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00:01 All right.

00:01 Thank you everyone for coming today.

00:03 It's a pleasure to welcome

00:05 our colleague,

00:05 Biju Rao,

00:06 uh,

00:07 uh,

00:07 to this policy research talk on,

00:10 um,

00:10 democratizing democracy.

00:12 Biju is a lead economist in,

00:14 uh,

00:15 IEC and he's well known for his wide ranging work that brings together

00:20 ideas from economics,

00:21 anthropology,

00:21 sociology,

00:22 and political

00:23 science to study social,

00:25 cultural,

00:25 and political context of poverty.

00:27 Um,

00:28 so it's gonna be very interesting to hear,

00:30 um,

00:31 uh,

00:31 Bijus,

00:32 uh,

00:33 describe,

00:33 uh,

00:33 a body of ongoing research that he's been working on for quite a few years,

00:37 falling under this,

00:38 um,

00:38 bucket of making democracy work better for development.

00:42 Uh,

00:42 we're also very fortunate to have with us today,

00:44 Vikram Raghaven.

00:46 Um,

00:46 as our discussant,

00:48 um,

00:48 kudos particularly and thanks for stepping in at short notice because,

00:52 uh,

00:53 our,

00:53 uh,

00:53 previously scheduled discussant had to travel at very short notice.

00:57 Um,

00:57 and so I'm grateful,

00:59 uh,

00:59 Vikram,

01:00 that you stepped in to,

01:01 to be our discussion.

01:02 Uh,

01:02 Vikram is a lead counsel in the bank's legal

01:04 department and it's probably the first time that we have

01:07 somebody from LEG as a discussant in,

01:09 uh,

01:09 in this series.

01:10 So you're,

01:11 uh,

01:11 uh,

01:12 you know,

01:12 we have high expectations for your comments as a result.

01:15 Uh,

01:16 anyhow,

01:16 I'll turn over to,

01:17 uh,

01:18 to,

01:18 to beat you,

01:18 and then we'll hear from Vikram.

01:20 Thanks,

01:21 A.

01:25 Uh,

01:25 it's a great pleasure to be here,

01:27 particularly in the time of COVID,

01:28 the room is half full,

01:29 which is good.

01:31 Uh,

01:32 let me just plunge right into it.

01:43 So

01:45 This is a fact.

01:47 And people are losing faith

01:49 in electoral democracy.

01:51 And there's a lot of evidence for this around the world.

01:53 Uh,

01:54 the economists,

01:55 uh,

01:55 collects something called the democracy

01:57 index,

01:58 and you can see a sharp decline in the index over the last 5 or 6 years,

02:03 yeah,

02:04 uh,

02:04 worldwide.

02:05 Uh,

02:05 the Pew Research,

02:06 uh,

02:07 uh,

02:07 Center also does,

02:08 uh,

02:09 worldwide surveys on this subject,

02:11 and you can see that the

02:12 satisfaction with electoral democracy in various dimensions

02:16 has also been,

02:17 uh,

02:18 pretty bad in the recent past.

02:21 Uh

02:28 So

02:28 the question is,

02:29 why is this happening?

02:31 And uh

02:33 What a set of important reasons can be classified as the three C's

02:38 clientelism,

02:39 corruption,

02:39 and capture.

02:41 Clientelism is when it's sort of the politics of patronage,

02:44 when,

02:44 uh,

02:45 politicians interact with a subgroup of the population for political support,

02:49 providing them with benefits,

02:50 and,

02:51 uh,

02:51 what that results in,

02:52 amongst other things,

02:53 is

02:54 a much greater focus on private goods rather than public goods generation,

02:58 uh,

02:58 but also makes,

02:59 uh,

02:59 the allocations related to democracy less efficient.

03:02 Corruption,

03:03 corruption is related to the funding of elections,

03:06 uh,

03:06 election campaigns are expensive things in

03:08 many parts we have electoral democracy,

03:10 uh,

03:11 people fund elections

03:12 by,

03:13 uh,

03:14 by taking money from the public pot,

03:16 uh,

03:16 and therefore run

03:18 elections in an endogenous way.

03:20 What's also interesting though is that

03:22 that then segues over time

03:24 into a process by which,

03:26 uh.

03:27 Elections are used as a business.

03:30 Politics is used as a business.

03:31 You enter the political game in order to make money.

03:34 Yeah,

03:34 so corruption

03:35 is a very,

03:36 very strong correlate of electoral democracy in many parts of the world,

03:39 and that's related obviously to capture

03:41 the control of the electoral system by

03:43 economic and social elites,

03:45 which you find again all over the world,

03:46 and there's overwhelming evidence for this.

03:49 Uh,

03:50 there are other reasons that have

03:51 come up more recently in the last 10 years or so,

03:54 uh,

03:54 the role of social media,

03:55 the role of Facebook,

03:56 uh,

03:56 in the manipulation of elections,

03:58 which has come up in many different elections around the world,

04:00 and importantly,

04:01 the use of big data,

04:03 uh,

04:03 both by private institutions,

04:05 what,

04:05 uh,

04:05 Zubov has called,

04:07 uh,

04:07 uh,

04:07 surveillance capitalism,

04:09 as well as the recent,

04:10 uh,

04:10 2017,

04:12 um,

04:12 uh,

04:12 op ed in the Scientific American by a bunch of people,

04:15 by over 20 to 30 political scientists,

04:17 uh,

04:17 sorry,

04:17 computer scientists.

04:19 Talking about

04:20 how the manipulation of citizens by by governments

04:24 is undermining the democratic system.

04:26 So data is being used for the purpose of manipulation

04:30 rather than empowerment.

04:31 And finally,

04:32 what John Keane,

04:32 the political scientist,

04:33 has called monitory democracy,

04:35 the idea.

04:36 That democracy is increasingly

04:38 sharply decentralizing,

04:40 not in the traditional sense,

04:41 but into

04:42 civic groups,

04:43 self-help groups,

04:46 organizations that monitor institutions like ours,

04:48 the Bretton Woods Institute,

04:49 for instance.

04:50 All of these are what are known as monitoring institutions,

04:53 but getting smaller and smaller and smaller.

04:57 And therefore in some ways making the

04:59 need for electoral accountability less salient.

05:02 Now what all of this is doing

05:04 is that it is devitimizing the electoral process,

05:07 electoral processes around the world,

05:08 not just in

05:09 our perception,

05:10 but in the perception

05:12 of,

05:12 of people from the top to the bottom,

05:14 yeah,

05:15 so,

05:16 uh.

05:17 There are huge implications for development from this,

05:19 OK,

05:20 practically every development outcome that we care about,

05:24 uh,

05:24 rests in many countries on the assumption of effective electoral accountability.

05:30 And when you don't have that,

05:31 you have compromised political institutions,

05:33 you have poor accountability,

05:34 political instability,

05:37 a poor public service delivery,

05:38 conflict,

05:38 everything we don't like

05:40 in,

05:40 in,

05:40 in the development process.

05:41 Yeah.

05:41 So

05:42 the question is,

05:43 what can

05:44 development policy,

05:45 what leverage does development policy have?

05:47 What,

05:47 what leverage do institutions like ours have,

05:51 uh,

05:51 to help with this,

05:52 and,

05:53 uh.

05:54 The work that I have been involved with has tried to work with that at the local level

05:58 in

05:59 institutions in countries where local democracy is prevalent

06:03 at the local level,

06:04 how do we

06:05 work with that to make them,

06:07 uh,

06:07 deliver better outcomes?

06:09 Yeah,

06:10 uh,

06:10 it's,

06:10 it's a process that I've been working on now

06:12 for several years running something called the Social Observatory.

06:15 Uh,

06:15 and I've written a recent article in Deadlist that

06:17 I'm calling reflective development that sort of says that

06:19 when you work on these things,

06:20 you've got to remember it's,

06:21 it's a Sisypient task.

06:23 It's not something that happens

06:25 with magic bullets at the end.

06:26 It's,

06:26 you climb up a bit,

06:28 you scroll down,

06:29 climb up,

06:29 scroll down.

06:30 It's you have to play this sort of counterbalancing

06:32 game to all the forces out there that.

06:34 To make it worse,

06:35 it's an endless game,

06:37 yeah,

06:37 but

06:38 it's a,

06:38 but it's an important

06:40 thing to do because you're not focusing necessarily on outcomes but on processes.

06:44 A lot of us work on improving outcomes.

06:47 The whole RCT revolution is about that,

06:49 but here

06:50 the emphasis is on improving processes.

06:52 I should also very quickly say.

06:54 That the work I'll be talking about,

06:55 a lot has been done by a person sitting in this room,

06:57 Netra Balai Swami,

06:58 who's sitting here who's now

06:59 the senior economist for the Poverty GP in Nepal.

07:02 She and I have been doing a lot of this work together,

07:03 so I'm so glad she's with us today,

07:05 and I will focus on two themes.

07:07 Deliberation,

07:09 incentivizing politicians and democratizing data and let me go

07:12 through each one of them one by one.

07:14 Let's start with deliberation.

07:15 Uh,

07:15 my apologies for that uh design flaw.

07:18 Uh,

07:19 the,

07:19 the,

07:20 what is deliberation now,

07:22 uh,

07:23 why,

07:23 why do we have electoral democracy to begin with?

07:25 I mean,

07:25 at the end it is

07:26 to solve the problem of collective

07:28 action,

07:29 yeah,

07:30 uh,

07:30 when we

07:31 collectively elect.

07:32 A representative represent our views in some council or a parliament.

07:36 They're representing the views of a large body of people and therefore

07:39 are

07:40 resolving the problem of collective action by aggregating votes.

07:43 In other words,

07:44 aggregating preferences.

07:45 Yeah,

07:46 deliberation is a much older process by which we come to collective decisions,

07:51 not by electing a representative,

07:52 but by persuading each other of a point of view

07:55 through a process of debate,

07:57 discussion,

07:57 we come to what is called a single peak preference.

08:00 We come to a collective understanding.

08:02 It's a,

08:02 it's a,

08:02 it's an old tradition that goes back not just

08:04 to the ancient Greeks but to the ancient Indians,

08:07 the,

08:07 the,

08:07 the Romans,

08:08 I mean,

08:08 all over the world,

08:09 Chinese,

08:10 every,

08:11 every system,

08:11 every religious tradition has

08:13 deliberation is very much part of its history,

08:15 yeah,

08:16 so it's about the transformation of preferences rather than

08:19 the aggregation of references to quote John Elstone.

08:22 Deliberation in developing countries,

08:24 on which,

08:24 by the way,

08:24 every participatory mechanism that that's out there in development

08:27 that the bank has spent over $100 billion on

08:30 involves some level of deliberations.

08:31 We've invested as an institution a lot in these processes,

08:34 but there are challenges.

08:35 The first challenge is low literacy.

08:38 When as a citizen you don't understand facts

08:40 and figures because you can't read and write,

08:43 then how does that affect the quality of deliberation?

08:45 Do citizens have what Michael Wilcox has called the capacity to engage?

08:49 How does inequality work?

08:51 How does caste and class work?

08:52 Can deliberation be made better with policy,

08:55 uh,

08:56 gender inequality?

08:57 We all know that there's an enormous of gender inequality in any group interaction,

09:00 both in terms of who speaks and who gets heard.

09:03 Uh,

09:04 can that be resolved?

09:05 So all of these questions are some things that we'll be looking at today,

09:08 and I'll be looking particularly at one important institution.

09:12 Which is the Indian village meeting.

09:13 It's,

09:13 it's called the Grams Saha.

09:15 I'm using that word a lot,

09:16 uh,

09:17 which is in effect the largest deliberative institution

09:20 in human history because it affects the lives

09:22 of over 800 million people living in 2 million villages.

09:25 It's huge,

09:26 yeah,

09:27 and the history behind it.

09:28 We just done a book Paramita Sanar and I on this

09:31 with Cambridge University Press last year,

09:32 uh,

09:32 what we call oral democracy.

09:34 We just go through the basic argument in that book,

09:36 and I'm going to read some excerpts which means that I have to put up my.

09:43 Oh,

09:43 which is right here,

09:44 great.

09:44 OK,

09:45 so,

09:45 uh,

09:46 a bit bit of history here,

09:47 and I'm gonna fast forward to the post 1947

09:50 history after India got independence from the British,

09:53 1992.

09:55 India ratified the 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution,

09:58 and it said various things.

09:59 This amendment,

10:00 it said there would be regular elections held every 5 or 6 years to

10:03 every village would have a village council.

10:05 They'd have regular elections.

10:07 There'd be regular village meetings.

10:08 Ram Sabas held at least 2 times a year,

10:10 but up to 4 times a year.

10:12 1/3 of seats at a minimum on all for all village councils and.

10:15 Village presidencies will be reserved for women.

10:17 A proportion of seats will be reserved for underprivileged groups,

10:20 scheduled castes,

10:21 and tribes,

10:21 and it was a hybrid institution.

10:23 You had elections,

10:24 elected representatives,

10:25 and village meetings.

10:26 So

10:26 the way the Indian constitution writes about it is that

10:29 it talks about the village council.

10:31 The village president is the executive of the village,

10:33 and the grounds of the village meeting is the parliament of the village.

10:35 Yeah,

10:36 and in previous what we found that.

10:39 The,

10:39 the prevalence of these meetings is highly correlated in a

10:43 good way with the reduction in corruption and clientelism.

10:45 We didn't manage to do a causal analysis,

10:47 but the correlation is very strong,

10:48 yeah.

10:49 Now what is the purpose of Rams of us?

10:51 A very important purpose is to ratify beneficiaries for anti-poverty programs.

10:55 There's a list that comes up through proxy means testing,

10:58 which

10:58 many states

10:59 are ratifying the grounds,

11:00 but they have to actually say that this list makes sense.

11:03 They debate expenditures on public goods.

11:04 They monitor and track the performance of councils,

11:07 uh,

11:07 so they have very,

11:08 very important functions.

11:09 But,

11:09 uh,

11:10 what is,

11:11 uh,

11:12 important to note,

11:13 uh,

11:13 is that,

11:14 uh,

11:15 this.

11:17 The enabling of these acts,

11:18 there's a constitutional amendment,

11:20 but the way the acts work in practice

11:22 is that

11:23 they have to be

11:24 enabled through

11:27 acts of the state government.

11:28 India is a federal structure,

11:30 so each state has

11:32 strong sort of jurisdiction over over village government,

11:36 and each state has to enable

11:38 a

11:39 state act that

11:40 interprets that constitution in terms of what the state sees as important

11:45 in its context and

11:46 The four states we'll be looking at are Kerala,

11:49 Tamil and Andhra Pradesh,

11:50 which is

11:51 those of you who know India,

11:52 this is

11:53 all data from 2004.

11:54 So Andhra Pradesh was still one state,

11:55 had been split into two,

11:57 and Kerala is by far the most famous of the state acts because

12:01 in 1996 they passed something called the People's Campaign,

12:04 and they.

12:04 They said

12:05 they devolved

12:06 40% of the state's budget

12:09 to village governments.

12:10 They also said

12:11 that uh

12:13 uh

12:14 all state plans would be done through a nested planning process,

12:18 going from streets

12:20 to neighborhoods,

12:21 to wards,

12:22 to villages.

12:23 And upward,

12:24 yeah,

12:24 and each system would collect ideas from people at that level

12:28 and slowly collate them as they went up.

12:30 It's a nested planning process.

12:31 And in order to enable this,

12:33 there's a huge thing called the People's Campaign.

12:34 They sort of said with all of the state training people in how

12:37 to participate and how to make decisions and all this kind of thing.

12:39 So it's a tremendous thing called the Kerala People's Campaign.

12:41 A lot has been written about it.

12:43 Kerala,

12:43 so we're calling high quality

12:45 uh uh decentralization.

12:47 Karnataka and Tamil Nadu,

12:48 but both neighboring states of Kerala,

12:49 we're calling medium.

12:50 Karnataka,

12:51 which is where I'm from,

12:52 is the state that pioneered this village Panchai system,

12:55 as it's called,

12:57 um,

12:57 and,

12:57 and,

12:58 uh,

12:58 also gives these village governments a lot of power,

13:00 but not as much as Kerala.

13:02 Tamil Nadu is similar to Karnataka in that sense,

13:04 it really enabled the space.

13:05 Uh,

13:05 the worst

13:06 of the lot is the state of Andra Pradesh,

13:08 which took a very technocratic approach to development

13:11 and emphasized the role of self-help groups and these

13:14 non-constitutional bodies gave them a lot of power

13:16 that.

13:17 Uh,

13:18 means that they,

13:19 they didn't even hold elections for a long time actually at,

13:21 at the village level.

13:22 They had to be called to the Supreme Court to hold those elections,

13:24 which means that it had a pretty weak,

13:26 uh,

13:26 franchise system we're calling it low quality.

13:28 Now,

13:29 uh,

13:30 the methodology here

13:31 is that we have recorded 3,

13:34 about 300 g of us in these 4 South Indian states,

13:37 transcribed and translated them from the South Indian language,

13:40 the 4 South Indian languages into English.

13:42 Uh,

13:43 and on the basis of the national experiment,

13:44 which I'll explain in a second,

13:46 and I'm focusing on two things.

13:47 I'm focusing on

13:48 to what extent can policy interventions affect the quality of discourse,

13:52 and secondly,

13:53 what's the role of literacy,

13:54 and I,

13:54 I should say this book took 10 years to write

13:56 part of it that I worked in for about 10 years

13:58 because it's all a handmade analysis.

14:00 This was way before machine learning was in our lives.

14:02 Yeah.

14:03 Now

14:03 this is an actual experiment.

14:06 And to explain it very quickly,

14:07 when you

14:08 start with a concept that linguists call,

14:10 uh,

14:10 linguistic communities.

14:12 What are linguistic communities?

14:13 The idea of linguistics is

14:14 that if

14:15 you share

14:16 a common language,

14:18 if you share

14:19 common social structures,

14:20 if you share common legislative histories,

14:23 if you share common sort of uh economic geographic sort of context,

14:27 then

14:28 you should speak more or less the same way,

14:30 which seems like a very reasonable thing.

14:31 There's a lot of evidence to show that that is in fact the case.

14:34 So the next experiment here is

14:36 prior to 1956,

14:38 India was organized.

14:40 Along the lines

14:42 of of of

14:43 of of of governmental structures of of of jurisdictions

14:46 that had survived for 300 years ever since the Mughal era

14:49 and in South India

14:50 there are several sort of political entities,

14:52 but I'm going to focus on 21 is Old Hyderabad State,

14:55 which is the south end of the Mughal Empire

14:57 that was run by the Nizam of Hyderabad,

14:59 uh,

14:59 who was a very feudal

15:01 king,

15:02 yeah,

15:02 and,

15:03 and,

15:03 and.

15:04 Presided royal feudal territory.

15:06 The rest of it

15:07 that we'll be talking about

15:08 is the Madras presidency,

15:10 which was ruled directly by the British.

15:12 OK,

15:12 these are very large political entities.

15:14 Hyderabad state had 5 languages spoken in it

15:17 Kannada,

15:18 Telugu,

15:18 Marathi,

15:19 Urdu,

15:20 Hindi,

15:21 and I think I forgot Marathi,

15:22 you know,

15:22 so there were,

15:23 there were several languages.

15:25 Midra's residency had 10 languages spoken in it.

15:27 I'm not going to recite all of them,

15:28 yeah,

15:28 so what happened is that in 1955 there's

15:31 something called the Panikar Committee that said,

15:32 OK,

15:33 this makes no sense.

15:34 We have to reorganize Indian states along linguistic lines,

15:37 yeah,

15:38 so that the states speak one unified language.

15:40 So they reorganized it into four states

15:43 Uttar Pradesh that spoke Telugu,

15:44 Tamla that spoke Tamil,

15:45 Kerala that spoke Malayalam and Karnataka that spoke Kannada,

15:48 yeah,

15:49 but

15:50 along the border when you try to do this crazy exercise,

15:53 you're going to make mistakes.

15:54 So in effect

15:56 what we have

15:57 are mistakes.

15:58 We have people who speak Kannada and Karnataka

16:00 10 kilometers away on the other side of the border

16:03 with

16:03 people who speak Kannada in the other state now,

16:06 yeah,

16:07 but prior to 1956 and 300 years,

16:09 they all belong to the same political entity.

16:11 They're 10 kilometers away from each other,

16:13 so they're the same linguistic community.

16:15 They have the same

16:16 economic base,

16:17 and importantly,

16:18 I've shown this in other work,

16:20 they shared the same caste structure.

16:22 So they're the same social and political structure.

16:25 In other words,

16:26 in everyday conversation,

16:28 they speak the same way.

16:29 I speak a lot waving my arms like this and loudly and,

16:32 you know,

16:32 passionately.

16:33 I'm not passionate.

16:33 I'm just South Indian,

16:34 OK,

16:35 so

16:36 I should meet other South Indians.

16:37 There are some in the room here.

16:39 Right,

16:40 so,

16:40 so they probably speak to you the same way,

16:42 yeah,

16:43 so,

16:43 so,

16:43 uh,

16:44 uh,

16:44 so,

16:44 so that's what we,

16:45 that's what we're working.

16:46 We're going to compare villages

16:48 on either side of these state borders that prior 19056 belong to the same

16:53 political entity and about 10 to 20 kilometers away from each other

16:56 and speak the same language,

16:58 OK.

16:59 And what I want to show you

17:00 is that if

17:02 the state borders matter today after 1956,

17:04 we can attribute that to something that happened after 1956.

17:07 So the main thing that happened in this case

17:09 was

17:09 the way the state governments implemented the 7th Amendment.

17:13 OK,

17:14 so here's some pictures of grams of us.

17:16 And just to give you a sense of the topics,

17:18 the main topic there is drinking water,

17:20 but you have roads,

17:20 you have electricity,

17:22 you have housing,

17:22 and so on that come up,

17:24 uh,

17:24 and I'm not going to read a few excerpts.

17:26 First we're going to compare

17:27 Chittoor district in Andhra Pradesh,

17:29 Southern Antar Pradesh,

17:30 with Dharmauri district in Tamil Na state,

17:32 and I'm going to read out the Rams Sabas to you,

17:35 yeah.

17:35 Uh,

17:36 I want to start with Chitto District.

17:37 I'm going to read out the entirety of the ground swa.

17:39 OK.

17:40 The president starts

17:41 today.

17:42 We're conducting this grounds server to discuss the problems in

17:44 our village and the various activities we've undertaken so far.

17:46 You can express your problems here.

17:48 A,

17:48 a,

17:48 a villager says there's no proper community hall

17:51 in this village for holding meetings or events.

17:52 We should construct a community hall.

17:53 The president says,

17:54 I will inform the government to construct a community hall.

17:57 Second villager says

17:58 there are no cement roads in this village.

18:00 Cement roads should be laid on all the village streets.

18:01 The president says.

18:03 Wherever we don't have cement roads,

18:04 I will instruct the government to construct cement roads.

18:06 Third villagers,

18:07 and this is a direct transcript.

18:09 The villager says

18:10 there are electric,

18:11 electricity poles in the streets,

18:12 but the lights are not there.

18:13 You should arrange for the lights.

18:14 The person says,

18:15 I will arrange for street lights soon.

18:17 Uh,

18:17 then another villager says,

18:18 We don't have a proper cemetery or graveyard of the village.

18:21 Uh,

18:21 some people throw dead bodies on the outskirts of the village,

18:24 where they're causing health problems for us,

18:25 for our children.

18:26 Uh,

18:27 president says,

18:27 I've given a complaint to the district collector about this.

18:30 I,

18:30 I hope he solves the problem.

18:32 That's it.

18:33 That's the groundswell.

18:34 Uh,

18:34 I want you to note that as I showed here,

18:37 where I don't have that table,

18:38 an average Gramsava is usually about 90 minutes long.

18:41 This thing lasts about 5 or 10 minutes,

18:43 yeah,

18:43 the entirety of the Gram server.

18:44 Now let's just go across the border 10

18:46 kilometers away to the Dharmaapuri district in Tamilan,

18:49 and I'm going to read out a brief excerpt from there.

18:51 Uh,

18:52 now I should say this is a Gramsam that lasts for 2.5 hours,

18:55 so I'm going to give you brief glimpses.

18:56 I will try to speak with a Tamil accent,

18:58 but forgive me if I don't.

18:59 So,

19:00 uh.

19:01 Say for your daily toileting needs,

19:02 you can use the unused land and fields,

19:04 referring to open defecation

19:06 in villages,

19:06 both men and women do that.

19:07 This is the president speaking.

19:09 But when these lands and fields are no longer there,

19:11 then what will you do with all your daily need?

19:13 Will it not become difficult?

19:14 Males can go anywhere,

19:15 but where the ladies go,

19:16 they will face a lot of problems.

19:18 So what I say is that all of you should have a toilet.

19:20 In cities there are thousands of houses.

19:22 Each house has a toilet.

19:23 It is,

19:24 it is clean.

19:24 Has the city been spoiled?

19:25 No.

19:26 So similarly,

19:26 if we have a toilet in each and every house,

19:28 then our village will also be clean.

19:30 I'm going to fast forward a bit.

19:31 In life there has to be some improvement.

19:33 You have to improve.

19:34 You do not have to spend more money for that.

19:36 For each dollar,

19:36 the government is funding ₹500.

19:38 In this village we'll build 20 public convenience latrines for ₹2000.

19:42 So please go ahead and do this.

19:44 And then the villagers start talking.

19:45 There's a lot of noise,

19:46 there are,

19:46 many voices,

19:47 and the villager says,

19:48 You're giving us only ₹500 to build a toilet.

19:50 How can we do that?

19:51 And then another authority says,

19:53 we're just aiding you of $500.

19:55 That should come out of your pocket.

19:56 I can't.

19:57 The village government doesn't have so much money.

19:58 There's a lot of shouting and screaming and debate on all of these things.

20:01 Is that enough money?

20:02 This is the kind of discourse you have going on in Tamil Na.

20:05 Just 10 kilometers away from Tamil speakers

20:08 Ira Pradesh.

20:10 So let's now go

20:11 again looking at Andhra Pradesh

20:13 to northern Andhradesh,

20:14 Mira,

20:15 the Merak district

20:16 and

20:17 And again I'm gonna read to you the entirety of the grounds.

20:21 The first villager says

20:22 there is no linking growth to our village.

20:24 The drainage and water problem persists.

20:26 I wish the government at least now will look into our problems and do something.

20:29 The villager says there is a problem.

20:31 Another,

20:32 another village has a problem of transportation.

20:34 Third villager says

20:35 Namaste or namaste now,

20:37 uh,

20:37 to all members of the Gramppanchai,

20:39 we have become independent more than 50 years ago,

20:41 yet we haven't developed.

20:42 Whenever a problem was raised,

20:43 it was only discussed.

20:45 Uh,

20:45 after Mr.

20:45 Ashok Desh was elected,

20:46 the press seem things seem to get better,

20:48 but nothing has happened since then.

20:50 Another villager says there has been some development,

20:52 but more needs to be done.

20:53 Another villager says something else.

20:55 The president ends by saying,

20:56 OK,

20:56 you expressed your problems.

20:58 We will note them down and try to do something.

21:00 But a villager at the end,

21:01 a wag at the end,

21:02 comes in and says,

21:03 What is the use of writing down?

21:04 Has the government done anything up to now?

21:06 You expressed your problems and said what needs to be done.

21:10 It is please give us an assurance there is a budget with this,

21:12 not listened to.

21:13 That's the end of the Grams Saba.

21:14 OK,

21:15 now we're gonna go

21:16 to my home state of Karnataka

21:18 and,

21:19 uh,

21:19 listen to the folks at Ber

21:21 who are basically the same people,

21:23 all formerly from the Hyderabad state,

21:25 and again,

21:26 a 1.5 hour Grams Saba,

21:27 a brief excerpt.

21:29 The secretary says.

21:30 Now I should explained it.

21:32 They're talking about a jet dam.

21:33 A check dam

21:34 is a is a small cement construction to collect rainwater.

21:37 OK.

21:38 The secretary says

21:39 one check dam is completed,

21:40 but there's provision for one vote in the budget.

21:42 The villager says we don't need another check dam.

21:44 The engineer who's the local engineer says you can't reject the check dam.

21:48 The secretary says

21:50 there is pressure on us to execute the check damn.

21:51 Villager says,

21:52 if it is so,

21:53 let us propose to remove silt instead of reconstructing a check dam.

21:57 The villagers,

21:57 the secretary says,

21:58 No,

21:58 no,

21:58 no,

21:59 please tell them we have to.

22:00 Why is this going on?

22:01 Because every time you do a construction of this kind,

22:04 there is money to be made.

22:06 Yeah,

22:06 and villagers know this game and they're trying to stop that from happening.

22:09 So literally they go on for about half an hour debating this issue.

22:13 They're getting checked.

22:14 The check time is getting checked,

22:15 yeah,

22:16 in within the ground.

22:17 OK,

22:18 so,

22:18 uh,

22:19 let me just end a bit,

22:20 uh,

22:20 with these excerpts since we run running short of time.

22:22 I don't wanna go on and on about this,

22:24 uh,

22:25 and let's go straight

22:26 to Palaga in,

22:27 in,

22:28 in Kerala.

22:28 So I want to show you what a Kerala Gramsaha is like,

22:30 and I can assure you

22:31 that the Tamil Na Gramsabas are similar across different parts of Tamil Na

22:34 and

22:35 very different from across the border in,

22:37 in,

22:37 in,

22:37 in Kerala.

22:38 Kerala,

22:38 remember.

22:39 This ground surba is the end of a long process.

22:41 They've had their nested planning at the village level.

22:44 They're at the street level.

22:45 They've come up with their decisions.

22:46 So by the time they come to the ground saba,

22:48 they're simply making announcements.

22:50 Yeah,

22:50 and you,

22:51 and you know,

22:51 World Bank folks and other bureaucrats will

22:53 be very familiar with these announcements.

22:54 I just want to read it out and tell you this is a like grounds.

22:56 It's very boring,

22:58 and this is an announcement,

22:59 and it goes on for an hour,

23:00 and the screener.

23:02 We're in the last phase of financial

23:03 year 2005-2006 planning according to government principles,

23:05 we're organizing this grants for planning the

23:07 development of the next financial year 2006-2007

23:09 as part of the financial year 2006-207,

23:11 we've organized working groups.

23:12 The new working group has suggested some projects.

23:14 The grants have also made suggestions.

23:16 Those suggested projects are submitted to you.

23:17 We will change those projects on the basis of the valid suggestions

23:20 and then formulate the working committee.

23:21 The working committee implements the project with

23:22 the help of the ruling committee.

23:23 We cannot implement so on and so forth.

23:25 He's basically making a set of announcements

23:27 that is telling you what the ground plan is for the next year.

23:32 It is a very efficient system,

23:33 and there's a lot of research showing

23:35 that actually does pretty well,

23:37 yeah.

23:37 So

23:38 the point of this

23:40 using this national experiment

23:41 is to show you

23:42 that state

23:44 policy matters for discourse.

23:46 It encourages the capacity of citizens to speak,

23:50 and it makes them speak in a way that is tailored

23:53 according to what the state government has empowered them to do.

23:56 Policy matters

23:57 in improving the quality of discourse.

23:59 We're not talking about outcomes yet.

24:01 Uh,

24:01 I'll talk about in a bit

24:02 now.

24:02 What is the effect of literacy?

24:03 There's a lot of stuff,

24:04 you know,

24:04 people are illiterate.

24:05 There's a range of,

24:07 there's a very illiterate part of the world in those days.

24:09 33% is a low level of literacy,

24:10 66% literate is about medium,

24:13 and then you have 100% literacy in Kerala.

24:15 And if you,

24:15 and what we did was basically compared,

24:18 uh,

24:18 low literacy and medium literacy and high literacy,

24:21 uh,

24:22 uh,

24:22 villages within the same state border within the same district.

24:25 So we're doing that across state comparison now.

24:27 We're looking within the same district to see how that varies.

24:29 And the basic point here

24:31 is that in Andhra Pradesh,

24:33 literacy makes no difference.

24:36 In Kerala,

24:37 literacy makes no difference.

24:38 Literacy makes a much bigger difference in the medium capacity states,

24:42 and the reason is obvious because there,

24:44 there is some room for literacy to make a difference

24:46 because the,

24:47 the,

24:47 it's sort of medium empowered in Kerala,

24:49 everybody's literate,

24:49 so everybody speaks the same way.

24:51 In Utar Pradesh,

24:52 it doesn't matter because the government doesn't do anything anyway.

24:55 Yeah,

24:55 so literacy matters,

24:57 but it is

24:58 superseded by state capacity.

25:00 Yeah,

25:01 so that's that book.

25:03 Let me switch a bit now to a second paper

25:05 that I worked on,

25:05 uh,

25:05 with Netra and with Ramya Pathasar who's now

25:07 unfortunately with McKinsey I can say that,

25:09 uh,

25:10 so this is basically an NLP analysis.

25:12 Now we're going fast forwarding to 2014 when we collected data from 100

25:15 g bars in the state of Tamil Na

25:17 and,

25:18 and,

25:18 uh,

25:18 we're gonna do some natural language.

25:20 Processing on it

25:21 as we're going to a different method altogether

25:23 and the two questions here given the context of

25:26 Grams about effective for citizen participation and is the gender

25:29 inequality in Grams of birth and can it be

25:30 improved and look we're going to look at three metrics

25:32 equality of participation agenda setting power,

25:34 and responsiveness of the state,

25:36 uh,

25:37 so.

25:37 Looking at the topic variation again,

25:39 the topics are similar to what we saw in 2004,

25:41 yeah,

25:42 water,

25:43 uh,

25:43 selection of beneficiaries,

25:44 employment and wages,

25:45 service failures,

25:46 and so on,

25:46 yeah,

25:47 uh,

25:47 but first looking at equality of participation,

25:49 you see

25:50 that there are tremendous differences in by gender and who speaks,

25:54 tremendous differences by gender.

25:56 So there's a lot of gender inequality in who speaks.

25:58 And

25:59 you can look at the length of pieces of speeches

26:01 as we just don't care whether they spoke or not,

26:03 but how long they spoke.

26:04 Again,

26:04 a lot of gender inequality,

26:06 but that gender inequality is not coming from citizens,

26:08 it's coming from politicians.

26:10 Male politicians tend to go on and on,

26:12 yeah,

26:13 and we have noticed that in the,

26:14 in our current presidential process here too.

26:16 OK,

26:17 so agenda setting power and,

26:18 and,

26:18 and,

26:18 so that we do more analysis with this.

26:20 I'm just gonna briefly show you what movement on that

26:22 agenda setting power is

26:24 when I speak as a speaker,

26:27 does that topic

26:28 get carried through over the next speech and over the next 5 speeches?

26:32 Am I as a citizen able to set the agenda and also how does it differ by gender?

26:36 And what we see there is basically this is interesting,

26:39 citizens have much more agenda setting power than officials or politicians.

26:44 Yeah,

26:45 But women

26:46 are slightly disadvantaged.

26:49 Right

26:50 now,

26:50 uh,

26:50 one of the things you should keep in mind in these,

26:52 in Tamilland in this,

26:53 at this point is that 50% of village Panchai presidencies are reserved for women,

26:57 and this is done on a quasi-random basis.

26:59 We're a natural experiment,

26:59 we actually have a real experiment going on here.

27:01 So we're going to see whether village presidencies

27:04 can counteract this gender inequality,

27:06 and we see that it does.

27:08 When you have a woman president,

27:10 women citizens have greater agenda setting power.

27:15 Yeah,

27:15 you can read the paper if you like.

27:16 I'm,

27:16 I'm just going to go through this very quickly.

27:18 And then the third thing you'll be looking at is responsiveness of the state.

27:21 If I speak on a certain topic,

27:23 what is the probability

27:24 that the official at the at the head of the table is

27:26 going to pick up on that topic and go on with it?

27:29 The

27:29 the

27:30 the dialogic responsiveness

27:31 of the state.

27:32 And what we see here

27:33 is that.

27:35 There's not much gender equality,

27:37 uh,

27:37 but,

27:37 but,

27:38 you know,

27:38 there is,

27:39 there is,

27:39 there is a bit,

27:39 and,

27:40 and we go to the regression to see that,

27:41 that,

27:41 that,

27:41 that women tend to be quite disadvantaged on,

27:44 on,

27:44 on-topic responses,

27:46 but look at that.

27:47 If there is a female president,

27:50 women tend to have more agenda and gender setting power.

27:53 So what does that mean?

27:55 Women are listened to more

27:57 when

27:58 there is a woman president.

28:01 Not just are they able to speak more,

28:02 they're listened to more.

28:04 It's what

28:05 uh

28:07 uh what they're calling a pessimic discrimination,

28:09 following the work of Miranda Finger,

28:11 yeah.

28:12 It's a discrimination is not just about whether you're allowed to speak.

28:14 Discrimination is also about whether you're being listened to.

28:17 We find that this

28:18 makes a big difference.

28:19 So,

28:20 The point of Grams Saba,

28:21 and I'll stop with the Graham Saba work here,

28:23 is to show you that,

28:25 that,

28:25 that citizens to participate.

28:27 Literacy matters,

28:28 but not in the way you think.

28:29 What is far more important is policy.

28:31 Gender equality exists,

28:33 inequality exists,

28:33 but it can be fixed

28:35 with

28:35 uh having women presidents.

28:37 Yeah.

28:38 Now,

28:38 I'm going to shift now to

28:40 away from the speech from deliberation to the idea that.

28:43 Of whether politicians can be incentivized to perform better

28:46 and this is a recent paper that we have not yet written up,

28:48 but I'm going to show you brown the brief results.

28:50 Now firstly,

28:50 I should say there's a large literature

28:52 on different ways of trying to improve a political performance.

28:55 Uh,

28:56 what most relevant here is on salary incentives were popular,

28:59 but for politicians in Brazil,

29:00 by Perraz and Finan,

29:01 who,

29:02 who find that higher wages for politicians to

29:04 make them perform better on the various metrics,

29:06 but generally

29:07 the literature is quite mixed now our.

29:09 Thing looks at two different kinds of incentives.

29:11 They're both public incentives.

29:12 They're not salary incentives.

29:14 We have two arms.

29:15 The first arm is a randomized trial.

29:16 The first arm

29:17 is,

29:18 uh,

29:18 uh,

29:19 giving

29:20 the president

29:21 a larger public budget.

29:22 The second arm

29:23 is simply giving them a certificate that they can use to run elections with.

29:26 They're getting no money,

29:27 yeah,

29:27 uh,

29:28 so.

29:30 Uh,

29:30 village panchays and Tamil Na perform a lot

29:32 of activities and public goods and private goods,

29:34 so that's just to keep in mind there's a lot,

29:35 they do a lot of work.

29:37 Uh,

29:37 so our experiment looks at 200,

29:39 uh,

29:40 villages,

29:40 village panchays across 10 blocks,

29:42 and we randomly assigned the village panchayats

29:45 into 3 categories a control group,

29:46 a treatment arm for the financial incentive,

29:48 a treatment arm for the kudos or the or the non-financial incentive.

29:52 Uh,

29:53 and,

29:53 and you know,

29:53 in 2015,

29:54 all the presidents of these villages received an official letter

29:57 in control of,

29:57 of,

29:58 of villages.

29:59 They were not told anything.

30:00 Basically you'll be graded into three categories A,

30:02 B,

30:02 or C,

30:03 but you'll get no incentives.

30:04 They didn't say anything about incentives in the treatment GPs,

30:06 uh,

30:07 that

30:07 letter was given that,

30:08 that you'll be graded into A,

30:09 B,

30:09 or C,

30:10 but along with that was said you'll either get

30:12 a financial incentive or a non-financial incentive.

30:14 Yeah,

30:15 uh,

30:16 OK,

30:17 that's sad.

30:22 Hm

30:29 What I do right?

30:31 Hm

30:36 OK.

30:37 Um,

30:37 but,

30:38 but

30:40 It's not moving.

30:45 OK,

30:45 so,

30:46 so let me,

30:46 let me try and fix that while I speak up.

30:48 So

30:49 while that's being fixed,

30:50 the,

30:50 the,

30:50 the,

30:50 the,

30:51 let,

30:51 let me basically give you the gist of,

30:52 of,

30:52 of the results.

30:54 Uh,

30:55 what we find

30:56 is that

30:58 I mean,

30:58 firstly,

30:59 I,

30:59 I got,

30:59 I got to qualify this.

31:01 It's very important how that monitoring is done,

31:03 how that ABC criteria are determined,

31:06 and what we do,

31:07 what we did very,

31:07 very carefully along with the Tamil Na government

31:09 was that the people assessing the performance of

31:11 these residents were not people from the village.

31:14 They were people from districts very far away.

31:16 A committee was formed of knowledgeable people,

31:17 ex-presidents and so on,

31:19 uh,

31:19 women's health group members who came along and set with a set of criteria to assess

31:23 villages and districts that were.

31:26 More than 100 kilometers away.

31:28 Therefore,

31:29 there was no

31:30 way that these guys could be,

31:31 could be,

31:31 could be bribed into performing uh differently into,

31:34 into,

31:34 into,

31:35 into,

31:35 into,

31:35 into,

31:35 into,

31:36 into giving them a better grade just because they were bribed.

31:38 Yeah.

31:39 As a result of that.

31:41 Uh.

31:44 The,

31:44 the monitoring process,

31:45 the scoring process was considered legitimate.

31:47 Nobody questioned it.

31:48 That's,

31:49 that's centrally important.

31:50 If you're going to have an incentive system of this kind,

31:52 how you score people is centrally important,

31:54 yeah.

31:55 Having said that,

31:56 what we found,

31:57 find is some remarkable results,

31:58 I hope I can show them to you,

31:59 uh.

32:02 OK,

32:02 so the first set of results is

32:04 that

32:06 The incentives improved both the provision of private goods

32:10 and the provision

32:11 of public goods,

32:12 yeah,

32:13 uh,

32:14 and,

32:14 and by the way,

32:14 the incentives are pretty big.

32:15 The great residents received about double their village budgets.

32:19 Uh,

32:20 the great residents received an equivalent amount,

32:22 and they could do a lot of work with that.

32:24 And I want to show you the certificate that they received,

32:26 which is very,

32:27 you know,

32:27 sexy certificate,

32:28 uh,

32:29 which they could use for,

32:30 you know,

32:30 I'm an a great president,

32:31 so please elect me kind of thing.

32:33 Uh,

32:34 we had a lot of data.

32:35 Uh,

32:35 you have sort of three criteria,

32:37 about 22% of the sample was A grade,

32:40 most of them were B grade,

32:41 and the rest were C grade,

32:42 uh,

32:42 and what you see that,

32:43 that,

32:44 you know,

32:44 whether you've had a financial incentive or a non-financial incentive,

32:47 they both equally improved,

32:49 uh,

32:50 access to private transfers.

32:52 Similarly,

32:53 they both equal,

32:54 they're not equally,

32:54 but you know,

32:55 the financial incentives did a little bit better on access to public investments,

32:59 but if you index uh all the public investments that were made,

33:02 they both did equally well,

33:03 more or less,

33:04 yeah,

33:05 and this is the

33:06 interesting result

33:08 that.

33:09 On average,

33:10 if you didn't have the incentives,

33:12 residents tend to favor their own neighborhoods and their own people.

33:16 But with the incentives,

33:17 they started favoring others.

33:19 It countered clientelism.

33:21 It went away from the group-based subgroup-based approach

33:24 that we're all worried about a democracy,

33:26 yeah.

33:27 So

33:28 what we find with this incentive system

33:30 is that it improves access to private transfers,

33:32 improves access to public goods,

33:33 uh,

33:34 and it reduces corruption,

33:35 nepotism,

33:36 and clientelism.

33:37 Yeah.

33:38 Now finally,

33:38 I'm going to go to democratizing data,

33:40 which is work

33:41 that we did several years ago,

33:42 but there is an update to it that I find quite interesting.

33:45 Here the point is,

33:46 with all this data manipulation taking place,

33:49 can't we give citizens access to their own data?

33:53 Can't we give them the ability to design,

33:56 collect,

33:57 and importantly,

33:58 analyze their own survey data?

33:59 This is what we pulled off

34:01 in a in a pilot with 200 villages,

34:03 uh,

34:03 across 32,000 women in Tamil Na.

34:06 and it's,

34:06 and you know,

34:07 and,

34:07 and the first,

34:08 the,

34:08 the.

34:09 itself was determined by women's health help groups

34:12 in these villages using a deliberative system.

34:14 Yeah,

34:14 and it's very interesting the kind of questions they came up with.

34:17 Let's take the first one.

34:18 We typically ask in an LSMS,

34:20 you know,

34:20 how much did you spend on rice in the last week or vegetables.

34:23 They had one question,

34:24 which is basically,

34:25 does the person who eats last in the family get enough to eat?

34:29 In other words,

34:30 does the mother who's serving everybody ever go hungry?

34:32 Yeah,

34:33 uh,

34:33 and other issues that were prioritized quite differently,

34:36 digital participation,

34:37 can you use a mobile phone you don't know,

34:38 can you read and,

34:39 uh,

34:39 uh,

34:39 and send text messages?

34:41 We'd also developed a decentralized system of data collection where

34:45 we selected one person,

34:46 one woman in every village,

34:48 uh,

34:48 to be the data collector,

34:49 gave her an,

34:50 a,

34:50 a,

34:50 a,

34:51 a,

34:51 a tablet with a copy-based app

34:53 that was designed extremely simply on a color coded method.

34:57 The data that were collected in the tablet

34:59 were dispatched directly to a cloud server,

35:01 so nobody got to manipulate it in the middle.

35:03 So,

35:04 and,

35:04 and,

35:04 and all the validation was done,

35:06 uh,

35:06 uh,

35:07 within,

35:07 within,

35:07 within,

35:08 within the system.

35:08 So there's no need for external validation.

35:10 So designed the users with low digital and then importantly

35:14 we visualized the data

35:16 for people in the village in a way that was co-produced in the sense that

35:19 we developed the visualizations.

35:20 We had a wonderful person called Cassandra Shia from MIT Media Lab working with us.

35:24 We went directly to the,

35:25 to,

35:25 to,

35:25 to folks in these communities and worked with them to design the visualizations.

35:28 We start with a village map

35:30 that has,

35:30 you know,

35:30 I,

35:31 I don't know

35:31 um if you.

35:33 Uh,

35:33 uh,

35:33 have ever been to South India,

35:34 but we tend to eat food in a banana leaf,

35:36 so that banana leaf is nutrition.

35:38 These are assets.

35:39 This is marriage and family.

35:41 That's mobility,

35:42 and so on.

35:42 Let me drill down a bit,

35:44 um.

35:45 This is on intra-household bargaining,

35:46 for instance.

35:47 Uh,

35:48 they looked at different questions in intra-household bargaining,

35:50 comparing two villages side by side.

35:52 Firstly,

35:52 there's a color coded mechanism.

35:54 The more green it is,

35:55 the better off you are.

35:56 But also it's very clear if the woman has a big face,

35:58 she has more say.

35:59 If the man has a bigger face,

36:00 he has more say.

36:01 The in-laws have a big face.

36:02 They are mostly,

36:02 yeah,

36:03 and you can very clearly see

36:05 that village

36:06 Aumal it does better than village

36:07 Malakode.

36:08 Yeah,

36:09 so there's a,

36:09 there's,

36:10 you know,

36:11 that's very easy for anybody even without

36:13 a PhD in economics to understand.

36:15 Yes,

36:16 this is an asset.

36:17 So this year,

36:18 you know,

36:18 if the asset doesn't have any box around it,

36:20 that means it hasn't changed the last year.

36:22 If it has a red box,

36:23 you've lost the asset in the right in the last year.

36:25 If it's a green box,

36:26 you've gained the asset in the last year.

36:28 Just compare the two villages,

36:29 you can immediately say which village is doing better.

36:31 Yeah,

36:32 it's sort of interesting thinking about why are we

36:34 visualizing it not as an average,

36:36 but uh as a,

36:37 as a sample.

36:38 Yeah,

36:38 we could basically each one represents a household,

36:40 and that's because visualization theory which I learned from Cassandra,

36:45 uh,

36:45 it,

36:45 it now says that using the central.

36:46 In a theorem,

36:47 if you just do a random sampling,

36:48 you get a much better

36:50 presentation with an idea of the distribution visually than if you just did it,

36:52 you know,

36:53 a,

36:53 a,

36:53 a,

36:53 a,

36:54 a measure of central tendency with a measure of deviance,

36:56 yeah,

36:56 so this is a better way of visualizing it,

36:58 uh,

36:58 particularly for folks who are not,

36:59 uh,

37:00 statistically literate,

37:01 yeah.

37:02 Marriage and family,

37:02 this is one of the most interesting visualizations that they developed with us,

37:06 and the idea really is that they all wanted

37:08 to sort of get away from traditional marriage practices.

37:09 So the height of the flower

37:11 is the age of marriage,

37:12 the number of leaves,

37:13 the number of kids you have.

37:14 If it's a red flower,

37:15 that means you married a relative,

37:16 a close relative,

37:17 a first cousin,

37:18 an uncle,

37:18 and so on.

37:19 If the,

37:19 it's a yellow flower,

37:20 you didn't marry a relative,

37:21 the flower is a bud.

37:23 That means your parents didn't ask your opinion

37:25 before they picked a husband for you.

37:26 If it's open,

37:27 they didn't,

37:28 and you can see immediately which village is doing better.

37:30 Again,

37:30 the color coded greenness tells you something about that.

37:33 So,

37:33 you know.

37:35 Diet and nutrition,

37:36 comparing the two villages,

37:37 if it's a blank banana.

37:39 That means somebody in that household said that they go hungry,

37:42 yeah,

37:42 then you can see an eggplant,

37:43 a papaya,

37:44 a chicken,

37:44 or rice that tells you how much they ate of that particular food,

37:47 uh,

37:47 in that village and in that,

37:49 in that year.

37:50 Now we,

37:51 we then sent this,

37:52 these visualization back

37:54 in the grounds that I talked about in the beginning.

37:55 It was shown there

37:57 and we found

37:58 that it affected village decision making.

38:01 It affected allocations.

38:02 Yeah,

38:03 unfortunately we had to cut this whole exercise short short because

38:06 the woman who was our great support,

38:08 the chief minister of the state.

38:09 Uh,

38:10 passed away

38:11 and,

38:11 uh,

38:12 the situation changed.

38:13 Uh,

38:14 but what is interesting,

38:15 and this is where I want to give you an update,

38:17 is that just last month

38:19 the Tamil Nadu government in its budget speech mentioned participatory tracking,

38:23 that's the budget speech right there,

38:25 allocated 100 crores,

38:26 which is what,

38:27 um.

38:28 A lot of money

38:30 to,

38:30 to be to implement the system across the state.

38:33 So that to me

38:34 is a tremendous

38:36 achievement

38:37 that

38:37 our little pilot has now been

38:39 implemented.

38:40 It's going to be implemented for rolled out for 40 million

38:42 households,

38:43 40 million

38:45 people,

38:45 yeah.

38:46 The state of Karnataka has come to me and asked me to help them do the same thing,

38:49 but bank systems make it rather hard for me to help them because there's no project,

38:51 you see,

38:52 so we have to think about how to work with that,

38:54 uh,

38:54 but,

38:55 but,

38:55 but,

38:55 but,

38:55 but,

38:56 but again.

38:57 As they're going to do great whether I help them or not,

38:59 right?

38:59 And so the question is to do it better.

39:01 So this is for folks in operations.

39:02 How do we solve this problem?

39:03 We're very interested here.

39:05 Interestingly,

39:06 the village strengthening project in Indonesia,

39:08 which is run by a wonderful DTL called Anna O'Donnell,

39:11 is going to be strengthening the village law in Indonesia and 75,000

39:14 villages across the country covering 120 million people in 5 years.

39:18 We are developing a system of participatory tracking that is based on public goods,

39:23 and this is a very crude prototype that we've developed.

39:25 It's basically a village.

39:26 Map

39:27 with village report cards that then get color coded,

39:30 yeah,

39:30 and we've got to go way,

39:31 way more and with this in the very beginning stages of it,

39:34 but it's going to emphasize public goods allocation and report cards

39:36 for public goods again visualized so that citizens can understand it

39:39 and make better local level decisions,

39:41 yeah,

39:42 so

39:43 I just wanted to run through three basic simple ideas.

39:48 Not that simple,

39:48 but

39:49 uh doable ideas is what I mean,

39:51 doable,

39:51 scalable ideas

39:52 to strengthen local democracy

39:54 in the context of World Bank projects,

39:56 that's important.

39:58 Yeah,

39:58 it's work that we can do.

40:00 One

40:01 is by

40:02 strengthening systems of democratic deliberation.

40:04 So we're not just relying on elections,

40:07 but we're supplementing elections with discourse,

40:10 and I've shown you that policy can make a diff to the quality of discourse.

40:14 Policy can make a difference to the,

40:16 to solving

40:16 gender inequality in that discourse,

40:18 and

40:19 we shouldn't be fearful of low literacy.

40:21 We shouldn't be fearful that it's going to be captured by elites.

40:23 There is no evidence we find that that has happened in the largest democratic

40:27 deliberation experiment the world has ever seen in India.

40:29 OK.

40:30 Secondly,

40:32 There is some hint

40:33 of evidence that we've given you

40:35 that we can incentivize politicians to perform better at the local level,

40:39 yeah,

40:40 by giving them electoral incentives that matter to

40:42 them for elections as well as more budget,

40:44 but it's very centrally important there

40:47 that

40:48 that system should be considered credible and legitimate.

40:51 There's a lovely UN report,

40:52 by the way,

40:52 on different incentive systems for local governments

40:54 that I would encourage you to read,

40:56 uh,

40:57 but what it does not talk about is how you want to assess performance.

41:01 If that performance assessment system is not

41:03 considered independent and fair and credible,

41:05 the whole system falls apart.

41:06 But if it is,

41:07 it can do magic.

41:09 Thirdly,

41:10 Democratizing data,

41:12 using digital tools to strengthen democracy.

41:14 There's a wonderful new report that we have.

41:16 The World Bank has produced by

41:18 Tiago Pescito and Steinberg

41:20 just last year

41:20 that works on this a great deal.

41:22 Tiago does wonderful work on democracy sitting in Madagascar,

41:24 I think now,

41:26 so I would encourage you to read that report,

41:28 see the work we've done,

41:29 and think about how you can do this in your own context,

41:31 in your own projects.

41:32 Yeah,

41:32 there's.

41:33 Tremendous potential here that we that remains untapped

41:36 and and democratizing data is important because it

41:39 counters it provides a counter narrative narrative to the

41:42 centralizing tendency of data,

41:44 big data that we're all so we're all getting so excited by big data so

41:46 we can manipulate people into how we think they're going to get better off.

41:49 How do we give them data so that they can get

41:51 better in a way that they think is better off?

41:53 That's the question,

41:54 yeah,

41:55 that's why

41:56 democratizing democracy

41:58 is such a centrally important goal for us.

42:00 Thank you.

42:07 Over to you,

42:08 Vikram.

42:09 If you'd like to stand or you can speak from here if you prefer.

42:13 Um,

42:14 It's an honor to be discussing for

42:17 Biju's talk today.

42:19 Um,

42:19 it's difficult for me to follow such a breathtaking presentation,

42:23 especially since I'm neither an economist nor a social scientist,

42:27 as Art gently pointed out,

42:29 um,

42:29 but I am emboldened to do so by an interesting line in the book's acknowledgment,

42:34 the first part of the presentation on the book,

42:37 uh,

42:37 of oral democracy.

42:39 Uh,

42:39 in it,

42:40 Biju thanks,

42:41 uh,

42:41 Doctor

42:42 Monica Birataburu for teaching him

42:45 how to listen.

42:46 I think that's a lesson that's important for many of us at the bank.

42:51 Yes.

42:52 Um,

42:53 and what follows is my takeaways from listening to this presentation

42:57 and to Bijo's work over the 19 years I've worked here.

43:01 Um,

43:02 the book is the most readable one.

43:04 I'm a slow reader and I reach for a hand sanitizer when I see a regression.

43:08 So

43:09 I yet managed to complete it,

43:11 uh,

43:11 in one treadmill session,

43:12 which is a good measure of its accessibility

43:15 for a non-economist like me.

43:17 Uh,

43:17 it makes several normative and technical claims,

43:20 many of which you've seen,

43:22 um,

43:22 and Bijo and his co-author Doctor Sanal offer a robust methodological defense

43:28 for these claims

43:29 while anchoring them in an extensive

43:32 multidisciplinary survey of the literature.

43:35 But what I found

43:36 especially unusual is their extensive use of these grams about transcripts,

43:41 uh,

43:42 which you've heard of,

43:42 uh,

43:43 uh,

43:43 uh,

43:44 a bit.

43:45 Because they give us a

43:46 rich,

43:47 raw sense of the drama and pathos involved

43:51 in these local colloquies,

43:53 right,

43:53 which are often dismissed as simplistic.

43:56 Um,

43:57 emotion isn't a quality that comes easily to economists,

44:00 even if they are behavioralists,

44:02 uh,

44:03 and or bank staff.

44:05 Um,

44:05 but then a polymath like Bijo is no ordinary economist,

44:08 and

44:09 the unvarnished transcripts which he and his co-author

44:13 present,

44:14 entertain,

44:15 amuse,

44:16 engage,

44:16 and enrage us.

44:18 Uh,

44:18 in many ways,

44:18 and I would commend them to you because

44:20 they are arranged like a carefully scripted morality play

44:23 who's,

44:24 uh,

44:25 which these,

44:26 the authors have been rehearsing for several years and they have been,

44:28 I think,

44:28 for 10 years.

44:29 This book has been in the making

44:31 and in fact Biju was a bit restrained today,

44:34 but,

44:34 uh,

44:34 you can see him with full gusto reading extensively from

44:37 these transcripts at his presentation at the Bangalore International Center.

44:41 Just Google

44:42 oral democracy in Bangalore and the link should pop up.

44:45 Now

44:46 Amartya Sen

44:47 teaches us that we inhabit multiple identities,

44:51 and this book

44:52 appeals to two of my own

44:54 my professional identity as an international lawyer for the World Bank

44:59 and my private identity as a lifelong student

45:02 of Indian constitutional

45:04 law and democracy and as a citizen.

45:07 Let me begin with the latter.

45:10 One of

45:10 Biju's mentors,

45:11 the historian Randall Austin,

45:13 this is his book,

45:14 um,

45:15 claimed that the Indian Constitution

45:18 was put to hourly use.

45:19 It's a long constitution.

45:20 Here's the pocket version.

45:22 Um,

45:23 Doctor,

45:24 uh,

45:24 Sonal and Bijo

45:26 established the salience and relevance of Austin's claim made many years ago

45:30 by showing us how the Constitution works at the community level.

45:34 Now many of you have seen the images or read

45:37 about the recent protests in India over the citizenship law.

45:40 These protests have featured mass readings of the Constitution's

45:44 rhapsodically worded preamble.

45:46 It heralds a republic

45:48 committed to social,

45:50 economic,

45:50 and political justice

45:52 and the equality of status and opportunity for all citizens,

45:55 and this book is a validation

45:57 of how that soaring rhetoric

45:59 can trickle down to local communities and empower ordinary citizens.

46:04 It shows us,

46:05 as the authors put it,

46:06 how democracy can be deepened

46:08 by giving citizens the chance to speak and to be heard

46:11 without getting into the

46:12 actual merits of this debate,

46:14 whatever you may think of it.

46:16 Now coming to the implications for this book for the bank and

46:19 my professional identity

46:21 as a

46:22 lawyer for the bank,

46:24 this year we celebrate the seventy-fifth

46:26 anniversary of the Articles of Agreement.

46:28 We don't have a pocket version unfortunately

46:31 of it

46:32 because it was not really thought of as,

46:34 you know,

46:34 a sacred charter.

46:36 Uh,

46:36 but it is at the core of the bank's DNA and it establishes,

46:40 establishes us as a multilateral institution that is at the core

46:44 of our very nature of an international financial institution,

46:49 and it was designed at the Bretton Woods conference which took place 76 years ago

46:53 to be an institution of universal membership.

46:56 To secure

46:57 this institution's institutional and financial viability and acceptance,

47:02 remember we had to go to the capital markets of the world

47:05 and uh sell our bonds.

47:07 The bank's founders at the Bretton

47:08 Woods conference insisted on depoliticization,

47:12 uh,

47:12 for the institution's successful functioning

47:16 and so into the articles they wrote three

47:19 strident prohibitions.

47:20 They first barred the bank

47:21 from meddling

47:22 in its members' political affairs.

47:25 They forbade bank staff from being influenced by the members' political character

47:30 or ideology.

47:32 And thirdly they insisted that the

47:34 bank must ensure that only economic considerations

47:37 are relevant to its decisions.

47:39 I get head rolls when I say this,

47:40 but that's what's in the articles.

47:42 Um,

47:43 now these restrictions have been strictly construed over the past 7 decades.

47:47 In fact,

47:47 general counsel Ibrahim Shehata,

47:48 after whom this room was recently.

47:51 Dedicated argued

47:52 that the article's bar on political

47:54 interference requires the bank to distance itself

47:58 from partisan politics

47:59 and the active participation in a member's political life.

48:03 That that was his ruling,

48:04 and he is

48:05 treated by the board as a demigod for his views on the article.

48:10 Now he also believed that the bank's political

48:13 neutrality required it to refrain from endorsing or mandating

48:17 a particular government form

48:20 or

48:21 or character in terms of template,

48:23 right,

48:23 even if the history of the bank,

48:24 especially deck

48:25 points entirely to the contrary,

48:27 uh in the uh especially through the Washington Consensus.

48:32 But Mr.

48:32 Shihada

48:33 was also careful to point out that the articles

48:36 do not bar the bank from either mentioning or considering

48:40 politics or the P word just as there was nothing to

48:42 prevent it from talking about corruption or the C word,

48:47 uh,

48:47 and so as we discussed at a board seminar in this very room 5 days ago,

48:51 uh,

48:51 the entire board met,

48:52 uh,

48:52 informally to discuss

48:54 the relevance of politics and the bank,

48:56 um.

48:58 We sort of uh

48:59 one of the takeaways was that the bank may legitimately conclude or consider

49:04 politics and demo democracy questions

49:07 uh in its operations and research provided there is a clear and direct link

49:12 to economics and development considerations

49:15 we can debate what that means later but what does this

49:18 mean for Bijo's thesis and its implications on the bank's operational work

49:23 first I don't think this book is likely to.

49:26 Nudge or move the bank in any

49:28 significant way from its long standing official position

49:32 of not getting involved in the writing of constitutions,

49:35 uh,

49:35 or the holding of national elections.

49:37 I know this is a stress point,

49:39 especially in our work in fidelity,

49:41 uh,

49:41 whether through aid or policy advice,

49:44 but

49:44 by chronicling how all of democracy affects

49:48 citizens' economic agency and development choices,

49:51 this book could help advance the bank's involvement.

49:54 In greater constitutional and legal devolution

49:57 beyond its judicial emphasis on fiscal federalism

50:00 and decentralized service delivery

50:02 and a variety of instruments for this purpose including policy based lending

50:06 whose 40th anniversary we observed this month

50:09 with a March 1980s sell to Turkey.

50:12 Um,

50:13 second,

50:13 as Biju suggests,

50:15 the Indian example shows how governments can themselves

50:18 promote participatory systems of governance

50:21 through legal and constitutional policy mandates

50:25 without being forced or nudged

50:27 by donors to do so.

50:28 There was nothing in the evidence to suggest that the bank

50:31 or anybody else,

50:32 uh,

50:33 benefited.

50:33 He suggested to the government of India

50:35 uh that uh they create an empower ground contracts.

50:38 In fact,

50:38 the history is to the contrary.

50:40 The founders of the uh of the republic at the constitutional debates rejected,

50:45 uh,

50:46 the notion of uh of uh Punjab Republic which wanted as

50:50 as we do,

50:51 uh,

50:52 uh,

50:52 beautifully raised to us Baker.

50:54 Uh,

50:55 Dali,

50:55 uh,

50:56 sort of founder of the Constitution was skeptical,

50:58 uh,

50:58 of the idea that you could have empowerment through these,

51:01 uh,

51:02 um,

51:02 uh,

51:02 through villages,

51:03 but obviously that changed and that change was really very much an internal,

51:07 uh,

51:07 change.

51:07 It was not prompted by any,

51:09 uh,

51:09 external agency,

51:11 uh,

51:11 and so it is very important,

51:13 uh,

51:14 for us that homegrown institutions like Rams Sabas

51:17 are used.

51:19 Credible laboratories which you've done uh to pilot and

51:22 implement development solutions and innovations in matters such as

51:25 beneficiary selection which the bank sort of tears its

51:27 head about how do we ensure it's correct?

51:29 how do we ensure it's robust and they've already been doing it as you tell us

51:33 uh targeted distribution and the new frontier of data collection

51:36 and credibility which is entirely new frontier for the bank

51:39 where we are still sort of you know uh

51:41 uh muddling our way through.

51:43 Um,

51:44 I certainly saw this firsthand in the West Bengal and

51:47 Bihar Panchat projects for which I was the project lawyer.

51:50 In both these projects.

51:51 Our focus was on the infrastructure

51:53 and finance of the Panchats,

51:55 uh,

51:55 but Bhu's book points us or shows us the

51:57 way to have more substantive engagements with these institutions.

52:00 In fact,

52:01 yesterday,

52:01 uh,

52:02 Bihar announced a new focus on Panchat-led growth and so.

52:05 This is very relevant to our work especially at

52:08 the India program but also more broadly this work

52:11 is an important validation of the bank's growing approach

52:15 to focus on strengthening and restoring the civic bonds between the state and the

52:20 citizen as we see in the manner strategy which Shanta gave us and is now

52:23 his successor sort of revalidated.

52:26 But it also has particularly useful lessons for

52:29 the bank in fragile conflict and violent situations,

52:32 which is my day job where national governments are distrusted,

52:36 ineffective,

52:36 or simply don't exist

52:38 and the bank searches for effective local institutions and counterparts

52:42 to do business with.

52:43 This is highlighted by the FCB strategy

52:46 that the board endorsed,

52:47 uh,

52:48 last week.

52:49 Finally,

52:50 the grounds of our experience

52:52 is very instructive.

52:53 To the bank's implementation of its new ESF,

52:57 environmental and social framework,

52:59 this framework

53:00 seeks to advance transparency,

53:02 non-discrimination,

53:04 public participation and accountability in the development process.

53:08 It sets out detailed requirements for

53:10 how the bank must identify relevant stakeholders

53:14 and

53:14 work with existing institutions as far as possible so your work is

53:17 tremendously helpful in pointing the way we're still in new ground there

53:22 there are lots of guidance notes but all of them exist in

53:25 the theoretical abstract sense and this book is a very important uh

53:29 uh validation of how,

53:30 uh,

53:31 at least ESSN which is the bank standard on participation.

53:35 Stakeholder consultation

53:36 can be uh implemented in a very practical way using Rams Sabas as a possible

53:41 interlocutor.

53:42 In fact,

53:43 the principal allegation in one of the ongoing cases before

53:46 the bank's inspection panel uh is that a bank's finance

53:49 project I actually was involved in it as a project

53:52 lawyer but not on this aspect which is before the panel

53:54 uh

53:55 it the the allegation is that,

53:57 uh,

53:58 in Jharathan state this is the low income states project for rural water supply.

54:02 Uh,

54:03 the,

54:03 um,

54:03 the project team failed to obtain the grounds of approval

54:07 for a rural water supply scheme under its jurisdiction.

54:11 The case is still pending,

54:12 and I don't want obviously to comment on it,

54:14 but one issue was whether the consultation at the local

54:17 at the level of the revenue village ground of us,

54:20 so which is at sort of the

54:21 uh at the.

54:22 Primary level was sufficient because

54:25 uh there were tribal hamlets uh within this revenue unit

54:29 that had their own grounds of us that may not have been consulted

54:32 so it also shows us we need to maybe drill down even

54:35 further and I think you're quite aware and sensitive to that issue

54:39 so those are my takeaways and thank you again for inviting me.

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transcript
All right. Thank you everyone for coming today. It's a pleasure to welcome our colleague, Biju Rao, uh, uh, to this policy research talk on, um, democratizing democracy. Biju is a lead economist in, uh, IEC and he's well known for his wide ranging work that brings together ideas from economics, anthropology, sociology, and political science to study social, cultural, and political context of poverty. Um, so it's gonna be very interesting to hear, um, uh, Bijus, uh, describe, uh, a body of ongoing research that he's been working on for quite a few years, falling under this, um, bucket of making democracy work better for development. Uh, we're also very fortunate to have with us today, Vikram Raghaven. Um, as our discussant, um, kudos particularly and thanks for stepping in at short notice because, uh, our, uh, previously scheduled discussant had to travel at very short notice. Um, and so I'm grateful, uh, Vikram, that you stepped in to, to be our discussion. Uh, Vikram is a lead counsel in the bank's legal department and it's probably the first time that we have somebody from LEG as a discussant in, uh, in this series. So you're, uh, uh, you know, we have high expectations for your comments as a result. Uh, anyhow, I'll turn over to, uh, to, to beat you, and then we'll hear from Vikram. Thanks, A. Uh, it's a great pleasure to be here, particularly in the time of COVID, the room is half full, which is good. Uh, let me just plunge right into it. So This is a fact. And people are losing faith in electoral democracy. And there's a lot of evidence for this around the world. Uh, the economists, uh, collects something called the democracy index, and you can see a sharp decline in the index over the last 5 or 6 years, yeah, uh, worldwide. Uh, the Pew Research, uh, uh, Center also does, uh, worldwide surveys on this subject, and you can see that the satisfaction with electoral democracy in various dimensions has also been, uh, pretty bad in the recent past. Uh So the question is, why is this happening? And uh What a set of important reasons can be classified as the three C's clientelism, corruption, and capture. Clientelism is when it's sort of the politics of patronage, when, uh, politicians interact with a subgroup of the population for political support, providing them with benefits, and, uh, what that results in, amongst other things, is a much greater focus on private goods rather than public goods generation, uh, but also makes, uh, the allocations related to democracy less efficient. Corruption, corruption is related to the funding of elections, uh, election campaigns are expensive things in many parts we have electoral democracy, uh, people fund elections by, uh, by taking money from the public pot, uh, and therefore run elections in an endogenous way. What's also interesting though is that that then segues over time into a process by which, uh. Elections are used as a business. Politics is used as a business. You enter the political game in order to make money. Yeah, so corruption is a very, very strong correlate of electoral democracy in many parts of the world, and that's related obviously to capture the control of the electoral system by economic and social elites, which you find again all over the world, and there's overwhelming evidence for this. Uh, there are other reasons that have come up more recently in the last 10 years or so, uh, the role of social media, the role of Facebook, uh, in the manipulation of elections, which has come up in many different elections around the world, and importantly, the use of big data, uh, both by private institutions, what, uh, Zubov has called, uh, uh, surveillance capitalism, as well as the recent, uh, 2017, um, uh, op ed in the Scientific American by a bunch of people, by over 20 to 30 political scientists, uh, sorry, computer scientists. Talking about how the manipulation of citizens by by governments is undermining the democratic system. So data is being used for the purpose of manipulation rather than empowerment. And finally, what John Keane, the political scientist, has called monitory democracy, the idea. That democracy is increasingly sharply decentralizing, not in the traditional sense, but into civic groups, self-help groups, organizations that monitor institutions like ours, the Bretton Woods Institute, for instance. All of these are what are known as monitoring institutions, but getting smaller and smaller and smaller. And therefore in some ways making the need for electoral accountability less salient. Now what all of this is doing is that it is devitimizing the electoral process, electoral processes around the world, not just in our perception, but in the perception of, of people from the top to the bottom, yeah, so, uh. There are huge implications for development from this, OK, practically every development outcome that we care about, uh, rests in many countries on the assumption of effective electoral accountability. And when you don't have that, you have compromised political institutions, you have poor accountability, political instability, a poor public service delivery, conflict, everything we don't like in, in, in the development process. Yeah. So the question is, what can development policy, what leverage does development policy have? What, what leverage do institutions like ours have, uh, to help with this, and, uh. The work that I have been involved with has tried to work with that at the local level in institutions in countries where local democracy is prevalent at the local level, how do we work with that to make them, uh, deliver better outcomes? Yeah, uh, it's, it's a process that I've been working on now for several years running something called the Social Observatory. Uh, and I've written a recent article in Deadlist that I'm calling reflective development that sort of says that when you work on these things, you've got to remember it's, it's a Sisypient task. It's not something that happens with magic bullets at the end. It's, you climb up a bit, you scroll down, climb up, scroll down. It's you have to play this sort of counterbalancing game to all the forces out there that. To make it worse, it's an endless game, yeah, but it's a, but it's an important thing to do because you're not focusing necessarily on outcomes but on processes. A lot of us work on improving outcomes. The whole RCT revolution is about that, but here the emphasis is on improving processes. I should also very quickly say. That the work I'll be talking about, a lot has been done by a person sitting in this room, Netra Balai Swami, who's sitting here who's now the senior economist for the Poverty GP in Nepal. She and I have been doing a lot of this work together, so I'm so glad she's with us today, and I will focus on two themes. Deliberation, incentivizing politicians and democratizing data and let me go through each one of them one by one. Let's start with deliberation. Uh, my apologies for that uh design flaw. Uh, the, the, what is deliberation now, uh, why, why do we have electoral democracy to begin with? I mean, at the end it is to solve the problem of collective action, yeah, uh, when we collectively elect. A representative represent our views in some council or a parliament. They're representing the views of a large body of people and therefore are resolving the problem of collective action by aggregating votes. In other words, aggregating preferences. Yeah, deliberation is a much older process by which we come to collective decisions, not by electing a representative, but by persuading each other of a point of view through a process of debate, discussion, we come to what is called a single peak preference. We come to a collective understanding. It's a, it's a, it's an old tradition that goes back not just to the ancient Greeks but to the ancient Indians, the, the, the Romans, I mean, all over the world, Chinese, every, every system, every religious tradition has deliberation is very much part of its history, yeah, so it's about the transformation of preferences rather than the aggregation of references to quote John Elstone. Deliberation in developing countries, on which, by the way, every participatory mechanism that that's out there in development that the bank has spent over $100 billion on involves some level of deliberations. We've invested as an institution a lot in these processes, but there are challenges. The first challenge is low literacy. When as a citizen you don't understand facts and figures because you can't read and write, then how does that affect the quality of deliberation? Do citizens have what Michael Wilcox has called the capacity to engage? How does inequality work? How does caste and class work? Can deliberation be made better with policy, uh, gender inequality? We all know that there's an enormous of gender inequality in any group interaction, both in terms of who speaks and who gets heard. Uh, can that be resolved? So all of these questions are some things that we'll be looking at today, and I'll be looking particularly at one important institution. Which is the Indian village meeting. It's, it's called the Grams Saha. I'm using that word a lot, uh, which is in effect the largest deliberative institution in human history because it affects the lives of over 800 million people living in 2 million villages. It's huge, yeah, and the history behind it. We just done a book Paramita Sanar and I on this with Cambridge University Press last year, uh, what we call oral democracy. We just go through the basic argument in that book, and I'm going to read some excerpts which means that I have to put up my. Oh, which is right here, great. OK, so, uh, a bit bit of history here, and I'm gonna fast forward to the post 1947 history after India got independence from the British, 1992. India ratified the 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution, and it said various things. This amendment, it said there would be regular elections held every 5 or 6 years to every village would have a village council. They'd have regular elections. There'd be regular village meetings. Ram Sabas held at least 2 times a year, but up to 4 times a year. 1/3 of seats at a minimum on all for all village councils and. Village presidencies will be reserved for women. A proportion of seats will be reserved for underprivileged groups, scheduled castes, and tribes, and it was a hybrid institution. You had elections, elected representatives, and village meetings. So the way the Indian constitution writes about it is that it talks about the village council. The village president is the executive of the village, and the grounds of the village meeting is the parliament of the village. Yeah, and in previous what we found that. The, the prevalence of these meetings is highly correlated in a good way with the reduction in corruption and clientelism. We didn't manage to do a causal analysis, but the correlation is very strong, yeah. Now what is the purpose of Rams of us? A very important purpose is to ratify beneficiaries for anti-poverty programs. There's a list that comes up through proxy means testing, which many states are ratifying the grounds, but they have to actually say that this list makes sense. They debate expenditures on public goods. They monitor and track the performance of councils, uh, so they have very, very important functions. But, uh, what is, uh, important to note, uh, is that, uh, this. The enabling of these acts, there's a constitutional amendment, but the way the acts work in practice is that they have to be enabled through acts of the state government. India is a federal structure, so each state has strong sort of jurisdiction over over village government, and each state has to enable a state act that interprets that constitution in terms of what the state sees as important in its context and The four states we'll be looking at are Kerala, Tamil and Andhra Pradesh, which is those of you who know India, this is all data from 2004. So Andhra Pradesh was still one state, had been split into two, and Kerala is by far the most famous of the state acts because in 1996 they passed something called the People's Campaign, and they. They said they devolved 40% of the state's budget to village governments. They also said that uh uh all state plans would be done through a nested planning process, going from streets to neighborhoods, to wards, to villages. And upward, yeah, and each system would collect ideas from people at that level and slowly collate them as they went up. It's a nested planning process. And in order to enable this, there's a huge thing called the People's Campaign. They sort of said with all of the state training people in how to participate and how to make decisions and all this kind of thing. So it's a tremendous thing called the Kerala People's Campaign. A lot has been written about it. Kerala, so we're calling high quality uh uh decentralization. Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, but both neighboring states of Kerala, we're calling medium. Karnataka, which is where I'm from, is the state that pioneered this village Panchai system, as it's called, um, and, and, uh, also gives these village governments a lot of power, but not as much as Kerala. Tamil Nadu is similar to Karnataka in that sense, it really enabled the space. Uh, the worst of the lot is the state of Andra Pradesh, which took a very technocratic approach to development and emphasized the role of self-help groups and these non-constitutional bodies gave them a lot of power that. Uh, means that they, they didn't even hold elections for a long time actually at, at the village level. They had to be called to the Supreme Court to hold those elections, which means that it had a pretty weak, uh, franchise system we're calling it low quality. Now, uh, the methodology here is that we have recorded 3, about 300 g of us in these 4 South Indian states, transcribed and translated them from the South Indian language, the 4 South Indian languages into English. Uh, and on the basis of the national experiment, which I'll explain in a second, and I'm focusing on two things. I'm focusing on to what extent can policy interventions affect the quality of discourse, and secondly, what's the role of literacy, and I, I should say this book took 10 years to write part of it that I worked in for about 10 years because it's all a handmade analysis. This was way before machine learning was in our lives. Yeah. Now this is an actual experiment. And to explain it very quickly, when you start with a concept that linguists call, uh, linguistic communities. What are linguistic communities? The idea of linguistics is that if you share a common language, if you share common social structures, if you share common legislative histories, if you share common sort of uh economic geographic sort of context, then you should speak more or less the same way, which seems like a very reasonable thing. There's a lot of evidence to show that that is in fact the case. So the next experiment here is prior to 1956, India was organized. Along the lines of of of of of of governmental structures of of of jurisdictions that had survived for 300 years ever since the Mughal era and in South India there are several sort of political entities, but I'm going to focus on 21 is Old Hyderabad State, which is the south end of the Mughal Empire that was run by the Nizam of Hyderabad, uh, who was a very feudal king, yeah, and, and, and. Presided royal feudal territory. The rest of it that we'll be talking about is the Madras presidency, which was ruled directly by the British. OK, these are very large political entities. Hyderabad state had 5 languages spoken in it Kannada, Telugu, Marathi, Urdu, Hindi, and I think I forgot Marathi, you know, so there were, there were several languages. Midra's residency had 10 languages spoken in it. I'm not going to recite all of them, yeah, so what happened is that in 1955 there's something called the Panikar Committee that said, OK, this makes no sense. We have to reorganize Indian states along linguistic lines, yeah, so that the states speak one unified language. So they reorganized it into four states Uttar Pradesh that spoke Telugu, Tamla that spoke Tamil, Kerala that spoke Malayalam and Karnataka that spoke Kannada, yeah, but along the border when you try to do this crazy exercise, you're going to make mistakes. So in effect what we have are mistakes. We have people who speak Kannada and Karnataka 10 kilometers away on the other side of the border with people who speak Kannada in the other state now, yeah, but prior to 1956 and 300 years, they all belong to the same political entity. They're 10 kilometers away from each other, so they're the same linguistic community. They have the same economic base, and importantly, I've shown this in other work, they shared the same caste structure. So they're the same social and political structure. In other words, in everyday conversation, they speak the same way. I speak a lot waving my arms like this and loudly and, you know, passionately. I'm not passionate. I'm just South Indian, OK, so I should meet other South Indians. There are some in the room here. Right, so, so they probably speak to you the same way, yeah, so, so, uh, uh, so, so that's what we, that's what we're working. We're going to compare villages on either side of these state borders that prior 19056 belong to the same political entity and about 10 to 20 kilometers away from each other and speak the same language, OK. And what I want to show you is that if the state borders matter today after 1956, we can attribute that to something that happened after 1956. So the main thing that happened in this case was the way the state governments implemented the 7th Amendment. OK, so here's some pictures of grams of us. And just to give you a sense of the topics, the main topic there is drinking water, but you have roads, you have electricity, you have housing, and so on that come up, uh, and I'm not going to read a few excerpts. First we're going to compare Chittoor district in Andhra Pradesh, Southern Antar Pradesh, with Dharmauri district in Tamil Na state, and I'm going to read out the Rams Sabas to you, yeah. Uh, I want to start with Chitto District. I'm going to read out the entirety of the ground swa. OK. The president starts today. We're conducting this grounds server to discuss the problems in our village and the various activities we've undertaken so far. You can express your problems here. A, a, a villager says there's no proper community hall in this village for holding meetings or events. We should construct a community hall. The president says, I will inform the government to construct a community hall. Second villager says there are no cement roads in this village. Cement roads should be laid on all the village streets. The president says. Wherever we don't have cement roads, I will instruct the government to construct cement roads. Third villagers, and this is a direct transcript. The villager says there are electric, electricity poles in the streets, but the lights are not there. You should arrange for the lights. The person says, I will arrange for street lights soon. Uh, then another villager says, We don't have a proper cemetery or graveyard of the village. Uh, some people throw dead bodies on the outskirts of the village, where they're causing health problems for us, for our children. Uh, president says, I've given a complaint to the district collector about this. I, I hope he solves the problem. That's it. That's the groundswell. Uh, I want you to note that as I showed here, where I don't have that table, an average Gramsava is usually about 90 minutes long. This thing lasts about 5 or 10 minutes, yeah, the entirety of the Gram server. Now let's just go across the border 10 kilometers away to the Dharmaapuri district in Tamilan, and I'm going to read out a brief excerpt from there. Uh, now I should say this is a Gramsam that lasts for 2.5 hours, so I'm going to give you brief glimpses. I will try to speak with a Tamil accent, but forgive me if I don't. So, uh. Say for your daily toileting needs, you can use the unused land and fields, referring to open defecation in villages, both men and women do that. This is the president speaking. But when these lands and fields are no longer there, then what will you do with all your daily need? Will it not become difficult? Males can go anywhere, but where the ladies go, they will face a lot of problems. So what I say is that all of you should have a toilet. In cities there are thousands of houses. Each house has a toilet. It is, it is clean. Has the city been spoiled? No. So similarly, if we have a toilet in each and every house, then our village will also be clean. I'm going to fast forward a bit. In life there has to be some improvement. You have to improve. You do not have to spend more money for that. For each dollar, the government is funding ₹500. In this village we'll build 20 public convenience latrines for ₹2000. So please go ahead and do this. And then the villagers start talking. There's a lot of noise, there are, many voices, and the villager says, You're giving us only ₹500 to build a toilet. How can we do that? And then another authority says, we're just aiding you of $500. That should come out of your pocket. I can't. The village government doesn't have so much money. There's a lot of shouting and screaming and debate on all of these things. Is that enough money? This is the kind of discourse you have going on in Tamil Na. Just 10 kilometers away from Tamil speakers Ira Pradesh. So let's now go again looking at Andhra Pradesh to northern Andhradesh, Mira, the Merak district and And again I'm gonna read to you the entirety of the grounds. The first villager says there is no linking growth to our village. The drainage and water problem persists. I wish the government at least now will look into our problems and do something. The villager says there is a problem. Another, another village has a problem of transportation. Third villager says Namaste or namaste now, uh, to all members of the Gramppanchai, we have become independent more than 50 years ago, yet we haven't developed. Whenever a problem was raised, it was only discussed. Uh, after Mr. Ashok Desh was elected, the press seem things seem to get better, but nothing has happened since then. Another villager says there has been some development, but more needs to be done. Another villager says something else. The president ends by saying, OK, you expressed your problems. We will note them down and try to do something. But a villager at the end, a wag at the end, comes in and says, What is the use of writing down? Has the government done anything up to now? You expressed your problems and said what needs to be done. It is please give us an assurance there is a budget with this, not listened to. That's the end of the Grams Saba. OK, now we're gonna go to my home state of Karnataka and, uh, listen to the folks at Ber who are basically the same people, all formerly from the Hyderabad state, and again, a 1.5 hour Grams Saba, a brief excerpt. The secretary says. Now I should explained it. They're talking about a jet dam. A check dam is a is a small cement construction to collect rainwater. OK. The secretary says one check dam is completed, but there's provision for one vote in the budget. The villager says we don't need another check dam. The engineer who's the local engineer says you can't reject the check dam. The secretary says there is pressure on us to execute the check damn. Villager says, if it is so, let us propose to remove silt instead of reconstructing a check dam. The villagers, the secretary says, No, no, no, please tell them we have to. Why is this going on? Because every time you do a construction of this kind, there is money to be made. Yeah, and villagers know this game and they're trying to stop that from happening. So literally they go on for about half an hour debating this issue. They're getting checked. The check time is getting checked, yeah, in within the ground. OK, so, uh, let me just end a bit, uh, with these excerpts since we run running short of time. I don't wanna go on and on about this, uh, and let's go straight to Palaga in, in, in Kerala. So I want to show you what a Kerala Gramsaha is like, and I can assure you that the Tamil Na Gramsabas are similar across different parts of Tamil Na and very different from across the border in, in, in, in Kerala. Kerala, remember. This ground surba is the end of a long process. They've had their nested planning at the village level. They're at the street level. They've come up with their decisions. So by the time they come to the ground saba, they're simply making announcements. Yeah, and you, and you know, World Bank folks and other bureaucrats will be very familiar with these announcements. I just want to read it out and tell you this is a like grounds. It's very boring, and this is an announcement, and it goes on for an hour, and the screener. We're in the last phase of financial year 2005-2006 planning according to government principles, we're organizing this grants for planning the development of the next financial year 2006-2007 as part of the financial year 2006-207, we've organized working groups. The new working group has suggested some projects. The grants have also made suggestions. Those suggested projects are submitted to you. We will change those projects on the basis of the valid suggestions and then formulate the working committee. The working committee implements the project with the help of the ruling committee. We cannot implement so on and so forth. He's basically making a set of announcements that is telling you what the ground plan is for the next year. It is a very efficient system, and there's a lot of research showing that actually does pretty well, yeah. So the point of this using this national experiment is to show you that state policy matters for discourse. It encourages the capacity of citizens to speak, and it makes them speak in a way that is tailored according to what the state government has empowered them to do. Policy matters in improving the quality of discourse. We're not talking about outcomes yet. Uh, I'll talk about in a bit now. What is the effect of literacy? There's a lot of stuff, you know, people are illiterate. There's a range of, there's a very illiterate part of the world in those days. 33% is a low level of literacy, 66% literate is about medium, and then you have 100% literacy in Kerala. And if you, and what we did was basically compared, uh, low literacy and medium literacy and high literacy, uh, uh, villages within the same state border within the same district. So we're doing that across state comparison now. We're looking within the same district to see how that varies. And the basic point here is that in Andhra Pradesh, literacy makes no difference. In Kerala, literacy makes no difference. Literacy makes a much bigger difference in the medium capacity states, and the reason is obvious because there, there is some room for literacy to make a difference because the, the, it's sort of medium empowered in Kerala, everybody's literate, so everybody speaks the same way. In Utar Pradesh, it doesn't matter because the government doesn't do anything anyway. Yeah, so literacy matters, but it is superseded by state capacity. Yeah, so that's that book. Let me switch a bit now to a second paper that I worked on, uh, with Netra and with Ramya Pathasar who's now unfortunately with McKinsey I can say that, uh, so this is basically an NLP analysis. Now we're going fast forwarding to 2014 when we collected data from 100 g bars in the state of Tamil Na and, and, uh, we're gonna do some natural language. Processing on it as we're going to a different method altogether and the two questions here given the context of Grams about effective for citizen participation and is the gender inequality in Grams of birth and can it be improved and look we're going to look at three metrics equality of participation agenda setting power, and responsiveness of the state, uh, so. Looking at the topic variation again, the topics are similar to what we saw in 2004, yeah, water, uh, selection of beneficiaries, employment and wages, service failures, and so on, yeah, uh, but first looking at equality of participation, you see that there are tremendous differences in by gender and who speaks, tremendous differences by gender. So there's a lot of gender inequality in who speaks. And you can look at the length of pieces of speeches as we just don't care whether they spoke or not, but how long they spoke. Again, a lot of gender inequality, but that gender inequality is not coming from citizens, it's coming from politicians. Male politicians tend to go on and on, yeah, and we have noticed that in the, in our current presidential process here too. OK, so agenda setting power and, and, and, so that we do more analysis with this. I'm just gonna briefly show you what movement on that agenda setting power is when I speak as a speaker, does that topic get carried through over the next speech and over the next 5 speeches? Am I as a citizen able to set the agenda and also how does it differ by gender? And what we see there is basically this is interesting, citizens have much more agenda setting power than officials or politicians. Yeah, But women are slightly disadvantaged. Right now, uh, one of the things you should keep in mind in these, in Tamilland in this, at this point is that 50% of village Panchai presidencies are reserved for women, and this is done on a quasi-random basis. We're a natural experiment, we actually have a real experiment going on here. So we're going to see whether village presidencies can counteract this gender inequality, and we see that it does. When you have a woman president, women citizens have greater agenda setting power. Yeah, you can read the paper if you like. I'm, I'm just going to go through this very quickly. And then the third thing you'll be looking at is responsiveness of the state. If I speak on a certain topic, what is the probability that the official at the at the head of the table is going to pick up on that topic and go on with it? The the the dialogic responsiveness of the state. And what we see here is that. There's not much gender equality, uh, but, but, you know, there is, there is, there is a bit, and, and we go to the regression to see that, that, that, that women tend to be quite disadvantaged on, on, on-topic responses, but look at that. If there is a female president, women tend to have more agenda and gender setting power. So what does that mean? Women are listened to more when there is a woman president. Not just are they able to speak more, they're listened to more. It's what uh uh what they're calling a pessimic discrimination, following the work of Miranda Finger, yeah. It's a discrimination is not just about whether you're allowed to speak. Discrimination is also about whether you're being listened to. We find that this makes a big difference. So, The point of Grams Saba, and I'll stop with the Graham Saba work here, is to show you that, that, that citizens to participate. Literacy matters, but not in the way you think. What is far more important is policy. Gender equality exists, inequality exists, but it can be fixed with uh having women presidents. Yeah. Now, I'm going to shift now to away from the speech from deliberation to the idea that. Of whether politicians can be incentivized to perform better and this is a recent paper that we have not yet written up, but I'm going to show you brown the brief results. Now firstly, I should say there's a large literature on different ways of trying to improve a political performance. Uh, what most relevant here is on salary incentives were popular, but for politicians in Brazil, by Perraz and Finan, who, who find that higher wages for politicians to make them perform better on the various metrics, but generally the literature is quite mixed now our. Thing looks at two different kinds of incentives. They're both public incentives. They're not salary incentives. We have two arms. The first arm is a randomized trial. The first arm is, uh, uh, giving the president a larger public budget. The second arm is simply giving them a certificate that they can use to run elections with. They're getting no money, yeah, uh, so. Uh, village panchays and Tamil Na perform a lot of activities and public goods and private goods, so that's just to keep in mind there's a lot, they do a lot of work. Uh, so our experiment looks at 200, uh, villages, village panchays across 10 blocks, and we randomly assigned the village panchayats into 3 categories a control group, a treatment arm for the financial incentive, a treatment arm for the kudos or the or the non-financial incentive. Uh, and, and you know, in 2015, all the presidents of these villages received an official letter in control of, of, of villages. They were not told anything. Basically you'll be graded into three categories A, B, or C, but you'll get no incentives. They didn't say anything about incentives in the treatment GPs, uh, that letter was given that, that you'll be graded into A, B, or C, but along with that was said you'll either get a financial incentive or a non-financial incentive. Yeah, uh, OK, that's sad. Hm What I do right? Hm OK. Um, but, but It's not moving. OK, so, so let me, let me try and fix that while I speak up. So while that's being fixed, the, the, the, the, let, let me basically give you the gist of, of, of the results. Uh, what we find is that I mean, firstly, I, I got, I got to qualify this. It's very important how that monitoring is done, how that ABC criteria are determined, and what we do, what we did very, very carefully along with the Tamil Na government was that the people assessing the performance of these residents were not people from the village. They were people from districts very far away. A committee was formed of knowledgeable people, ex-presidents and so on, uh, women's health group members who came along and set with a set of criteria to assess villages and districts that were. More than 100 kilometers away. Therefore, there was no way that these guys could be, could be, could be bribed into performing uh differently into, into, into, into, into, into, into, into giving them a better grade just because they were bribed. Yeah. As a result of that. Uh. The, the monitoring process, the scoring process was considered legitimate. Nobody questioned it. That's, that's centrally important. If you're going to have an incentive system of this kind, how you score people is centrally important, yeah. Having said that, what we found, find is some remarkable results, I hope I can show them to you, uh. OK, so the first set of results is that The incentives improved both the provision of private goods and the provision of public goods, yeah, uh, and, and by the way, the incentives are pretty big. The great residents received about double their village budgets. Uh, the great residents received an equivalent amount, and they could do a lot of work with that. And I want to show you the certificate that they received, which is very, you know, sexy certificate, uh, which they could use for, you know, I'm an a great president, so please elect me kind of thing. Uh, we had a lot of data. Uh, you have sort of three criteria, about 22% of the sample was A grade, most of them were B grade, and the rest were C grade, uh, and what you see that, that, you know, whether you've had a financial incentive or a non-financial incentive, they both equally improved, uh, access to private transfers. Similarly, they both equal, they're not equally, but you know, the financial incentives did a little bit better on access to public investments, but if you index uh all the public investments that were made, they both did equally well, more or less, yeah, and this is the interesting result that. On average, if you didn't have the incentives, residents tend to favor their own neighborhoods and their own people. But with the incentives, they started favoring others. It countered clientelism. It went away from the group-based subgroup-based approach that we're all worried about a democracy, yeah. So what we find with this incentive system is that it improves access to private transfers, improves access to public goods, uh, and it reduces corruption, nepotism, and clientelism. Yeah. Now finally, I'm going to go to democratizing data, which is work that we did several years ago, but there is an update to it that I find quite interesting. Here the point is, with all this data manipulation taking place, can't we give citizens access to their own data? Can't we give them the ability to design, collect, and importantly, analyze their own survey data? This is what we pulled off in a in a pilot with 200 villages, uh, across 32,000 women in Tamil Na. and it's, and you know, and, and the first, the, the. itself was determined by women's health help groups in these villages using a deliberative system. Yeah, and it's very interesting the kind of questions they came up with. Let's take the first one. We typically ask in an LSMS, you know, how much did you spend on rice in the last week or vegetables. They had one question, which is basically, does the person who eats last in the family get enough to eat? In other words, does the mother who's serving everybody ever go hungry? Yeah, uh, and other issues that were prioritized quite differently, digital participation, can you use a mobile phone you don't know, can you read and, uh, uh, and send text messages? We'd also developed a decentralized system of data collection where we selected one person, one woman in every village, uh, to be the data collector, gave her an, a, a, a, a, a tablet with a copy-based app that was designed extremely simply on a color coded method. The data that were collected in the tablet were dispatched directly to a cloud server, so nobody got to manipulate it in the middle. So, and, and, and all the validation was done, uh, uh, within, within, within, within the system. So there's no need for external validation. So designed the users with low digital and then importantly we visualized the data for people in the village in a way that was co-produced in the sense that we developed the visualizations. We had a wonderful person called Cassandra Shia from MIT Media Lab working with us. We went directly to the, to, to, to folks in these communities and worked with them to design the visualizations. We start with a village map that has, you know, I, I don't know um if you. Uh, uh, have ever been to South India, but we tend to eat food in a banana leaf, so that banana leaf is nutrition. These are assets. This is marriage and family. That's mobility, and so on. Let me drill down a bit, um. This is on intra-household bargaining, for instance. Uh, they looked at different questions in intra-household bargaining, comparing two villages side by side. Firstly, there's a color coded mechanism. The more green it is, the better off you are. But also it's very clear if the woman has a big face, she has more say. If the man has a bigger face, he has more say. The in-laws have a big face. They are mostly, yeah, and you can very clearly see that village Aumal it does better than village Malakode. Yeah, so there's a, there's, you know, that's very easy for anybody even without a PhD in economics to understand. Yes, this is an asset. So this year, you know, if the asset doesn't have any box around it, that means it hasn't changed the last year. If it has a red box, you've lost the asset in the right in the last year. If it's a green box, you've gained the asset in the last year. Just compare the two villages, you can immediately say which village is doing better. Yeah, it's sort of interesting thinking about why are we visualizing it not as an average, but uh as a, as a sample. Yeah, we could basically each one represents a household, and that's because visualization theory which I learned from Cassandra, uh, it, it now says that using the central. In a theorem, if you just do a random sampling, you get a much better presentation with an idea of the distribution visually than if you just did it, you know, a, a, a, a, a measure of central tendency with a measure of deviance, yeah, so this is a better way of visualizing it, uh, particularly for folks who are not, uh, statistically literate, yeah. Marriage and family, this is one of the most interesting visualizations that they developed with us, and the idea really is that they all wanted to sort of get away from traditional marriage practices. So the height of the flower is the age of marriage, the number of leaves, the number of kids you have. If it's a red flower, that means you married a relative, a close relative, a first cousin, an uncle, and so on. If the, it's a yellow flower, you didn't marry a relative, the flower is a bud. That means your parents didn't ask your opinion before they picked a husband for you. If it's open, they didn't, and you can see immediately which village is doing better. Again, the color coded greenness tells you something about that. So, you know. Diet and nutrition, comparing the two villages, if it's a blank banana. That means somebody in that household said that they go hungry, yeah, then you can see an eggplant, a papaya, a chicken, or rice that tells you how much they ate of that particular food, uh, in that village and in that, in that year. Now we, we then sent this, these visualization back in the grounds that I talked about in the beginning. It was shown there and we found that it affected village decision making. It affected allocations. Yeah, unfortunately we had to cut this whole exercise short short because the woman who was our great support, the chief minister of the state. Uh, passed away and, uh, the situation changed. Uh, but what is interesting, and this is where I want to give you an update, is that just last month the Tamil Nadu government in its budget speech mentioned participatory tracking, that's the budget speech right there, allocated 100 crores, which is what, um. A lot of money to, to be to implement the system across the state. So that to me is a tremendous achievement that our little pilot has now been implemented. It's going to be implemented for rolled out for 40 million households, 40 million people, yeah. The state of Karnataka has come to me and asked me to help them do the same thing, but bank systems make it rather hard for me to help them because there's no project, you see, so we have to think about how to work with that, uh, but, but, but, but, but, but again. As they're going to do great whether I help them or not, right? And so the question is to do it better. So this is for folks in operations. How do we solve this problem? We're very interested here. Interestingly, the village strengthening project in Indonesia, which is run by a wonderful DTL called Anna O'Donnell, is going to be strengthening the village law in Indonesia and 75,000 villages across the country covering 120 million people in 5 years. We are developing a system of participatory tracking that is based on public goods, and this is a very crude prototype that we've developed. It's basically a village. Map with village report cards that then get color coded, yeah, and we've got to go way, way more and with this in the very beginning stages of it, but it's going to emphasize public goods allocation and report cards for public goods again visualized so that citizens can understand it and make better local level decisions, yeah, so I just wanted to run through three basic simple ideas. Not that simple, but uh doable ideas is what I mean, doable, scalable ideas to strengthen local democracy in the context of World Bank projects, that's important. Yeah, it's work that we can do. One is by strengthening systems of democratic deliberation. So we're not just relying on elections, but we're supplementing elections with discourse, and I've shown you that policy can make a diff to the quality of discourse. Policy can make a difference to the, to solving gender inequality in that discourse, and we shouldn't be fearful of low literacy. We shouldn't be fearful that it's going to be captured by elites. There is no evidence we find that that has happened in the largest democratic deliberation experiment the world has ever seen in India. OK. Secondly, There is some hint of evidence that we've given you that we can incentivize politicians to perform better at the local level, yeah, by giving them electoral incentives that matter to them for elections as well as more budget, but it's very centrally important there that that system should be considered credible and legitimate. There's a lovely UN report, by the way, on different incentive systems for local governments that I would encourage you to read, uh, but what it does not talk about is how you want to assess performance. If that performance assessment system is not considered independent and fair and credible, the whole system falls apart. But if it is, it can do magic. Thirdly, Democratizing data, using digital tools to strengthen democracy. There's a wonderful new report that we have. The World Bank has produced by Tiago Pescito and Steinberg just last year that works on this a great deal. Tiago does wonderful work on democracy sitting in Madagascar, I think now, so I would encourage you to read that report, see the work we've done, and think about how you can do this in your own context, in your own projects. Yeah, there's. Tremendous potential here that we that remains untapped and and democratizing data is important because it counters it provides a counter narrative narrative to the centralizing tendency of data, big data that we're all so we're all getting so excited by big data so we can manipulate people into how we think they're going to get better off. How do we give them data so that they can get better in a way that they think is better off? That's the question, yeah, that's why democratizing democracy is such a centrally important goal for us. Thank you. Over to you, Vikram. If you'd like to stand or you can speak from here if you prefer. Um, It's an honor to be discussing for Biju's talk today. Um, it's difficult for me to follow such a breathtaking presentation, especially since I'm neither an economist nor a social scientist, as Art gently pointed out, um, but I am emboldened to do so by an interesting line in the book's acknowledgment, the first part of the presentation on the book, uh, of oral democracy. Uh, in it, Biju thanks, uh, Doctor Monica Birataburu for teaching him how to listen. I think that's a lesson that's important for many of us at the bank. Yes. Um, and what follows is my takeaways from listening to this presentation and to Bijo's work over the 19 years I've worked here. Um, the book is the most readable one. I'm a slow reader and I reach for a hand sanitizer when I see a regression. So I yet managed to complete it, uh, in one treadmill session, which is a good measure of its accessibility for a non-economist like me. Uh, it makes several normative and technical claims, many of which you've seen, um, and Bijo and his co-author Doctor Sanal offer a robust methodological defense for these claims while anchoring them in an extensive multidisciplinary survey of the literature. But what I found especially unusual is their extensive use of these grams about transcripts, uh, which you've heard of, uh, uh, uh, a bit. Because they give us a rich, raw sense of the drama and pathos involved in these local colloquies, right, which are often dismissed as simplistic. Um, emotion isn't a quality that comes easily to economists, even if they are behavioralists, uh, and or bank staff. Um, but then a polymath like Bijo is no ordinary economist, and the unvarnished transcripts which he and his co-author present, entertain, amuse, engage, and enrage us. Uh, in many ways, and I would commend them to you because they are arranged like a carefully scripted morality play who's, uh, which these, the authors have been rehearsing for several years and they have been, I think, for 10 years. This book has been in the making and in fact Biju was a bit restrained today, but, uh, you can see him with full gusto reading extensively from these transcripts at his presentation at the Bangalore International Center. Just Google oral democracy in Bangalore and the link should pop up. Now Amartya Sen teaches us that we inhabit multiple identities, and this book appeals to two of my own my professional identity as an international lawyer for the World Bank and my private identity as a lifelong student of Indian constitutional law and democracy and as a citizen. Let me begin with the latter. One of Biju's mentors, the historian Randall Austin, this is his book, um, claimed that the Indian Constitution was put to hourly use. It's a long constitution. Here's the pocket version. Um, Doctor, uh, Sonal and Bijo established the salience and relevance of Austin's claim made many years ago by showing us how the Constitution works at the community level. Now many of you have seen the images or read about the recent protests in India over the citizenship law. These protests have featured mass readings of the Constitution's rhapsodically worded preamble. It heralds a republic committed to social, economic, and political justice and the equality of status and opportunity for all citizens, and this book is a validation of how that soaring rhetoric can trickle down to local communities and empower ordinary citizens. It shows us, as the authors put it, how democracy can be deepened by giving citizens the chance to speak and to be heard without getting into the actual merits of this debate, whatever you may think of it. Now coming to the implications for this book for the bank and my professional identity as a lawyer for the bank, this year we celebrate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Articles of Agreement. We don't have a pocket version unfortunately of it because it was not really thought of as, you know, a sacred charter. Uh, but it is at the core of the bank's DNA and it establishes, establishes us as a multilateral institution that is at the core of our very nature of an international financial institution, and it was designed at the Bretton Woods conference which took place 76 years ago to be an institution of universal membership. To secure this institution's institutional and financial viability and acceptance, remember we had to go to the capital markets of the world and uh sell our bonds. The bank's founders at the Bretton Woods conference insisted on depoliticization, uh, for the institution's successful functioning and so into the articles they wrote three strident prohibitions. They first barred the bank from meddling in its members' political affairs. They forbade bank staff from being influenced by the members' political character or ideology. And thirdly they insisted that the bank must ensure that only economic considerations are relevant to its decisions. I get head rolls when I say this, but that's what's in the articles. Um, now these restrictions have been strictly construed over the past 7 decades. In fact, general counsel Ibrahim Shehata, after whom this room was recently. Dedicated argued that the article's bar on political interference requires the bank to distance itself from partisan politics and the active participation in a member's political life. That that was his ruling, and he is treated by the board as a demigod for his views on the article. Now he also believed that the bank's political neutrality required it to refrain from endorsing or mandating a particular government form or or character in terms of template, right, even if the history of the bank, especially deck points entirely to the contrary, uh in the uh especially through the Washington Consensus. But Mr. Shihada was also careful to point out that the articles do not bar the bank from either mentioning or considering politics or the P word just as there was nothing to prevent it from talking about corruption or the C word, uh, and so as we discussed at a board seminar in this very room 5 days ago, uh, the entire board met, uh, informally to discuss the relevance of politics and the bank, um. We sort of uh one of the takeaways was that the bank may legitimately conclude or consider politics and demo democracy questions uh in its operations and research provided there is a clear and direct link to economics and development considerations we can debate what that means later but what does this mean for Bijo's thesis and its implications on the bank's operational work first I don't think this book is likely to. Nudge or move the bank in any significant way from its long standing official position of not getting involved in the writing of constitutions, uh, or the holding of national elections. I know this is a stress point, especially in our work in fidelity, uh, whether through aid or policy advice, but by chronicling how all of democracy affects citizens' economic agency and development choices, this book could help advance the bank's involvement. In greater constitutional and legal devolution beyond its judicial emphasis on fiscal federalism and decentralized service delivery and a variety of instruments for this purpose including policy based lending whose 40th anniversary we observed this month with a March 1980s sell to Turkey. Um, second, as Biju suggests, the Indian example shows how governments can themselves promote participatory systems of governance through legal and constitutional policy mandates without being forced or nudged by donors to do so. There was nothing in the evidence to suggest that the bank or anybody else, uh, benefited. He suggested to the government of India uh that uh they create an empower ground contracts. In fact, the history is to the contrary. The founders of the uh of the republic at the constitutional debates rejected, uh, the notion of uh of uh Punjab Republic which wanted as as we do, uh, uh, beautifully raised to us Baker. Uh, Dali, uh, sort of founder of the Constitution was skeptical, uh, of the idea that you could have empowerment through these, uh, um, uh, through villages, but obviously that changed and that change was really very much an internal, uh, change. It was not prompted by any, uh, external agency, uh, and so it is very important, uh, for us that homegrown institutions like Rams Sabas are used. Credible laboratories which you've done uh to pilot and implement development solutions and innovations in matters such as beneficiary selection which the bank sort of tears its head about how do we ensure it's correct? how do we ensure it's robust and they've already been doing it as you tell us uh targeted distribution and the new frontier of data collection and credibility which is entirely new frontier for the bank where we are still sort of you know uh uh muddling our way through. Um, I certainly saw this firsthand in the West Bengal and Bihar Panchat projects for which I was the project lawyer. In both these projects. Our focus was on the infrastructure and finance of the Panchats, uh, but Bhu's book points us or shows us the way to have more substantive engagements with these institutions. In fact, yesterday, uh, Bihar announced a new focus on Panchat-led growth and so. This is very relevant to our work especially at the India program but also more broadly this work is an important validation of the bank's growing approach to focus on strengthening and restoring the civic bonds between the state and the citizen as we see in the manner strategy which Shanta gave us and is now his successor sort of revalidated. But it also has particularly useful lessons for the bank in fragile conflict and violent situations, which is my day job where national governments are distrusted, ineffective, or simply don't exist and the bank searches for effective local institutions and counterparts to do business with. This is highlighted by the FCB strategy that the board endorsed, uh, last week. Finally, the grounds of our experience is very instructive. To the bank's implementation of its new ESF, environmental and social framework, this framework seeks to advance transparency, non-discrimination, public participation and accountability in the development process. It sets out detailed requirements for how the bank must identify relevant stakeholders and work with existing institutions as far as possible so your work is tremendously helpful in pointing the way we're still in new ground there there are lots of guidance notes but all of them exist in the theoretical abstract sense and this book is a very important uh uh validation of how, uh, at least ESSN which is the bank standard on participation. Stakeholder consultation can be uh implemented in a very practical way using Rams Sabas as a possible interlocutor. In fact, the principal allegation in one of the ongoing cases before the bank's inspection panel uh is that a bank's finance project I actually was involved in it as a project lawyer but not on this aspect which is before the panel uh it the the allegation is that, uh, in Jharathan state this is the low income states project for rural water supply. Uh, the, um, the project team failed to obtain the grounds of approval for a rural water supply scheme under its jurisdiction. The case is still pending, and I don't want obviously to comment on it, but one issue was whether the consultation at the local at the level of the revenue village ground of us, so which is at sort of the uh at the. Primary level was sufficient because uh there were tribal hamlets uh within this revenue unit that had their own grounds of us that may not have been consulted so it also shows us we need to maybe drill down even further and I think you're quite aware and sensitive to that issue so those are my takeaways and thank you again for inviting me.
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Across the globe, democratic institutions are being put to the test. In this Policy Research Talk delivered on March 10, 2020, World Bank economist Vijayendra Rao examined three approaches to reinvigorating democratic systems in developing countries.
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