? Can you hear her? I cannot hear either. We can't hear you, Mingli. Where, uh, I plot the histogram distribution of the destination origin log GDP difference for the low skilled labor as well as the high skilled labor. You see for different kinds of labor, the, the distributions both uh skilled to the right, which means that uh both the high skilled labor and the low skilled labor, they are migrating to the larger cities. And this pattern is more salient for the low skilled labor. And on the policy side, actually we have seen great variations in terms of the Hukou policy restrictions. There have been 4 weeks of Hukou policy changes over time. And the very uh early wave was from 1984 to 1997. Before that, uh, no one was allowed to work outside of their uh uh registration place. And starting from the first wave, a particular group of entrepreneurs were the people who are like really the high-end people, they're allowed to acquire the uh uh urban hukou in this first uh uh wave of reform. And the second wave of reforms starting from 1997, basically it enabled migrants to uh work or uh permanently reside in certain cities and most of them are smaller cities. And the third wave expanded the uh this kind of policy to more larger cities, about 100 larger cities. And the largest wave of policy reform starting from, uh starting from 2014. And it was actually national policy trying to push forward the Hukou reforms nationwide, but later on you can see actually each city has their own practice in the uh uh in in real practice. And although you have seen there are several national wave policies, but each city may carry out their own policies. And the policy details can are really heterogeneous across cities and can distinguish by the workers or the migrants specific characteristics. And this is one of our very important contributions is that we collect data on all the migration related policy reforms from all kind of policy platforms that we can reach. And we define huku reform as a deviation from the baseline restrictive huku policy. For each document, we summarize all the requirements into 6 categories including education degree, skill, investment, employment, purchase of housing unit, and others. And this allows us to further classify all the hukou reforms into three broad categories. The first broad category is what we define as a skill bias of Hukou reform in which uh we included the reforms that require an education degree or skill, uh certificate or a business investment. And secondly, we define the uh Huku reform with other requirements as the uh uh reform with other requirements. And thirdly, uh, if there is no requirement at all or only very minimum requirement on employment such as 3 months of employment in the destination city, we're gonna code it as a non-restrictive huku reform. And here I'm um uh I'm showing you a regional distribution of the hukou reform over time. This was the distribution of the hukou policies in year 2000. We will see nearly any like uh only a few cities are relaxing their hukou uh policies. The majority of the cities are sticking to the baseline policy, which is very restrictive. And this is the uh distribution of the policies in year 2015, which you see about half of the cities in China has already relaxed their hukou restrictions, but to different extent. And this exhibit this kind of policy change exhibits great regional variations. Some cities completely relax their hukou restrictions, while some other cities uh uh still uh have a lot of requirements on the skills or others. And this is the policy data. We are also combining, uh, uh, in order to do the empirical analysis on the entrepreneurial side and the labor market side, we combine this with several other other data sets. On the entrepreneurial data, uh, uh, on the entrepreneur side, we use a comprehensive data set covering the universe of the firms that ever registered in China in the history. And from the sample period that we're looking at 1995 to 2019, there are altogether 30 million firms. And for every firm registered, we have very detailed information on the establishment date, exit date, industry, registration place, registration capital, so on and so forth. And very luckily, we get access to the entrepreneur's information for every registered firm. Basically, we define the entrepreneur as the largest shareholder of each registered firm. And for each entrepreneur, we have a unique identifier so that we can track the entire investment history of the entrepreneur. And we observe some basic demographic information including their birthplace, birth year, uh uh uh uh uh including their birthplace and birth year. And uh to measure the firm's performance, we combined the data set with the comprehensive administrative administrative data from 2008 to 2016. It's administrative tax record data collected by uh the Chinese State Administration of Tax. It although it's not covering the full sample, but it's actually quite a representative sample, uh, using the stratified sampling of and covers more than 500,000 firms per year. And we use this data set to measure the firm's performance, where we know the firm's revenue, profit, value added, so on and so forth. And the uh like labor side, we construct the migration flows from 1996 to 2005 2015 from China population census of four waves of China population census. We identify individual to be a migrant. If he or she report a move within 5 years of each census year. So we denote the original city as the city of registration huku registration, and we denote the destination city as a city of his current living or working place. And we aggregate this to the city pair level so that we know that city pairer uh migration flows. And now it's time to show you some reduced form evidence that are uh like will later on motivate the uh the, the, the uh the model. So first of all, we want to see what is the overall effect of uh Huku reform on the evolution of entrepreneurship. So we did like as we talked about before, we classify the hukou reforms into three broad categories, the skilled by one and the reform with other requirement as well as the reforms that are not restrictive at all. And we also call one general hukou policy which is turning on the treatment as long as one of the other, uh, the above 3 treatment happens. So here's the result. We I'm regressing the number of new firm entry each year on the Huku reforms. So as you can see in the first column, if we simply regress the number of new firms on a general huku reform, we see a null effect, which means the general huku reform doesn't really change the number of new entrepreneurships overall in the market. However, if we further decompose the huku reform into three categories, that is yielding some uh uh interesting uh patterns, we see that, the non-restricted huku reform significantly contribute to a flourish of local entrepreneurship in the local market. Well, the bias of huko policy doesn't really have the same virtuous effect. And you further decompose the uh entrepreneurs or firms uh uh by the sample of migrant entrepreneurs and the local entrepreneurs. And that is telling us why this pill bias reform doesn't have an effect on overall. Basically we see that. The skill biashuku reform increase significantly increases the number of firms established by the angry migrant entrepreneurs, which means they are attracting entrepreneurs from other cities. However, at the cost of crowding out local entrepreneurs. On the other hand, the non restricted huku reforms as coloring in red uh is boring overall local entrepreneurship. So now we want to understand uh who are actually responding to this hukou reforms. So if we believe that the better entrepreneurs are responding, if the entrepreneurs from the poorer regions are more likely to respond, and if the entrepreneurs are more likely to respond to policy changes in larger cities, we will expect that this kind of policy reform will induce a sorting of the entrepreneurs, which means the better ones are moving to the larger cities. In order to understand this heterogeneity in the response, we request at the firm level which the dependent variable equals to one if the firm is established by an entre uh migrant entrepreneur. And on the right hand side, we regret or we include all the policy damages as well as interacting the policy damage with the entrepreneurs uh uh characteristics or the city's characteristics. And this is a result. As you can see in the first column. So when we are interacting the policy reform dummies with the destination cities's GDP we see significantly positive effect as I colored in in red, which is saying the larger like the entrepreneurs are more likely to respond to the uh hukou reforms. In the larger cities. In the 2nd column and the 3rd column, when we are interacting with uh the Huku reform domains with the entrepreneurs' home uh GDP or with their uh the city GDP of their previous firm's operation, we see a negative effect which is saying the entrepreneurs from the smaller cities were more likely to respond. And in the last column, we interact to the uh uh huku reform dummies with the uh measures for the entrepreneur's performance uh with their previous uh firm's performance percentile. We see exactly that the better entrepreneurs like with the when they are better performing entrepreneurs, they are more likely to respond to this huu policy changes. The results are very robust whenever we, uh, whether we include the person dummies or not. And so we want to understand why, why there's a such a heterogeneous response to heterogeneous policy uh changes. And we try to understand the mechanism from the labor side as well as from the uh firm performance side. On the labor side, we see like we regress the number of migrant inflows on the policy changes, where we see that the high skill, the skill buyers who reforms is only able to attract those high skilled labor, as I'm coloring in blue here. While on the other hand, the non-restrictive policies are able to attract both the low skilled labor and the high skilled labor, which I'm Coloring in red here. So this is explain exactly explaining that uh uh our mechanism why there is a heterogeneous response. Because the skill buyers who could reform is only able to attract the high skilled labor and the coming of the high skilled labor will benefit those high skilled firms. However, at the same time, they were gonna increase the local labor cost of the low skilled labor, which hurts the low, uh, the firms in the low skill sector. On the other hand, the non-restricted co policy uniformly attract both the high skilled labor as well as the low skilled labor. And that is going to be beneficial to, to firms in both the high skill sector as well as in the low skill sector. And we try to confirm this uh uh uh hypothesis with firm performance data, which we see is actually when we're seeing this uh blue blue ones. The the coefficient that the color in blue uh is exactly telling us the bias of reforms are hurting the firm's performance in the low skill industries. And however, the non-restrictive fuku reform, they are benefiting the firms in the low skill industries as well. And when I'm interacting the policy re domains with the firm's skills, uh sorry, when I'm interacting the policy domains with the firm's skills uh measure, we see that both uh like both the high uh the high skilled firms are benefiting from both the bias reform as well as the non-restrictive reform. So enlightened by this reduced form findings. We're gonna like, let me briefly recap on the reduced form findings. Basically we find that the skill by Go policy change the local change the composition of the entrepreneurial market, but not the total number of the entrepreneurs. And the better performing entrepreneurs are moving from the smaller cities to the larger cities, which is uh uh inducing regional redistribution of entrepreneurial activities. And the reason is because the entrepreneurs in low skill industries are hurt by the skill biased policies, but benefit from non-restrictive policy changes. Well, the entrepreneurs in high skill industries, they benefit from both, and they benefit more from the non-restrictive ones. And inspired by this, uh, uh, reduced form findings, we're gonna construct our, uh, uh, uh, structural model. We build this spatial equilibrium model following the existing urban literature. However, we try to incorporate a little bit more features, uh, uh, to fit our setting. Specifically, we incorporate two additional features build on existing literature. Uh, we incorporate heterogeneous worker type as well as policy induced type-specific labor mobility cost. Uh, on the labor side and also on the firm side, we allow firms to respond endogenously to the uh local labor supply and thus to the endogenously to the changes in the local, uh, labor mobility restrictions. So the model is going to illustrate our key mechanism in that the labor is going to start sort in response to the reduction in mobility cost, and the firms is gonna sort with labor. And due to time constraint, I cannot go to the full model, but let me introduce the model setup, which are already including all the key elements. And this is a simplified version of the model which is uh simply for the illustration purpose. And in the model there is uh there are N cities indexed by the original O or destination D. There's a mass of high tech workers, high skilled workers, and denoted by MH and a mass of low skilled workers denoted by ML. The workers are born in a particular origin city index by O and they're gonna receive a location-specific and employer-specific India Indian uh Indiosyncratic preference shocks and, and they're gonna sort across uh destinations according to the wage in the destination, uh, uh, um, and the migration costs. The migration costs are relative to the birth location, the destination and destination destination location, and it's gonna be type-specific. So we allow the high skilled labor and low skilled labor to face different uh uh uh migration costs. And the workers gonna consume two types of products, which we denote as uh product QH in the H sector and product QL in the L sector. Basically, uh uh next slide I'm gonna tell you what are the two sectors name. And the local regional supply is going to be determined by the labor sorting decision. On the firm side, the firms are owned by the mobile entrepreneurs. And the firms are going to hire this high tech labor and the low tech labor. And as I just mentioned, there are two types of firms which are using different production technologies. The firms in the H sector employs more high skilled labor, and they're producing high skill product. And the firms in the low L sector, they're gonna Employ only the low skilled labor and they're going to produce the low skill products. All the firms, they're gonna sort across cities in response to the changes in the local labor supply as well as the changes in the local labor cost. And all the goods are freely traded in the baseline model. So to to be more specific, the firms in the high skilled sector. Sure. The firms in the high skill sector, they're gonna employ both the high skilled labor and the low skilled labor. And specifically there's a uh agglomeration force which is uh the productivity of the firm depends on the mass of the high skill, high tech firms in this location. And this role captures the agglomeration effect. And to be simple, the IT sector firms only employ the low skilled labor. And the firms is gonna uh uh sort uh uh according to their labor cost. In equilibrium, the firms make their optimization decision, workers make their optimization decision, uh, final goods market clears, labor market clears. So due to time constraint, I have to skip this identification of the parameters, but just just to give you a key intuition here, um we are identifying the key parameters on the labor side using the census data, on the firm side using the tax data to calibrate the wage distribution as well as the production function distribution, and using the firm registration data to capture the firm's mobility. So that are the key information we are using in order to identify the model. So after we identify the model, we can conduct some uh very interesting counterfactual analysis. So let me spend my last 5 minutes introducing uh the uh talking about this counterfactual practices. So the first counterfactual practice, we randomly choose 2 Chinese cities and reduce their mobility cost. And when we say we reduce mobility cost, we reduce the mobility cost by 50%. So we tried two kinds of policy practice. On the left panel, we biasedly relax the uh the mobility cost only for the high skilled labor, but not for the low skilled labor. On the right hand side panel, we unrestrictedly uh we uh we unrestrictedly unbiasedly relax all the mobility costs for both the high skilled labor and the low skilled labor in this treated 20 cities. And here is the distribute uh this is the uh uh uh uh welfare effect. You can see from the first comparison of the unrestricted policy versus the biased policy of uh there's a larger welfare gain from the non-restrictive hukou reform, uh, hukou relaxations. And this is spec specifically like the, uh, welfare gain for the high skilled labor is kind of the same, a little bit more from from the non-restrictive cities. Uh, non-restricted reforms, but the majority of that is from, uh, another, another proportion of that is from the low skilled labor. Where the low skilled labor hurt a little bit in the biased policies while they benefit a lot, uh, from the non-restrictive reforms. More interestingly is this result is that uh as you can see on the right hand side panel, basically the wage in the original city, in the unrelaxed city, in the city that are untreated, they are, they also increase. This is mainly driven by uh uh uh uh reduce in the local labor supply. So even in the unretreated cities where they do not have any change in their local policy, the people who stay, they also have a welfare gain. And for people who move, of course they benefit from the reduction in the mobility cost. So basically on the right hand side panel, you can tell that the non-restrictive relaxation of the hukou reforms, uh hukou uh huko restrictions are going to benefit everybody. For people who stay, they benefit from higher wage. For people who move. They benefit from higher wage as well as lower mobility cost. On the other hand, there's the salary changes for the buyers whoo policy. So for the best huco policy, people who stay high, high skilled labor who stay are benefiting, but low skilled labor who stay are gonna be hurt by uh by by the policy changes in other cities. And uh of course for uh the treaty city, they are going to benefit from the inflow of the labor as well as the reduction in the mobility cost. And we also try this uh policy counterfactual in the uh uh sorry. Oh, also here is the uh uh the results that are corresponding to our reduced form findings in which we find for the bias focal policy they attract the firms in the high skilled sector, but crowd out firms in the low skill sector. On the other hand, for the unre received policy, they attracted both firms from the high skill sector as well as the firms from the low skilled sector. And we also tried the policy experiments in the largest 20 cities as well as in the smallest 20 cities. The findings are pretty similar to the random ones, but the uh the, the message here is that of course people are responding much more to the policy changes in the largest 20 cities. And this is a, a, a large proportion of this is driven by the agglomeration effect. And so let me briefly conclude. So I believe we're the first one to really provide a full picture of the dynamics of Fuko policies in the past three decades and document its distributional effect on entrepreneurial activities. The reduced form findings inform us that the importance of this policy heterogeneity. We know that skill biased policies change the composition but not the overall uh entrepreneurship, while the, uh, non-restrictive policies, the changes that this. For the overall entrepreneurship. Entrepreneurs in low skill sectors who are going to be hurt by the pious policies, where entrepreneurs in both sectors are going to benefit from the non-restrictive ones. In the model, we illustrate the key mechanism uh that labor sort in response to the changes in the mobility cost and the firms are going to sort with labor. And this explains the human capital foundation of entrepreneurship in China across the country. And we see that the relaxation of restrictions may contribute to greater regional uh uh inequality where they're gonna benefit the traded firms more. However, it indeed improves overall efficiency and welfare, especially for the non-restrictive fuku reforms. And, um, in another related project we try to document a long term. of this inequality, uh, rising inequality, where we're starting to see the better performing entrepreneurs are returning to their hometowns. And this is another force where we see, uh, a hope that that, uh, uh, uh, uh, kind of inequality will decrease in the long run. So that is pretty much for, uh, my talk and thank you so much for listening. I really look forward to the discussion. Thank you very much, uh, Li Ming. That was, that was fabulous. I think your conclusions. Uh, stress the importance of openness, uh, as a mechanism for reducing misallocation. Nancy, let me turn it to, to you for your discussion comments. Excellent. Thank you so much, Shome and L for an excellent presentation. I think this is a very important paper because uh it really brings together several branch, um branches of the literature, as you pointed out the, the literature, of course, on Uh, firm firm and entrepreneurial location decisions, but also the literature on migration and that growing literature on the impacts of migration on, on inequality. Um, my first, the first point that I want to make is, of course, there is also room to bring another set of, uh, another branch of literature that I think may, uh, enrich the discussion in the paper. So a little bit of, um, um, I, I would say the Uh, urban economics literature, and let me give you one example where I think, uh, that I think could be useful. There's, uh, in their paper of 2017, uh, de la Roca and Puga are looking at, they see higher wages in large cities. In Spain, and they build us a spatial equilibrium model to look at the different channels through which, or that could explain this uh higher wages in, in cities, uh, that whether there are static advantages of large cities or whether Cities, in large cities, worker workers accumulate more valuable experience, which is tied to, to the discussion in the paper, or whether it's sorting and you just have workers that have, uh, that are more productive moving to bigger cities. And what they find for the case of Spain is that there are actually very large static and dynamic advantages uh from working in bigger cities. Um, and that it's not really coming from the unobserved ability of workers. It is actually, uh, a combination of, of static gains and learning advantages received or, uh, that, that workers receive from moving to bigger cities. Uh, that explained the difference in wages. And interestingly, they find that these differences, uh, does not disappear immediately or after workers move out from these larger cities, but rather, this is, this is a game that workers, let's say, um, Maintained through time even if they move out of these bigger cities. I think this is important for your, for your paper uh because it may be uh that beyond heterogeneity of skills, uh, that you are already accounting for, there may be some heterogeneity. Meeting the attractiveness of different places because of the added benefits that these entrepreneurs would receive if they move in this case to larger cities. So, maybe thinking about how to incorporate that into the model can actually uh add some uh additional uh Insights to an already very rich paper. You, you already have agglomeration economies included in the model, but I was thinking whether some of that additional heterogeneity could bring some additional insights. And, second, I think this, this paper is very important from, from the policy perspective. Uh, I think, of course, um, I, I think mainly 3 reasons. Let me, let me put forward mainly 3 reasons why I think it's important from a policy perspective. First, because it stresses the fact that policies that have a spatial focus have impacts beyond that are not spa their impacts are not spatially contained. And that I think that's very important. Here, we're seeing that the relaxation of constraints in one area have impacts beyond the select the selected area, and I think that's very important uh as we from, for example, from our side engage with our clients to stress the importance of carefully designing uh place-based policies. Anything that's spatially containing the design is will not Necessarily be spatially contained in its effects, and I think that's a very important message. Second, the link to inequality that you stressed. I think that's also from the policy perspective, very important because it um It raises the question of What, what to do about it. So, you were putting it into your, in your finance slides. There are improvements in efficiencies, but there are also increases in inequality. So that it brings us back to the discussion of the trade-offs between efficiency and inequality and what to do about it. And I think there, um there is a very, um there is a growing literature looking at, at the How to tackle that spatial inequality and poss and how it is possible actually to think in some cases about uh place-based redistribution schemes that do not or that can actually improve um or that do not affect uh equity. There is a recent uh paper by Gobert and colleagues and NBER. Working paper actually that looks at the conditions uh for the US under which uh place-based redistribution schemes can actually improve the equity efficiency trade-off. So, I think this also ties to that literature, uh, and, and points at an area that requires more research and where we really need to understand how we can improve, um, Or reduce those trade-offs. And third, um, I think it, it, uh, uh, the, the final point of why I think this from the policy perspective is so important ties to a message that you give in the paper, which is entrepreneurs and firms do not make decisions regardless of market conditions. You're stressing it in terms of uh migration policy, migration constraints. But in the same line, I think it raises the question of what other policies may actually interact with migration policies. And in some recent work that, that we've done at the bank, we're showing that it's, uh, the interaction between urban development policies and migration policies is very important for integration of migrants into city in a broader context. But here, it made me think, About whether there are important interactions, for example, with any industrial policies that have been placed in China in, um, at the same time. My understanding is, at least recently, uh, there is a, there are Uh Tax, how do you say, uh, reductions in, in tax, tax incentives for firms that would locate to the western areas. I wonder if in at that time that you're studying something similar could have happened that could have interacted with migration policies. Uh, and similarly, other urban policies that would make some places more attractive to firms, to workers that, as I was mentioning on my first point, would ultimately, uh, have an impact on the productivity of entrepreneurs or Our firms, uh, think about, uh, land policies, restrictions or housing availability in these places. Um, so, maybe thinking about the interaction with other policies could be also, uh, another area for future extensions. Let me stop here so that we have some time for a question. Right, thanks a lot, Nancy. Those are very useful points. Uh, Liming, here's what we do. Let's open it up for a few more questions and then we turn it back to you to provide reflections. Then you can kind of reflect on Nancy's questions as well as the ones we received from the colleagues joined in. Folks, if you have any questions, please come in at this time. You could raise your hand and if I can then ask you to, to speak. Uh Anyone have any questions? Well, OK, I don't see any right now, so let me go to you. Thank you, Sami, and thank you very much, Nancy, for really insightful discussion. I learned a lot. And let me, uh, briefly, uh, reflect on what you have already discussed. Like your first point I really like is the dynamic learning effect, uh, introduced by the large cities, and actually, um, uh, uh, unfortunately, this paper is using a static model which we do not account for those dynamic effects, but what you said is really interesting and really worth, uh, for the investigating like the advantages of the larger cities have a dynamic learning effect that may, uh, Contribute more to this discussion. And on this point you talked about the policy relevance. Uh, I, I really appreciate you pointed out the three policy relevance for the paper and I'm sure I'm gonna include them in the right of the paper. And specifically I want to echo your point on the second one, regarding the trade-off of inequality and the efficiency. And I think that actually echoes the uh important. im port ance of our findings in that you see the non-restrictive policies that actually they benefit all. So even though there is a rising inequality, but that rising inequality is mainly driven by the ones who are getting better off. And even the ones who are left untreated, they also get getting better off to some extent. So this is like, like this point really echoes the point like the non-restrictive policy changes is gonna uh be more beneficial in terms of simultaneously improve. everyone's welfare as well as taking control of the regional inequality. While on the other hand, the skill biased ones, there is some more nuance of findings like someone gets better, someone gets a little bit worse off and may not benefit everybody. So I, uh, that is what I especially uh uh appreciate your second point. And yes, exactly for your first point regarding the spatial uh uh uh uh spatial uh uh uh contamination is exactly what we try to capture with the Spatial model and the third one is actually there are a lot of super more important policies going on in China across the like across recent decades, industrial policies, place-based policies, hukou policies. In this project we are focusing on the hukou policies and we are trying to study the industrial policies in a separate project. But where you point out is really interesting is that looking at the interactions of those policies which I actually I haven't think of, but I will definitely think about more in the future. Thank you so much, Nancy. Great, uh thank you, Li Ming. Uh, others, any more questions? Omar, you wanna come in? Hi, can you hear me? Yep, hi Omar. Hi, how are you? Sorry, I was trying to mute for a while, so I decided to post the question in the, in the chat. Um, thank you very much. Very, very interesting model. I remember looking at this, uh, issue of, uh, mobility in China, um, a few years ago, and, you know, clearly a lot has been happening since then. So I was wondering whether you thought at some point of, uh, building into the model. Uh, the role of universities, as, you know, the location, the special location of universities, that's obviously units of production of, uh, human capital, well, both the work, you know, worker skills and entrepreneurial skills and whether there's, uh, you know, obviously policy implications in terms of the things that, uh, we were just discussing, um, uh, uh, arising from the model if it were to be modified in that way. Thanks. Thank you so much, Omar. And actually, you know what, so at the very beginning of this project, we were thinking about this role of universities and in generating the local effect as well as the spillover effect in attracting the high skilled labor from the some people, some places to the uh to the large cities. And in the end we didn't really model that in, but that is indeed an interesting angle to look at. And especially when you mention the uh production of entrepreneurial skills in the universities, yes, that is something we, we, we have not done for now, but that is something really worth trying in the future. Great. Uh, anyone else has any more comments, uh, going once. Twice, OK. Uh, well, colleagues, thank you very much for joining this, uh, seminar that Li Ming gave this morning, and Nancy, thank you very much for the excellent feedback. Uh, the seminar slides and the recording will be posted on the WDR website. w.worldbank.org/WDR2024. Uh, we also have two, very exciting presentations coming up in October. On October 18th, Roberto Fatal, who is a core team member of the report, will present his work on distortions and firm dynamics in developing countries. So I would encourage everyone to join as it is a preview of the findings that are reported in the chapter for the WDR that he is writing. That's on October 18th, and on October 25th, we have a seminar on higher education for social mobility and talent development looking at the case of Chile. So colleagues, thank you very much again for joining, and, uh, and I, I, I hope some of these seminars are of use and kind of spreading the, the knowledge that we're trying to put together in the report. Thanks very much.
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Labor market integration reduced
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Labor market integration reduced
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In this World Development Report 2024 Seminar Ming Li (Assistant Professor of Economics at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen) discusses "Labor Market Integration, Entrepreneur Sorting, and Regional Inequality."
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