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From Regatta to Big Bang? The
Impact of the EU Accession Strategy on Reforms in Central and Eastern Europe
by Erik Berglöf and
Gérard Roland
Eastern enlargement of the EU
became a realistic possibility only once the Central and Eastern European
countries had embarked on their transition from socialism toward modern
democracies with market economies. Since then the desire to "return to
Europe" has played an important role in breaking political constraints and
sustaining the momentum of reform in many countries. Perhaps never before in
history has the attraction of joining an association of countries had such
profound impact on the political and economic development of an entire region.
In the countries in which membership has been a realistic option, the past
decade has witnessed perhaps the most radical reorientation of trade and
structural adjustment in modern history. The impressive record of the accession
countries stands out even more clearly when contrasted with the disappointing
record of the transition economies left out of the accession process.
Whether by design or through its
slow decisionmaking, the EU anchor has had a strong impact on the pace of
reforms in Central and Eastern Europe. This effect is increasing over time, as
the nature of transition changes and the date for the accession decision
approaches. Given the leverage of a threat to exclude, it makes sense for the EU
to postpone membership and use it to apply pressure on would-be members to
reform. The EU has converged on a strategy that makes sensible use of this
leverage. However, the policy has changed significantly over time, creating
uncertainty about the EU’s intentions. Recently, new elements were introduced,
undermining the incentive effects of the EU anchor.
What do we know about the effects of prospective EU membership
on reform in the transition economies of Central and Eastern Europe?
· The EU has played an
important role as an "outside anchor" to the reform process. Causality
runs both ways, but the likelihood of becoming an EU member has been one of the
most important predictors of reform. The importance of the leverage exercised by
the EU is particularly apparent when we compare the reform records of Central
and Eastern Europe with those of the former Soviet republics. Prospective
membership in the EU has helped focus expectations and create initial momentum.
· EU leverage grows as
transition proceeds but may decline once accession grows near.
It has been difficult to sustain the momentum of reform as the costs of
transition have become more visible, as initial enthusiasm for reforms has
faded, and as idealism has given way to cynicism and self-interest. As
willingness to make personal sacrifices declines, pressure from the EU becomes a
more important tool to maintain reform efforts. There is one important sense in
which leverage may be decreasing over time, however. An important reason
for the strength of the EU as an outside anchor is the broad popular support for
accession in candidate countries. As the EU’s leverage grows the closer
accession comes, it also becomes more intrusive. The attitude of the population
is likely to grow more negative as bargaining gets tougher and shifts toward
issues of EU self-interest.
· The EU’s
enlargement policy has evolved over time, with increasing emphasis on the
incentives of individual candidates to reform.
The EU has gone from dividing candidates into two distinct groups to allowing
mobility and eventually replacing the groups with a queue. By opening the door
to substantial exceptions, the EU has allowed for considerable variation and
created uncertainty over the meaning of membership. The prospects for early
accession have increased for some countries, while the date has been postponed
for the frontrunners. The net effect of these changes is uncertain, but they
have probably strengthened the incentives of the countries originally at the top
of the second echelon and weakened those of the countries in the top group.
· A shift to a
"big bang" strategy, in which all or most of the candidate countries
would be allowed to enter simultaneously, would seriously weaken the leverage of
the outside anchor. Such
a strategy would seriously undermine the incentives for countries to
differentiate themselves by accelerating reforms. It would also postpone entry
for the frontrunners. Moreover, a big bang strategy would be possible only if
many individual exceptions to the entitlements of membership were made.
· Sequencing entry to
the EU has important costs.
New temporary barriers will have to be erected between early and late entrants.
Some countries may lose existing preferential access, and the tariffs they are
charged on particular goods will increase. Excluded countries will also be
excluded from the broader access accorded to members. The effects of exclusion
are enhanced through agglomeration effects and loss in competitiveness.
· The failure of the
EU to implement internal reforms weakens the leverage of the outside anchor.
By postponing its own reforms, the EU
creates uncertainty about the value of membership. A more important, but
indirect, effect stems from the widespread perception inside the EU and among
the candidate countries that the pace of enlargement is linked to EU reforms.
Since the speed of these reforms is beyond the control of the individual
candidate countries, such a link increases uncertainty and thus weakens
leverage.
The European Monetary Union (EMU) provides an
"internal" anchor to continued reforms once countries are members.
The lure of joining the EMU thus serves as an important incentive once
countries join the EU.
Erik Berglöf is Director of the Stockholm School of Economics
(SITE) and a member of CEPR.
Gérard Roland is professor of economics at ECARES, Free
University of Brussels and a member of CEPR. An article based on the ideas
presented here will appear in the World Economic Outlook.
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